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Roll-back at Neyveli Nathu-la shows the way |
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N. Korea at it again
Between war and peace
Bon bibi in Sunderbans
Lady officer commanding New technologies making GM crops obsolete Poonch bus can revive shared heritage
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Roll-back at Neyveli IF
the disinvestment process gets stalled just because of some workers’ protest, it simply shows lack of commitment to reforms. Only recently, the UPA government had revived the disinvestment plan and after a great deal of thought. It was put in cold storage following opposition from the Leftist partners. As workers of the Neyveli Lignite Corporation protested, the DMK government in Tamil Nadu buckled under pressure. It sent a crude threat of support withdrawal to the Prime Minister to get the NLC off the disinvestment list. Giving in once again to the threat from a coalition partner, the UPA government chose to put on hold the entire disinvestment process. This has significant consequences. The UPA needs a lot of money for investments in education, health and infrastructure. Selling the government stake in public sector undertakings is one way of raising money. Besides, disinvestment can unlock the hidden value of PSUs, benefiting all stakeholders. The government’s plans for rural India like Bharat Nirman and the National Rural Job Guarantee Scheme may flounder due to lack of funds. Attempts to revive loss-making public sector units will also suffer. Besides, the Centre’s decision may dampen the inflow of foreign direct investment. That the stock market took a beating the day the Centre rolled back is an indicators. The DMK might have bought peace with the striking workers and achieved a small political victory vis-ŕ-vis the AIDMK in its home territory, it does not perhaps realise the over-all damage it has caused to the country. The party is going back on a vital decision taken in the presence of its two ministers at the Centre — Mr Dayanidhi Maran and Mr T.R. Balu. Coalition partners tend to extract a price for their support to serve their narrow political ends and coalition politics continues to slow down the pace of growth. Dr Manmohan Singh was right when he said the other day that bottlenecks to growth were more at home than outside the country. This is a good analysis; but what happens to the policy and its implementation is bound to have a bearing on the government’s image and credibility.
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Nathu-la shows the way THE reopening of Nathu-la pass for trade between India and China is an event of considerable diplomatic, trade and political significance. It signals the closing of one more ugly chapter in India-China relations that began with the 1962 war. More important, it amounts to admission by China that Sikkim is an integral part of India. However, skeptics would still allude to the low volume of goods likely to pass through this gate, which will remain closed during the winter months, the security threat it poses to India and the vastly superior advantages China will enjoy vis-ŕ-vis India. It is true that Indian goods will have limited market on the Chinese side from Nathu-la, which for a long stretch is deserted, whereas China has a ready market in Sikkim and West Bengal. As regards the security threat, it has more to do with one’s state of mind than the actual ground situation, which is as advantageous to India as it is to China. In fact, what Nathu-la has opened is the closed mindset on both sides of the border, which should hereafter be viewed as a meeting place of ideas, goods and cultures. With only a limited number of items allowed through the pass initially, the volume of trade would not be large. But the situation would change for the better with the whole Tibetan region opening up for the Indian traders and the Chinese traders in West Bengal. Seen in this context, the whole of South Asia stands to gain by the opening of Nathu-la. Trade through this pass can increase immensely during the next few years if roads are widened on both sides. Even otherwise, trade between the two countries has been growing during the last one decade. There is little doubt that the two sides have great stakes in taking forward their trade relations. However, there are some outstanding issues in India-China relations that need to be sorted out before slogans of “Hindi-Chini bhai bhai” can be heard in the continent. The steps the two sides have been taking to remove one irritant after another in their relations can, hopefully, lead to a comprehensive settlement of the border question which can lead to a new kind of relationship between the two nations.
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N. Korea at it again BY test-firing a barrage of missiles on Wednesday, North Korea has demonstrated once again that it is least bothered about the world’s concerns at its controversial nuclear and missile programme. Among the missiles it has tested is Taepodong-2, which has a range of 6000 km and can hit even the West Coast of the US. This is definitely a provocative act when the international community, including the US, has been stressing on a peaceful diplomatic solution to the North Korean nuclear crisis. Even China, North Korea’s closest ally, which has always been measured in its reaction to the latter’s attempt to acquire nuclear weapons, has expressed its unhappiness at the alarming developments. From whatever the reactions that have come it is too clear that the North Koreans by firing a flurry of missiles have renewed tensions in the north-western Pacific, causing particular concern to the US, Japan, South Korea, Russia and China. Apparently, they are in touch with each other to find ways to deal with a nation which has chosen to go its own way by developing nuclear and missile capability not needed by it. The only way for the world community is to bring back North Korea to the negotiating table by reviving the six-party talks, which remain stalled. The missile tests by Pyongyang may be aimed at seeking maximum concessions from the international community; or this may be North Korea’s way of telling the world that it has no intention of abandoning its nuclear ambitions. Whatever its plans, the world may not allow it to get away with its nuclear transgressions.
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It is not so important who starts the game but who finishes it. — John Wooden |
Between war and peace SRI
Lanka’s worsening security situation under an undeclared war is most likely to persist. Both the LTTE and President Rajpakshe’s government are violating the four-year-old ceasefire agreement, which, in fact, seldom was honoured seriously, but neither of them is in a position to formally break it and declare an open, all-out war. Both of them are under intense international pressure to desist from doing so. The LTTE’s increasing isolation from the European Union following its being branded a terrorist organisation was a serious setback. The LTTE has tried to soften the India front to compensate for that by issuing a fraudulent “apology” but in vain. The Sri Lankan government has also been restrained by the US, and particularly India, from continuing with the retaliatory strikes on the LTTE against its acts of terrorism and high targeted killings. India has genuine concerns that escalating violence is leading to increased flows of Tamil refugees to its shores. Besides the restraining factors of the international community and India, neither the LTTE nor the Sri Lankan state is in a position to pursue a decisive military campaign against each other to achieve their desired respective political goals. The LTTE’s constraints arise from its utter vulnerability in the east where the breakaway faction led by Col. Karuna has put it on the defensive. The LTTE does not seem to be in a position to even effectively operate its political offices in the east, leave apart military control of the area. This is the reason why the LTTE has made the control of the Karuna faction as the core demand for rejoining political negotiations with the Sri Lankan government. In the North, the LTTE may perhaps make a serious dent in Jaffna, but it may not be able to retain its control there. Nor can it take the strategic Palali airbase. Any military stalemate in Jaffna and a setback in the east can be politically suicidal for the LTTE. More so in the face of its eroding credibility in the areas held by it where the LTTE has failed to either ensure peace or deliver development to the inhabitants. The Sri Lankan security forces have been streamlined at the commanding levels but the morale of the rank and file continues to be low. It lacks even adequate firepower to launch a decisive military push that can force the LTTE to come to the negotiating table. Ordinary Sri Lankans do not want war and as such starting a full-scale war may politically boomerang on the Rajapakshe regime. There is, however, no military solution to the ethnic problem of Sri Lanka. It is a political problem and has to be addressed politically. The primary responsibility for a political initiative lies with the Sri Lankan government. It was the Sinhala competitive politics and ethnic obduracy that precipitated this problem into a major conflict. Any serious political approach to the ethnic issue on the part of the Sri lankan government must have four essential components. First is to look at the issue of Tamil legitimate rights and security beyond the mutual political rivalry of the Sinhala mainstream parties and try to evolve a broader Sinhala national consensus on the question of these rights of the minorities. Such a consensus was attempted sincerely only by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga among the Sinhala leaders, but her efforts in 2000 were not allowed to succeed. If President Mahinda Rajpakshe has the political will to address the ethnic issue, he needs to start with building a bi-partisan national Sinhala consensus on Tamil rights, by picking up the threads left by Mrs Chandrika Kumaratunga. He has set up a committee to evolve devolution proposals, but that may not really work to build the desired consensus. His own allies like the JVP have to be handled first. The second component is to work out a devolution package for the Tamil rights on the basis of a Sinhala consensus, announce it publicly and start implementing it seriously. The criticality of the Sinhala consensus and devolution package had been reiterated by the Indian Foreign Secretary in his discussions with the President and the Sri Lankan leaders in Colombo last week. The pretention of making such a devolution package to the LTTE may be made but in reality, the LTTE will never accept any political proposal except on its own terms. There is no concrete evidence to suggest that the LTTE would ever seek a negotiated political settlement of the ethnic issue short of ensuring its sole autocratic control over the north and east of the island. Unfortunately, the imperatives of cohabitational politics, contrary to a genuine desire to resolve the issue that drove the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2002 to accept the LTTE as the “sole representative of the Tamil people”. This has since then put the Sri Lankan government in a bind on the question of political negotiations with the LTTE. The sooner Colombo gets out of this bind, the better it is. The LTTE may be militarily the strongest Tamil group but it does not truly represent the aspirations of all the Tamils of Sri Lanka. Nearly 54 per cent of the in Sri Lanka Tamils live outside the control of the LTTE, in Colombo and other provinces. Many more are abroad. Not all, even under the LTTE control, accept the LTTE’s leadership voluntarily. They do so out of fear. The Sri Lankan government and the international community must evolve methods to help these non-LTTE Tamils to articulate their views and assert their political rights. The unilateral and sincere implementation of a devolution package will help in this respect. For this, the non-LTTE leadership such as of Anandsangari, Duglous Devananda, Siddharthan, Vardharaja Perumal and even Col. Karuna be encouraged and assisted to build a non-LTTE political platform. This could be the third element of Colombo’s approach. And lastly, the Sri Lankan government must undertake massive resettlement and rehabilitation work in the conflict zone for the Tamils and Muslims wherever possible. The international community must come forward to help Colombo in this respect. The Sri Lankan government should also reduce the day-to-day harassment of innocent Tamils in the name of security. The concrete devolution of powers, building up of non-LTTE leadership and relief to Tamils put together will erode the LTTE’s political credibility. This is not easy, but neither impossible. And if achieved, an isolated LTTE may be more vulnerable to military pressures. Ordinary Tamils deserve respectable option to choose to distance themselves from the LTTE’s militaristic approach. The Sinhala-led Sri Lankan state and the international community, including India, owe it to its Tamil citizens to create such an option if it wants to see an end to the ethnic
strife.
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Bon bibi in Sunderbans
SEPTUAGENARIAN Balai Das I met in the Sunderbans years ago had a sordid story to tell. The rigours of the terrain and the daily hazards had, like a relief map, drawn many a deep line on his rugged face. Showing scars on his thigh, he recounted his miraculous escape from the jaws of a tiger who had pounced on him when he had gone to the forest to collect honey. This miracle, he averred, was by the grace of Bon Bibi, the resident forest deity of Sunderbans. Bon Bibi is worshipped by the inhabitants at her temples deep in the forest. Miraculous stories of how Bon Bibi came to the rescue of those who were in imminent danger are rampant and on the lips of everyone. The worship of Bon Bibi is a kind of local religion which some say has Islamic influences. Access to this World Heritage Site (awarded by Unesco in 1997) is not quite easy. These forests are seldom on the list of average tourists to Kolkata. Only those with sort of professional interest or imbued with the spirit of adventure visit the Sunderbans. The forests are as deceptive as they are beautiful. They are the habitat of the famous Royal Bengal tigers. The other dangerous species which abound there are rhinoceros, leopards, hogs, hyenas and pythons. The archipelago of the Sunderbans are full of crocodiles and some sharks too. Among the innocuous animals are monkeys, deer and rabbits. The birds in so many varieties, both common and exotic with brilliant plumage, make the place a real haven for the bird watcher. One of the morasses, called Pakhihara or a kind of bird sanctuary, is ever vibrant with melodious chirping of birds who seem to hold endless lively discussions and I remember to have walked out right under the whole show. The Sunderbans are large stretches of tropical forest on the estuary of the Hooghly covering the entire southern portion of West Bengal. A fairly large portion of the jungle falls in Bangladesh. The name is derived from the so-called Sunder trees which thrive on the saline and marshy land of the delta. These trees have sharp spikes and belong of the red mangrove family. Surprisingly enough, such a place is not totally devoid of habitation. The struggle for survival and economic compulsions invoking the grace of Bon Bibi make the people eke out some kind of living here. The people are mainly engaged in collecting honey, timber and firewood or work as fishermen. Those who have taken up agriculture in such a terrain have to wage a constant war with the elements — raw, primal and hostile — to save the crops from getting inundated by blackish saline water. The pug marks on the soft soil of Sunderbans and the temples of Bob Bibi dotting the terrain will always remain a constant reminder of the hazards and struggle for existence to its inhabitants. Such are Sunderbans, world’s largest estuarine
forests.
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Lady officer commanding THERE has been great discussion in the press and television regarding the treatment being given to women officers in the Army, which has come in for special criticism. The Vice Chief of the Army Staff had to offer his regrets-cum-apology regarding his statement made to the press about lady officers working in the Army. The vice-chief’s statement was made because of the unfortunate suicide of Lt Sushmita Chakraborty of 5071 ASC Battalion at Udhampur in J&K on June 16. The immediate reason given was that the lady was suffering from depression as a result of what she considered “low esteem” because of the type of work that she was being made to do. As a junior officer she had to act as a convoy commander where she had to take slow moving vehicles to Srinagar from Udhampur, which takes two days. The drivers and the convoy commander have to spend one night en route, which can be uncomfortable. In case a vehicle breaks down due to mechanical failure or an accident, it is normally repaired under the supervision of the convoy commander. That is in fact what the Vice Chief meant when he stated that lady officers are uncomfortable at the unit level. Women have been serving in the Army and Air Force / Navy for over sixty years as lady doctors and nursing officers. Some of them have retired as Generals / Air Marshals / Admirals. So it is not factually correct that the women officers are not welcomed in the Army. The problem has arisen as lady officers were inducted at unit level in the Armed Forces about a decade ago, without deeply analysing the attitude of our society towards women. This seems to have affected the units in the Army, even though they are being taken in the support services only, like Army Service Corps (ASC), Ordnance, Education, EME etc. and not in the combat arms like Infantry, Armour or Artillery. Incidentally, in the Navy also they do not serve in the warships or submarines but are assigned shore jobs. In the Air Force, a few lady officers have become helicopter pilots, but majority of them are posted at the Air Fields on static duties. Both in the Air Force and Navy, the lady officers’ duties are not as uncomfortable as in the Service units in the Army which are located in field areas with hardly any worthwhile accommodation and other facilities, as compared to the Naval bases or Air Fields. So the lady officers cannot be as comfortable in the Service units in the Army as compared to the Air Force and Navy. But that is no excuse for the Service Units in the Army not to make the lady officers as comfortable as is possible under the circumstances as seems to have happened recently, when a single unfortunate suicide has resulted in the Army being criticized in the press, TV and even by a political leader. It is good to remember that unnecessary and bitter criticism of our army can adversely affect its morale and efficiency. What better method of denigrating an organisation than to run down its leadership, particularly its senior most leaders. No wonder, one of our neighbours has claimed that one of its soldiers is equal to five Indian soldiers! As it is, our Army is over-stretched, from Nagaland to J&K, and is under great stress due to constant employment in war-like situations for decades, and suffering casualties regularly. What are the main reasons which make ladies feel uncomfortable in the Army units? Perhaps the root cause may be the gender bias in our society and the notion of the weaker sex. To start with, it makes it difficult for our young ladies to operate in an environment dominated by men, particularly in field areas. This can be set right by improving the social system which makes our young men and young women grow up separately. We have followed the system of the advanced countries like USA, Germany, and France in introducing ladies into our armed forces, but our social system keeps our young men and young ladies apart. In the advanced Western countries like USA and others, there are common hostels for young men and women, both at university and college levels. They start understanding each other much better and so women in those countries do not feel so uncomfortable while working in a male dominated society or male dominated organisation like Army. It is for our leaders, intellectuals and educationists to introduce this system in our country also, particularly at the university level, to start with. Lt Sushmita Chakarborty was an MSc and obviously found it difficult to serve in a male dominated army unit operating in field area, as she had never worked or lived in an environment where men and women live together. There cannot be two systems, one for our army and another for our society. Meanwhile, it is not logical to compare the Army organisation with that of police. Their duties are poles apart. How many SP’s and DSP’s level police officers have laid down their lives while carrying out their duties during their service, while we hear every third day that an officer has been killed in action while dealing with terrorists in J&K or in the North East. Service in the Army is much more difficult as compared to police in every manner. There is shortage of 11,500 officers in the ranks of Lt / Capt / Major in the Army. Cutting down the shortage of young officers may be one of the reasons for opening the doors to lady officers. In any case, the policy regarding the induction of lady officers is here to stay in the Armed Forces. The army in particular and the other two services in general have to devise ways and means to employ the lady officers properly, while our society should think of social parity at college and university
level
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New technologies making GM crops obsolete FOR years the life science companies — Monsanto, Syngenta, Bayer, Pioneer Hi-Bred — have argued that genetically modified food is the next great scientific and technological revolution in agriculture and the only efficient and cheap way to feed a growing population in a shrinking world. Nongovernmental organizations, including my own, the Foundation on Economic Trends, have been cast as the villains in this unfolding agricultural drama, and often categorized as modern versions of the English Luddites, accused of continually blocking scientific and technological progress because of our opposition to genetically modified food. Now, in an ironic twist, new, cutting-edge technologies have made gene splicing and transgenic crops obsolete and a serious impediment to scientific progress. The new frontier is called genomics, and the new agricultural technology is called marker-assisted selection, or MAS. This technology offers a sophisticated method to greatly accelerate classical breeding. A growing number of scientists believe that MAS — which is already being introduced into the market — will eventually replace genetically modified food. Moreover, environmental organizations that have long opposed genetically modified crops are guardedly supportive of MAS technology. Rapidly accumulating information about crop genomes is allowing scientists to identify genes associated with traits such as yield, and then to scan “crop relatives’’ for the presence of those genes. Instead of using molecular splicing techniques to transfer a gene from an unrelated species into the genome of a food crop to increase yield, strengthen resistance to pests or improve nutrition, scientists are using MAS to locate desired traits in other varieties of a particular food crop, or its relatives that grow in the wild. Then they crossbreed those related plants with the existing commercial varieties to improve the crop. With MAS, the breeding of new varieties always remain within a species, thus greatly reducing the risk of environmental harm and potential adverse health effects associated with genetically modified crops. Using MAS, researchers can upgrade classical breeding and reduce by 50 percent or more the time needed to develop new plant varieties by pinpointing appropriate plant partners at the gamete or seedling stage. While MAS is emerging as a promising new agricultural technology with broad application, the limits of transgenic technology are becoming increasingly apparent. Most of the transgenic crops introduced into the fields express only two traits — resistance to pests and compatibility with herbicides — and rely on the expression of a single gene. This is hardly the far-reaching agricultural revolution touted by the life science companies at the beginning of the era of genetically modified crops. Of course, marker-assisted selection researchers emphasise that there is still much work to be done in understanding the choreography — for example, between single genetic markers and complex genetic clusters and environmental factors, all of which interact to affect the development of the plant and produce desirable outcomes, such as improved yield and drought resistance. So a word of caution is in order. MAS is of value to the extent that it is used as part of a broader, agro-ecological approach to farming, one that integrates introduction of new crops with a proper regard for all the other environmental, economic and social factors that together determine the sustainability of farming. The wrinkle here is that the continued introduction of genetically modified crops could contaminate existing plant varieties, making the new MAS technology more difficult to use. A 2004 survey conducted by the Union of Concerned Scientists found that non-genetically modified seeds from three of America’s major agricultural crops — corn, soybeans and canola — were already “pervasively contaminated with low levels of DNA sequences originating in genetically engineered varieties of these crops.” Cleaning up contaminated genetic programs could prove to be as troublesome and expensive in the future as cleaning up the viruses that invade software programs. As MAS technology becomes cheaper and easier to use, and as knowledge in genomics becomes more dispersed and easily available over the next decade, plant breeders around the world will be able to exchange information about “best practices” and democratize the technology. Already, plant breeders are talking about “open source” genomics, envisioning the sharing of genes. The struggle between a younger generation of sustainable agriculture enthusiasts anxious to share genetic information and entrenched company scientists determined to maintain control over the world’s seed stocks through patent protection is likely to be hard-fought, especially in the developing world. If properly used as part of a much larger systemic and holistic approach to sustainable agricultural development, MAS technology could be the right technology at the right time in history.
The writer, author of “The Biotech Century,’’ is president of the Foundation on Economic Trends — By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post |
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Poonch bus can revive shared heritage THE unprecedented euphoria in Poonch on the inaugural bus service to Rawalakote on the other side of the LOC is a measure of the popular enthusiasm and expectations from opening up the first bus route in the Jammu region to the other side. Most of Pak-administered Jammu and Kashmir is an ethnic and cultural extension of the Jammu region. When the state was divided following the Indo-Pak War in 1947-48 and the cease fire line was drawn, the Kashmiri speaking population remained intact in the Kashmir valley, as a part of India. It was Jammu region which got divided. As a large number of Hindu and Sikhs migrated from the Pakistani side and Muslims migrated to the other side from here, leaving their properties behind, the bitter memories of refugees made the LOC almost permanent barrier. But the bonds of common culture soon started reasserting themselves. When a delegation from the other side came to Jammu for an intra-Kashmir dialogue, they were overwhelmed by the warm affection they received form the people. Similar was the experience of a group of five Hindu refugees who visited Mirpur, the place of their birth. It was a once-in-a-lifetime emotional experience for them when the people of the entire town vied with one other to treat them as their guests for lunch or dinner at their house. Within Jammu region, Poonch had its own identity. It was a separate Jagir under the Maharaja of the state, a status which ended in 1947. The Poonch district composed of three tehsils—Poonch, Mandhar and Bagh—Bagh is now part of the Pakistani side. Many students used to come to Poonch for their high school education. Sikander Hayat Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan administered Kashmir, proudly remembers that he got his higher education at Poonch. The most popular folk epic on both sides of the LOC is Saif-ul-Malook. When people sing it, they are overtaken by a feeling of ecstasy. A simple incident would make its appeal clear. Two years ago, two teachers of Poonch were kidnapped by militants. Towards the evening, when they felt bored, they started singing Saif-ul-Malook. The militants were so moved by it that they became friends of the teachers and released them unconditionally. Poonch is also proud of having given birth to some celebrated literary personalities. Krishan Chander, the greatest prose writer of Urdu, belonged to it, as were renowned Urdu writers like Chirag Hasan Hasrat and Thakur Poonchi. The great historian Mohammad Din Fouq was also a son of the soil. A regular celebration of their day or seminars on their works should attract literary and intellectual personalities from the other side. Even now, a sense of common heritage inspires people form both sides. When for the first time the bus route was opened for providing relief to the victims of the earth quake last year, a large crowd had gathered on the other side to greet people on this side. Police had to use force to control them. A young man, escaped its notice and started offering Namaz on the Indian side. He soon picked up a handful of soil and managed to rush back. He told them that he was keen to get sacred soil from the Indian side which was the birth place of his ancestors. The travel facility must be extended to all citizens, including non-Muslims, and it need not be confined to members of the divided families only. The formalities and enquiries that precede the permission to would-be travelers, too, needs to be simplified. If the Poonch experiment succeeds, it should be replicated in the Mirpur-Jammu route, where there is already a vociferious demand. The writer is Director, Institute of Jammu and Kashmir affairs, Jammu. |
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From the pages of Magic circle
UP’s Chief Minister, Mrs Sucheta Kriplani, has put the lid on a piece of mischief for which there is no parallel in recent history. One can imagine the ignorant and the superstitious believing that one can be destroyed by tantric rites, but when a serious demand is raised in a forum like the legislature for a proper enquiry into it we are hurled back to the dark ages of totem and taboo, of hoodoo and hood-wink. But the belief in witchcraft persisted even down to the Middle Ages. Not less than nine million persons are believed to have suffered death for witchcraft since that date. After the plague and the Great Fire a House of Commons committee enquired into the causes of several misfortunes. The committee decided that what most displeased the Lord was the works of Mr Thomas Hobbes. It was decreed that no work of his should be published in England.
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There will be many obstacles in the path of teachers. There will be ridicule, sarcasm, physical obstructions, One who will remain unswerving in face of these will be the teacher. — The Buddha Whatever inclines a man to the middle path and establishes him in the mean course is conducive to good morals. The man who acts on the right occasion follows the mean path, which alone can lead to good. — The Koran Enlightenment is not obtained by idle chatter of prattle. The description of its essence is as hard as steel. We are blessed with it only by divine grace. All clever devices and willing bring only ignominy. — Guru Nanak God can be seen. One can talk to him as I am talking to you. — Ramakrishna
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