 |
|
Jessica case goes to HC Misspending resources |
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Run Reign
Diplomats vs scientists
100 “underground minutes”
Plan for informal sector Crackdown in Bangladesh The culture of conspiracy
|
Jessica case goes to HC THE appeal filed by Delhi Police in the Delhi High Court, challenging the acquittal of all the nine accused in the Jessica Lall murder case assumes special significance for various reasons. It is mainly because of the intense public outcry that the police has been forced to challenge the acquittal of all the accused by the trial judge (now elevated to the Delhi High Court). It is possible that if the people and the media had not expressed their indignation and shock, the Delhi Police may not have filed the appeal against the failure of its own officers to collect all the needed evidence and their possible complicity in distorting it, as also against the witnesses that chose to go back on their testimony in the court. The 228-page appeal, citing 92 counts on why the trial court verdict was flawed, is said to be a record of sorts. Surprisingly, however, it is silent on the alleged tampering of evidence by the police personnel or others responsible for it. During the preparation of the appeal, the police had indeed promised the media that it would have a reference to this vital aspect. For a proper re-examination of the case and meeting the ends of justice, the role of some police officials (including those who were present in the Qutub Colonnade party where Jessica Lall was shot dead) also needs to be seriously investigated. Now that the Delhi Police has filed an appeal, the ball is in the Delhi High Court. Jessica Lall’s murder is a fit case for a review of the acquittals and of the retrial of the accused. It is a case with serious miscarriage of justice where no one, for whatever the reasons, seems to have done his job as it ought to have been done. We cannot anticipate how the High Court would deal with the Delhi Police’s appeal. It could either convict the accused on the available evidence or call for reinvestigation followed by a retrial of the case. Now that the appeal has been filed by the Delhi Police — whether because of public indignation or because of a rare prick of conscience, if any — the people and Jessica Lall’s family will expect the Delhi High Court to take up the case urgently and ultimately restore their faith in the criminal justice system.
|
|
Misspending resources ON the one hand, states keep asking for more funds from the Centre and, on the other, they do not fully spend the money given to them. Hence Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, while responding to the debate on the Budget in the Rajya Sabha on Monday, was constrained to point out that the states were sitting on a huge cash balance due to an increased devolution of funds. To stop the states from resorting to last-minute spending towards the end of a financial year, he has laid the condition that the states not spending 66 per cent of the allocations in the first nine months would be penalized, apparently financially. It is well known that the states as well as certain Central ministries do not fully utilise all the money the legislature has sanctioned for them. Sometimes it is because of political expediency and at other times it is because of sheer incompetence and indifference. For instance, the Punjab government proposes to spend the Finance Commission’s entire grant of Rs 3,100 crore this year only, obviously driven by electoral considerations. According to the CAG report for the year ending 2005, the Punjab government failed to use Rs 55 crore of the Central allocation during2000-04. Giving an example of misspending, it says the Punjab government spent Rs 119.57 crore on assets that did not belong to it. Such use or non-use of resources is common in the country and goes unnoticed and unpunished. Erratic spending apart, the states unanimously demand a higher share of central taxes. Their 40 per cent revenue comes from the Centre. The progressive states feel discriminated against in the devolution of resources by the Centre. The latter can exercise moral authority on the states only if it is fair in the distribution of resources and, secondly, ensures that its own ministries and departments use funds efficiently and in time. Ultimately, it is development that suffers if resources are not put to optimum use and it is the taxpayers who have to foot the bill for administrative incompetence, delays and misspending.
|
|
Run Reign Cricket
fans will never forget the innings of 140 not out played by Ricky Ponting during the World Cup final against India in 2003, in the Wanderers at Johannesburg. That innings and the Australian total of 359 were simply monumental then. But if that was shock and awe, the mega-tonne batting explosion that was unleashed on Sunday in the Australia vs South Africa match in the same ground defies description. As four after four (87 of them) thudded into the boards and sixes (26) rained down, one could be forgiven for thinking that the metamorphosis of cricket into a totally batsman’s game was complete, and the bowlers were there just to toss the ball to them. It was almost a gladiatorial batting spectacle that was put up by the two sides. Sure, there was no Glenn McGrath for the Aussies and no Shaun Pollock for the South Africans. But no side can put up 434 in 50 overs without some outstanding team batting, and that is what Ricky Ponting (164 in a 105 balls) and company produced. Who would have thought at that point that bigger things were to come? South Africa’s awesome reply revolved around Herschelle Gibbs (175 in 111 balls), but when he got out, they still needed 136 runs to win. The day was not just about great batting, but great chasing. Javagal Srinath was heard lamenting at Mohali, “If a bowler asks me, what should I do? I’ll tell him, bat!” But that would be the wrong message to take away from the Wanderers game. A great cricket match is the result of not just ability, but attitude. Fans will be happy that we are still getting good new bowlers, like Munaf Patel. The lads should take heart, as trials by fire await them in world cricket. The figure 500 beckons. But for all that, such games don’t happen every day, whatever the venue and one’s talent and temperament. ODI number 2349 was simply too special.
|
|
To us he is no more a person now but a whole climate of opinion. (of Sigmund Freud) — W.H. Auden
|
Diplomats vs scientists AN unfortunate fallout of the negotiations on the implementation of the US-India nuclear deal was the impression created by certain analysts, including retired nuclear scientists, that the diplomats and scientists were at loggerheads over the separation issue. A blow-by-blow account of the negotiations shall have to await the publication of memoirs by one of the key negotiators and the truth may not be known till then. But if the history of the cooperation between South Block and the Department of Atomic Energy is any guide, it was a case of Don Quixotes battling the windmills. How I wish it was an orchestration of dissent and not a crusade by some to discredit the superb performance of the South Block mandarins. The chemistry between Pandit Nehru and Homi Bhabha was legendary, but there were rumours of differences in perception between them on the nuclear issue. But there was no doubt that it was the Prime Minister who called the shots even though he had the greatest respect for the views of the scientist. From then till today, there have not been any major differences between the view from South Block and from Trombay. In fact, many scientists have become consummate diplomats and several diplomats have grasped the intricacies of the atom to work together with the scientists to manage international nuclear politics. It has also been recognised that India should speak with one voice in international fora, where politics takes precedence over science. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is supposedly a technical body, but no other UN agency is more politicised than “the nuclear watchdog”. The man who has come to symbolise the IAEA, Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei, is a doctor of law and not of science. Our present Governor, Dr. Sheel Kant Sharma, is a doctor of nuclear science and not of diplomacy. Basic degrees contribute to the outlook of people, but what matters is a full understanding of the role of each functionary in the government and their competence and dedication to fulfil the mandate. The hundreds of scientists who work at the IAEA leave the politics to the Director-General, while they focus on their respective areas of scientific study and research. The way Indian diplomats and scientists have worked together in the IAEA should be a model for collaboration between them in other areas. There must have been some “turf battle” between the MEA and the DEA in the olden days when our mission in Vienna was set up, but there was not a single issue during my four years there on which I did not see eye to eye with the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. The Ambassador functions as the Governor, with the Director, BARC, as his alternate, while the Chairman leads the delegation to the General Conference with the Ambassador as his alternate. My arrival in Vienna coincided with the elevation of Dr. Anil Kakodkar as the Chairman and I have only marvelled at his mastery of international politics and his negotiating skills. In an earlier period, Dr. R. Chidambaram won universal admiration as the Chairman of the Board even though he was made Chairman over the claims of the Ambassador to be Chairman as India’s designated Governor. Still earlier, Ambassador Vishnu Trivedi made a great contribution as the Chairman of the Board. Successive representatives of the MEA in the DAE, though at a junior level, have played an important role in making and implementing our nuclear policy. The healthy tradition that has developed of Indian Foreign Service officers who go to Trombay being posted in our mission in Vienna has also worked exceedingly well. Only one Foreign Service officer is deputed to the IAEA, while our mission has lobbied successfully to induct many scientists at various levels in the IAEA. With the new status for India in the horizon, it will not be long before an Indian becomes a Deputy Director-General or even the Director-General. Against this background, the ultra-nationalism and excessive scientific pride that came into play when the negotiations were in progress were truly amazing. Some of the words used against diplomats and strategic thinkers by some retired scientists made it appear as though they had to save India and our nuclear establishment against our own people. If Dr. Kakodkar and Dr. Madhavan Nair were parties to the July 18 agreement, how did the Indian negotiators challenge our scientific judgment? The same negotiators battled the American efforts to move away from the agreement, though they did not, as some scientists urged, walk away from it in a huff. Options do get considered in the dynamics of negotiations, but in the ultimate analysis, no agreement would have been reached without the assent of the scientific community. One of the arguments that the scientists advanced was that the agreement of July 18 was itself not necessary and that India had nothing to lose by walking away from it. If this was indeed so, there was no need for us to cajole, convince, threaten and mollify the nuclear weapon states for the last 30 years or more with a view to ending our nuclear isolation. Our diplomats in New York, Geneva and Vienna and, indeed, successive governments in New Delhi did not have to find myriad arguments to justify our nuclear policy to the whole world. On the separation issue, the argument was that the fast breeder reactors should never be included in the civilian list. But no Indian negotiator ever wanted this. In fact, our position all along was that the prerogative of separation was entirely ours. When we conceded that such separation would be done in consultation with the US, nobody handed over the FBRs on a platter. When Dr. Kakodkar went public on this issue, he did so on behalf of India and not just on behalf of the scientists. The claim that the thorium route to nuclear fuel is close to reality came as a surprise. Again, if it was true, we would not have been so desperate to secure nuclear fuel from abroad. We would not have sought fuel in perpetuity in return for inspections in perpetuity. If the diplomats did not know that the thorium fuel was not yet ready for commercial use, it was only because they were not told so till the question of fast breeder reactors came up in the context of the deal. All is well that ends well, now that the PMO and the MEA, particularly National Security Adviser M.K.Narayanan and Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran, have ensured that the deal is devoid of anything that the scientists object to. But the sound bytes generated by our retired scientists, when they dominated the air waves as crusaders for the cause of Indian science, will be resurrected to our disadvantage in the ensuing battles in the US Congress, the Nuclear Suppliers Group and probably in the IAEA. They cannot escape at least part of the responsibility if the deal falls through in the
end.
|
100 “underground minutes”
IT was an unusual sight — one that took every onlooker by surprise. The famous Canary Wharf tube station perched in the heart of Canary Wharf — London’s commercial capital — was at siege. Or so it seemed. The drama began to unfold on a bitterly cold February evening. The hour, as usual, was one of rush, with everyone itching to get back home after the day’s grind. And there are millions who pace up and down the escalators at Canary Wharf station each day. It is the busiest segment of London and is home, among other top-end business houses, to the global headquarters of HSBC and Reuters. The frenzy surrounding the place is therefore normal. But just when everything seemed normal, the alarm bells started to ring. Emergency sirens were sounded; metro rail staff screamed panic and the electronic display boards blinked frantically, flashing the warning the Londoners hate to see after July 7. The boards declared an “Emergency” and the station staff added to the anxiety by making serialised announcements. “Please evacuate the station immediately,” they yelled from behind the curtains. On the stage, the impact of the announcement was more than dramatic. In a jiffy, the space was transformed from a high-end commercial settlement to a site of pillage, literally. As the seriousness of the situation sank in, the otherwise self-assured Londoners put their confidence behind and ran for their lives. They hopped up the escalators, jostling everyone that came in their way. And by the manner in which they ran, it seemed no one was in any doubt about the nature of the emergency. To them, it was none less than a “terrorist attack”. But serious discussions about the situation began only once everyone had settled away from the station. Safe and sound, they began the brainstorming session — blaming the ruckus on Bush, Blair and Iraq. “They are detonating a bomb,” said a commuter who had fled the station leaving his belongings behind. Another one was happy the staff had discovered the bomb. Several others stood in a corner, wondering what 15 firemen were doing inside the station that had just been declared the site of an emergency. They were extremely bothered about the presence of fire tenders outside, as also of 10 fire fighters who waited for their turn. The arrangement spelt fear and more so...danger. As the clock ticked, the adrenalin of onlookers shot up, with many reacting by picking fights with the metro staff that divulged no detail. Cops, however, tried their best to diffuse the situation by joking: “You will know the truth in a few more “underground minutes”. But the goings on inside the station kept adding to the reigning anxiety that hit its zenith when the last set of fire fighters entered the area. Now certain that it’s a bomb, people further scuffed their feet away from the station. But just when they were about to make the final retreat came the much-awaited announcement: “Ladies and gentlemen, we thank you for your patience. The emergency has been overcome and the station is ready for operation.” After about 100 “underground minutes” of intense speculation, the cause of emergency had finally surfaced. So much of fuss was over some smoke...and a short
circuit.
|
Plan for informal sector IT appears that in the era of globalisation and transnational corporate dominance of the economic sphere, the local non-descript economy characterised by marginalised vendors, small and tiny manufacturers and petty processors of small items needed and consumed by the poor has been forgotten. The informal sector seems to have either been taken for granted or presumed that it will be swept up or subsumed in the dominant sectors of the economy. Most talk about the poor tends to ignore the economic space, which they occupy and rather tends to focus on the economic and social development of the poor without distinguishing the role and scope of the poor in economic production and consumption patterns through the informal sector. The importance of the informal sector for wealth generation as distinct from the organised sectors seems to have been discounted. It is perhaps presumed that the poor will be able to latch on to the engines of growth by employment and self-employment opportunities being opened up in the manufacturing and service sectors. In the glitter and glamour of the outward symbols of the consumer-driven economic engines, they shabby yet well patronised rehri markets and informal mandis stand out in a bold yet unobtrusive challenge to the might of national and international corporate dominance, over the middle and upper class markets. Similarly, small manufacturing or processing that goes on in many of the streets, bylanes and homes of Indian cities, and many villages too, while appearing to be subsumed within the manufacturing sector are by and large not recognised as a separate and distinct sector because of the nature of such activities. Many such domestic and similarly placed enterprises supply items in a large chain of growing value addition, yet are special and distinct from the organised sector as they employ their own unique ways for production, skill development, access to raw materials or market access. From one end of India to the other whether in rural Bihar or adjacent to malls in upmarket Gurgaon, the visible signs of a strong and resilient informal sector stand mute witness to the fact that they are here to stay and will not get swallowed or extirpated from the economic landscape. These people need to be encouraged and not looked down as encroachers or spoilers of urban development plans. Rather, they need to be factored in by planners and local administrations. Given the apparent current fixation of those who matter on economic issues with subjects like FDI, Sensex surges, FIIs, international acquisitions by Indian firms, outsourcing from India and strong exports the need for taking care of the large informal sector, which looks after the employment and self-employment of millions of people, scarcely gets the attention it deserves. So many trades, which were a common sight in the past, are no longer very visible. They may have outlived their utility or may not be able to produce efficiently in a competitive environment, the fact is also that many products have become victim to changing tastes, and, consequently, cannot match the needs of the consuming public. The ubiquitous dhobis in every village and urban centre are simply not there in the same numbers as in the not too distant past. Mostly those who remain are now tucked under staircases or small booths ironing clothes for which there seems no better alternative — yet. The informal sector is not only growing but also constantly changing, adapting and reinventing itself. You, therefore, see imitation products made by local hands crude as they may be reflecting popular tastes and aspirations. Thereby the poor have access to replicas of branded products . The informal sector meets the social aspirations of those who want to break the social and economic barriers laid by the wealthier classes being serviced by the consumer industry. It is necessary to prepare, as soon as possible, a blue print for the informal sector. This calls for planning and design of the sector which encompasses several occupations which are covered under several ministries and departments and includes all municipal and panchayati raj institution. Therefore, first, a separate ministry at the Central level and a department at the state level are urgently required if tangible benefits are to accrue to the sector. What this means is setting up a legal framework within which they could work, sustain themselves and contribute more effectively to the economy. It is not to suggest that balloon-wallas, trinket sellers at traffic junctions or rehri-wallas outside public premises like railway stations or bus stands can be allowed to do as they like without controls. Rather it is to enable such people who are bound to come on roads or at public places any way due to population growth, unemployment, lack of opportunities, or poverty for eking out their living with support. This to ensure that they can pursue their livelihood strategies without their human dignity being violated or being exploited at the hands of government or local body employees. Once the informal sector is given an institutional backing and recognition, other facilitating measures will flow. These will include the setting up of infrastructure and marketing avenues so that the informal sector can actualise itself. Presently, such efforts are ad hoc in nature. While some ministeries have financial packages for people faling within their ambits to enable them to start or improve their small enterprises, some municipal bodies or village panchayats, in accordance with their means or with grants received, set up small permanent shops or markets wherein such people who can afford can set up permanent places of business. This is unfortunately inadequate. Such places of permanent business are constructed very frequently. They are few in number compared to the requirement. The local bodies or panchayats do not have the required area to accommodate even a significant fraction of the demand. Worse, these places are invariably to expensive for a poor entrepreneur and mostly the established business class of the town or village end up buying the premises to expand their business. What is therefore, required is for the country to make massive investments in infrastructure necessary for facilitating the informal sector to be meaningful partners in the growth of the
country.
— The writer is a Financial Commissioner and Principal Secretary,
Govt of Haryana
|
|
Crackdown in Bangladesh IN quick succession, Bangladesh’s crack anti-crime force, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), arrested Sheikh Abdur Rahman and Saddiqul Rahman, alias Bangla Bhai. Each carried a reward of 50 lakh takka on his head as they were the most wanted terrorists in the country. Sheikh Abdur Rahman, the chief of the outlawed Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), surrendered to the RAB on March 2 morning in Sylhet after a 33-hour stand-off. Bangla Bhai, the chief of the Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) and also deputy head of the JMB, was arrested in Mymensingh district on the morning of March 6 after a fierce fight. Till recently, Bangladesh intelligence agencies and Bangladesh’s political leaders claimed that both Bangla Bhai and Abdur Rahman had been given refuge in India. And from this they launched a propaganda barrage that India was behind terrorism in Bangladesh. Minister of State for Home Affairs, Lutfuzzaman Babar, had insinuated the involvement of a Hindu in the December 8, 2005 suicide bombing at Jenaidah. The JeI-BD (Jammat-e-Islami, Bangladesh) is no stranger to terrorism having bloodied its hands killing innocent Bangladeshis on behalf of the Pakistani army in 1971. The present crop of Bangladeshi jehadi leaders are battle-hardened from Afghanistan, Kashmir, Palestine, Chechnya, etc. They started returning to the country in the late 1980s, set up their network across the country, including arms training and propaganda cells. Some of the leaders were trained by the Pakistani ISI and the ISI’s terrorist outfits. Directed by the ISI and funded by dubious NGOs from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, they emerged as a formidable force for religious radicalisation of Bangladesh with use of force, if required. According to many of the JMB senior cadres belatedly held by the government under domestic and international pressure, these organisations are linked to the JeI-BD, its student wing the Islamic Chhatra Shibir (ICS), and some high-level BNP leaders. Mufti Mohammad Hanan, the main accused in the attempt on the life of Awami League Chairperson, Sheikh Hasina, in April 2001, when surrendering to the police last year, told reporters in Dhaka that he was promised protection by the earlier BNP Home Minister, Air Marshal (retd) Altaf Hossain Chowdhury, who is now the Minister for Commerce. Chowdhury had little to speak in his defence. Sheikh Abdur Rahman, when encircled by RAB officers, had first demanded to speak to Home Minister Babar and said he would surrender to Babar only. Babar, however, was conveniently out of the country at the time with his friend and mentor, Tareq Rehman, elder son of PM Khaleda Zia. Babar will find it difficult to counter at least the open circumstantial evidence linking him to the terrorist leaders. What is Tareq Zia’s connection? The timing of these two arrests is significant. Pressure on the FPA from the West on rising Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism has seen a sharp increase. Then Washington began coming down a little more heavily with the visits of Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, Christina Rocca, in January 2006, and that of Congressman Joseph Crawley in February. The messages that these two conveyed had the growing shadow of US President George W. Bush’s visit to India and Pakistan. Bush was in no forgiving mood as his message to Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf on March 4 testifies.
|
|
The culture of conspiracy Since the US vice president shot one of his hunting buddies, a number of alternate theories have been bubbling beneath the official version of events. Some have speculated alcohol played a role, while others have even suggested a heated argument could have preceded the shooting. According to a poll by Rasmussen Reports, 27 percent of Americans had ``serious questions’’ about the incident. Even if the White House hadn’t waited a few news cycles to tell anyone about the accident, it seems inevitable that the official story would meet with skepticism. Not because there’s necessarily anything unusual about a hunting accident, but because we love conspiracy theories. Dan Brown knows this. He’s made a fortune by tapping into our fascination with elaborate machinations of the powerful in “The Da Vinci Code,” published in 2003. He’ll make a second fortune in May, when the Tom Hanks-starring movie comes out. The Internet has certainly played a role in spreading theories of all stripes. But where do they come from? According to those who study the science of conspiracy theories, it’s possible that some of us are hard-wired to sense high-level plotting. Some research indicates that an excess of dopamine in the brain can cause people to spot patterns where others see only random data. Dopamine is the chemical in our brains most commonly associated with pleasure. Too little of it can lead to attention deficit disorder and Parkinson’s disease. Too much, though, leads to schizophrenia and other mental disorders. Researchers at University Hospital at Zurich found that subjects given a dose of dopamine were more prone to seeing faces and words when scrambled patterns appeared on a screen in front of them. Peter Brugger, the neurologist who led the study, says the results show that dopamine not only plays a role in detecting patterns in visual displays but probably in perceiving patterns — real or not — in events. A tendency to spot patterns and connect the dots is the foundation of conspiracy theorizing. “If there is too much (dopamine), you begin to develop hallucinations and delusions, including delusional ideas of reference,” Brugger says in an e-mail message. But can brain chemistry really account for an entire culture of conspiracy? Virtually every major event in history has spawned alternate theories. The Freemasons have designs on global domination; the Apollo moon landing was faked (with Stanley Kubrick directing the footage, in one variation); the Challenger space shuttle was purposely blown up as part of the cover-up for the faked moon landing. The list of events with alternate theories is endless, as is our fascination. Certainly the excessive dopamine explanation doesn’t explain the entire 27 percent cited in the Rasmussen poll. So why are so many — even those with chemically balanced brains — taken by conspiracy theories? Part of it is a natural tendency to find order in things. Psychologists say we’re loath to acknowledge that random events and lone screwballs can fell world leaders and cause so much havoc on our world. Assigning blame to the Mafia and other powerful networks is a way to make sense of it all. “If people see an event like the assassination of a president or the death of a princess, they’re more likely to see that as the result of a major cause,” says Patrick Leman, a psychologist.
— LA Times-Washington Post
|
|
From the pages of The communal award IF the summary of the Communal Award, as published in the Bombay Chronicle, turns out to be correct, we have no hesitation in saying that it will be received with a sense of profound dissatisfaction in the country. According to this forecast, the British Government have taken into consideration all the 14 demands put forward by Muslim communalists and, while granting some, have refused others. The Muslims are by no means the only community, nor the only minority, in the country who have put forward by those who claim to speak for them; and we can think of no value reason why in giving their award the British Government should have considered only the Muslim demands. The Sikhs in the Punjab had originally put forward even a larger number o demands than the Muslims, and then their conference only reduced the number to eight. The most important of the Sikh demands, which was equally the demand of the Hindu minority in the Punjab and the Hindu majority in the country as a whole was that under no circumstances should the Muslim demands for a statutory majority in the Punjab be accepted.
|
To change one’s religion under the threat of force was no conversion, but rather cowardice. — Mahatma Gandhi Know people by the light illumining them and do not ask for their cast-names; For, in Hereafter, castes are not considered and no one is differentiated by his caste. — Guru Nanak God does not mind our caste or birth. So let us learn the way of truthful living; For, it is one’s deeds that proclaim one’s caste and respect. — Guru Nanak What harm has the hair done, you shave them a hundred times? Why not shave the mind that’s filled with poisonous thoughts? — Kabir
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Mailbag | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
