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Iran in
the dock Son in the
saddle |
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Villainous
lobbies
Geopolitics
in N-ties
Lasting
bonds
My days
in Chandigarh Egypt’s
Nobel winner asks Islamists to approve book Chatterati
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Iran in the dock
AS expected, the efforts to avoid a vote on the Iranian nuclear issue at the International Atomic Energy Agency’s extraordinary session that ended on Saturday did not succeed. The refusal of Cuba, Venezuela and Syria to accept the US-backed European Union-Three resolution led to the members of the IAEA Board of Governors casting their votes with India sticking to the stand it had taken during the voting in September. This time, however, the situation was different in the sense that the resolution had the support of Russia and China too. In such a scenario, India’s interests could be served only by exercising its right to vote on the expected lines — going along with the majority at the IAEA. In the process, India has once again highlighted its commitment to the cause of nuclear non-proliferation. India’s vote for the “well-balanced” resolution, referring the Iranian nuclear file to the Security Council, does not mean that it has abandoned its interests in Iran, with which New Delhi has had “traditionally close and friendly relations”, as pointed out by Ministry of External Affairs spokesman Navtej Sarna. India is one of the countries which have ensured that “the Iran nuclear issue remains within the purview of the IAEA” till March. This provides opportunity for diplomatic manoeuvre to convince Iran that accepting the Russian proposal remains an honourable way out of the crisis. The Russian idea, which has the support of India and many other countries, means a joint venture with Iran on Russian territory for uranium enrichment to take care of Teheran’s “peaceful” nuclear programme. Unfortunately, Iran has taken a dim view of the IAEA stand and has adopted a confrontationist attitude which will not be in the interest of peace. Teheran should willy-nilly realise that the world is almost united in its stance against Iran’s nuclear ambitions. The IAEA will present a new assessment of the Iranian nuclear programme on March 6. During the interregnum, the world is going to witness renewed diplomatic efforts to end the Iranian standoff. Preventing the imposition of the UN Security Council’s sanctions on Iran is not only in the interest of peace and stability in the region, but also the rest of the world, whatever the Left parties may say on the question. |
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Son in the saddle
THE installation of the H.D. Kumaraswamy government marks a new beginning in Karnataka. It is the first time the Bharatiya Janata Party has tasted power in the South. Under the arrangement it has struck with the Janata Dal (S), the BJP will have the chief ministership for 20 months once Mr Kumaraswamy completes as many months in office. If a similar arrangement can work in Jammu and Kashmir, why not in Karnataka? But in politics there is no guarantee that such rotational arrangements will work. In this context, one only has to recall how the BJP-BSP pact in the nineties collapsed in Uttar Pradesh. Speculations will continue on the role former Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda and father of the Chief Minister played in the whole episode. As he himself seems to concede, few believe that he had no role in the formation of the JD (S)-BJP government. Whatever may be the father’s role, the son has definitely played his cards well to become the Chief Minister at a relatively young age. His abilities as a leader will be put to the test in the coming days as he tries to reconcile the differences between the JD (S) and the BJP. He has to guard against the possibility of the BJP using power to strengthen its base, which could be at the cost of the JD (S) itself. Having compromised the “secular” credentials of the JD (S), he will realise that his party can eventually be reduced to a junior partner of the BJP. Of course, this presupposes that the two parties will stay the course, which is easier said than done. Political cynicism aside, Mr Kumaraswamy has a huge task ahead of him. The state capital was once known for its salubrious climate, gardens and parks. Today it is the hub of India’s IT industry. However, this transformation of the city has not been matched by adequate growth in infrastructure like roads and housing. The situation has now degenerated to such an extent that if roads are not widened, water supply is not augmented and a mass transportation system is not made available, Bangalore will lose its shine as the most favourite destination of capital. If Mr Kumaraswamy were able to address these problems, he would have earned his spurs, no matter what happens in the next elections. |
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Villainous
lobbies
AN astonishing exchange has taken place between “Metro Man” E. Sreedharan and the state of Tamil Nadu, again, pointing to how badly-needed infrastructure projects in our country are held hostage to lobbies and vested interests. The Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) chief had been tasked by Tamil Nadu to submit a comprehensive report for a rail-based metro system for Chennai. Recently, DMRC received a letter asking it to stop its work. A surprised Mr Sreedharan, in a return missive, could only attribute the decision to the influence of the “monorail lobby with its tall claims and false promises”. He then proceeded to demonstrate that monorail systems not only cost 25 to 30 per cent more than a metro system, but had only one-third of a metro’s carrying capacity. Mr Sreedharan’s letter has even accused the monorail lobby of stalling the Metro project in Bangalore. Both Bangalore and Chennai are struggling under chaotic traffic conditions with both road and parking space at a premium. Chennai is apparently tilting towards the monorail, which will run over the ground, while even the Planning Commission has recommended metro systems for all cities with a population of 50 lakhs and above. Now, the idea is not to pronounce a verdict on the relative merits of the two systems. Mr Sreedharan’s arguments are convincing enough, and given his experience and expertise, one might well want to go with his views. The point, however, is that once again, when our clogged cities are crying out for mass transportation systems, officials and politicians see to it that nothing gets off the ground until they get their slice of the pie. By now, Bangalore and Chennai should have been well on the way to getting a Metro like Delhi, and we should have gone on to look at other growing cities like Chandigarh. Instead, it is stall, creak, grind, and groan all the way. It will take a lot of grease to fix that. |
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I absorb the vapour and return it as a flood.
— W.E. Gladstone |
Geopolitics in N-ties
Nuclear issues the world over have a habit of becoming contentious, enmeshed in nuclear weapon controversies. That is because nuclear science and technology are not viewed primarily as a means for development, for the salvation of mankind, but as the most potent lever for political dominance, thanks to the awesome destructive power of nuclear weapons. Geopolitics has been swaying over science. The India-US nuclear accord should not follow this trajectory. For, the accord is to promote civilian nuclear power and other peaceful nuclear applications. Even so, the Indo-US nuclear accord cannot entirely bypass these controversies because of the two decades’ history of nuclear powers’ sanctions against India: And India’s determined struggle to attain nuclear capability for generating power and other peaceful applications while keeping its weapon option kicking and alive. The United States has been in the forefront of this sanctions regime. Nevertheless, under the terms of the accord, it takes an about-turn, accepting India’s right to acquire advanced international nuclear technology for peaceful uses, including advanced reactors for power generation, without giving up its nuclear weapon capability. One might say: India has emerged victorious after a long haul! And yet there are doubts within the country, about the full implications of the accord. Are there hidden conditions? Is the Bush administration seeking to use India for help in its desperate muddle in Iraq in lieu of concessions on the nuclear issue? In other words, is geo-politics against swaying over science, albeit under disguise? One must keep in mind that India’s nuclear capability has reached a stage where it can stand high amidst the “advanced nuclear capability” nations and thus claim both the onerous duties and privileges that flow from this status. In entering the nuclear accord with the US, India does not speak from a position of submission; rather it speaks from a position of achievement. The accord is not one-sided: It benefits both sides. America recognises that it is not possible to achieve its goal of nuclear non-proliferation without having India on board as a key player. For India too the importance of this new phase in its nuclear status should not be minimised. An important gain for India is to become part of the global fusion research — International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor — in which the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan, China and South Korea have joined hands to build the fusion demonstration reactor that will deliver mankind from its search for the expanding energy needs. Each of these six entities are committed to contributing their prescribed share of building the Euro 10 billion ITER. India too will contribute its share — in equipment and know-how obtained from work on the Steady State Tokamak at the Indian Institute of Plasma Research at Bhat, Gandhinagar. To become part of the global fusion experiment is a privilege for India as well as recognition of its advanced nuclear capability. Entering the nuclear club elevates Indian capability immensely. For, indigenous growth should not lead India to make a virtue of isolationism. Scientific knowledge is universal and international interaction gives an enormous uplift. Equally important is the fact that with indigenous capability to back India, entry into the nuclear club is not an act of mercy. Once attained, it becomes India’s right from where there can be no back-sliding — India cannot ever be denied this status by virtue of its own capability. There are some ticklish issues in achieving the “separation of India’s civil and military” facilities, the former being placed under IAEA inspection and safeguards. But some fears in this regard are exaggerated, since India cannot be coerced into accepting terms that have adverse bearing on its nuclear technological growth, parallel to global advance. It is for India to define its civilian nuclear power facilities on which IAEA safeguards will apply. Two basic aspects need to be sorted out. One, that nuclear technology and equipment imports into India facilitated by the Indo-US accord do not flow into weapon making. That is what the US wants to ensure, and is entitled to it. Two, from the Indian point of view, that IAEA safeguards do not extend beyond the area of civilian nuclear power generation — essentially civilian power reactors, their spent fuel, its reprocessing, and use of the reactor-grade plutonium thus obtained. The Indian point of view is that these safeguards cannot impinge on other areas of India’s nuclear edifice outside the civilian nuclear power segment: India’s R&D centres and nuclear infrastructure. The safeguards cannot hamstring India’s weapon building facilities. In other words, the domain of the IAEA safeguards is the civilian nuclear power facilities and no more. Clarity and precision are essential in preparing the road-map for the separation of civilian nuclear power and associated back-end facilities from the other segments of the Indian nuclear edifice, more so since there are different voices heard on the US side. Also, the steps India takes in the separation of civilian and military segments have to be reciprocal to the adoption of the accord by American Congress and the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group. Indian commitments on the moratorium of testing are separate areas and have to be linked to international developments — parallel to the commitments of other nuclear powers, and not unilateral. So, too, will be the curbs on future production of fissile material, parallel to the restraints that other nuclear weapon powers accept, and depending on international negotiations for the Fissile Material Control Treaty (FMCT). Is India being offered temporary concessions because of geopolitics and strategic interests of the United States? Is the lure of advanced American reactors a mirage? One cannot deny the role of geopolitics and American strategic interests in the new nuclear relationship. The predominant nuclear factor, however, is recognition by the United States of India’s indigenous nuclear capability which makes it an “ advanced nuclear capability” nation. With its impeccable track record in the creation of a non-proliferation regime, India’s kinship becomes indispensable in a world threatened by a new brand of global terrorism. Some compromises may be necessary to see that the accord goes through. Flexibility is called for. The barometer in resolving sensitive issues has to be India’s national interests. This has been shown by the Iran issue, where new openings for negotiations are emerging, thanks partly to India’s role. As for the “lure” of advanced Westinghouse and GE light water reactors, it is not an offering on dole, but rather good business in the self-interest of the US nuclear industry that has spare capacities. There are no better markets for the American and French reactor industry than India and China. The latter is already being tapped by both the US and France. India remains the unutilised nuclear market — the only available nuclear destination. If the Indian nuclear market opens up, the French and Americans are sure to rush in with competitive zeal — perhaps reminding us of American-French competition, a la the Boeing-Airbus rivalry. Let us wait and watch. The Indian market for nuclear energy is vast and can absorb both. Who offers better terms is the issue.n The writer has to his credit a book, “India’s Tryst With the Atom”.
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Lasting bonds
Even though their directions were different, their goals apart, their thinking disparate, their views distinct and their ideas divergent, the separatist leader and the Army Captain shared a bond. The bond had not been created. It had evolved years back in the early seventies in a Baramulla suburb when the separatist leader was a simple shopkeeper with no ideological leanings and the Captain was a child who often played in his house. The Captain’s father, a Colonel, was posted in a unit in the same area. The place was beautiful, vibrant and peaceful and the Army personnel had good terms with the locals. The shopkeeper had come to the aid of Colonel after an accident and the two had turned into good friends. Their families met often in the evenings to watch the children play. When the Colonel left the station for his next posting, his children carried with them memories of their days of joy and merriment. As he grew up, the Colonel’s son also joined the Army. He returned to Baramulla nearly 20 years after he had left it, as a Captain. The Baramulla suburb was not of the Captain’s childhood memories. There was firing and curfew. A civilian talking to an Armyman was looked at with suspicion. The Captain was keen to know about the wellbeing of shopkeeper’s family. As he walked to the shop after all those years, no smiles were exchanged between him and the shopkeeper. Tears welled up in the shopkeeper’s eyes as he indicated that the Captain could come to a spot in the evening in plainclothes from where he would be picked up to take him home. The offer had huge risks but the Captain decided to go ahead. The shopkeeper’s son was at the spot at the appointed hour on a scooter and the Captain hitched a ride. The vehicle moved through meandering streets before stopping at an ordinary looking house. The Captain was ushered in. It did not take the Captain long to realise that the family had turned into hard-core separatists. The shopkeeper was heading the local unit of a pro-militant organisation and one of his daughters was sympathiser of the “Daughters of the Faith.” The girl, Captain’s playmate of childhood, showed him how easily she could strip open a pistol and then reassemble it. The Captain did not talk of militancy and the family not about the Army. He was served dishes of his choice as the family enquired about the well- being of his parents. It was difficult for the Captain to continue such meetings. Knowing his fondness for home-made Kashmiri delicacies, the family sometimes got a tiffin dropped at the gate of his unit. But it all stopped one day when the shopkeeper was killed. No one was sure who had killed him. There were indications that the shopkeeper wanted his daughters to get married to families outside the state in towns like Aligarh but the idea was not liked by some locals. The Captain visited the house some days after the incident but he could not get a firm idea about the identity of killers. Three months later, the family shifted to Jammu before it got lost in the anonymity of a neighbourhood in the vicinity of Srinagar. The Captain (now Colonel) is still waiting to hear about
them. |
My days in Chandigarh
I came to Chandigarh at the age of 10 in 1957. My school, college, law studies, failures and achievements, hopes and disappointments, struggles and successes were all at Chandigarh. The best of friendships and the greatest of heartbreaks were made and suffered in Chandigarh. In a way, I grew up along with Chandigarh. My decision to earn my bread through the spoken word was made in 1970 soon after a moot court competition at Panjab University, which was presided over by the then Justice R.S. Narula. I was lucky to be adjudged the “best mooter” and got the first prize. Justice Narula praised me lavishly for my arguments and said that I was better than 90 per cent of the lawyers practising in the High Court. Both Mac (Mr ML Sarin, Sr Advocate) and myself had regularly earned prizes in moot competitions. But that evening, we both decided against sitting in the civil services examination and opted for law as a career. Mac and I were and have been the best of friends. Both of us joined his father, Mr HL Sarin, as his juniors, on the day on which we were enrolled. Much of the work culture, discipline and ability for hard work were acquired by me under the tutelage of Mr Sarin. He treated us like his two sons and on every Friday evening, he would call us to his office and give me Rs 50 as honorarium and then give the same to Mac. Even Rs 50 was a princely sum for us. After about 10 months in the chamber of Mr Sarin, I felt that I needed to jump in the ocean of private practice. I realised that the lawyers as members of the noble profession, cannot promote themselves, and you have to be very correct about your attitude. To break out of the cycle, I started writing articles in newspapers in the hope of being recognised. Even though many of my articles were rejected, some were published and gave me hope of recognition. During this period all of us got married one by one. My own marriage came as a shock and surprise, not only to my friends but also to myself. My father just came home and announced that they had chosen the girl for me. When I protested that I had a right to know the girl I marry, he retorted “Thank your stars, she has not seen you.” The rest is history. The marriages of Mac, Harry, Kamal, Sarup and Surinder Nijjar gave us important diversions from professional worries. I started writing a book on accident claims cases, to be able to keep myself occupied lest I should get frustrated. I also started a law journal called “Chandigarh Shortnotes” in 1975. It was an experiment in providing only the relevant part of the judgments on all subjects to lawyers who did not have the means to subscribe to each of the specialised journals. In the beginning of one’s career as a lawyer, judges leave a strong imprint on one’s mind. Apart from being scared of entering the court of Justice Tuli, I remember, we used to tremble before entering Court No 10, where Justice PC Jain presided. Somehow he invoked extreme fear amongst the juniors. Justice Sandhawalia, on the other hand, was extra courteous and polite to the juniors. Even when he would dismiss your case he would invariably say “I’ m sorry”. The most polite and courteous Judge that I have seen in my life was Justice RS Sarkaria. Justice BS Dhillon was extremely pro-citizen, while Justice Tewatia would invariably suggest an argument in your favour. Justice SP Goyal and Justice RN Mittal were masters of civil procedure and were helpful to the juniors. Justice KS Tiwana struck me as a criminal law judge with an ideal and balanced approach. Justice MR Sharma decided cases at a supersonic pace and suggested a bargain to the lawyer that if he did not argue, the sentence would be reduced. Jusice Narula, of course, remained most encouraging for me as he had seen my performance in the moot court. The case which changed my fortunes was that of Mr KPS Gill then DIG of Police in Assam. I went to Assam, appeared for him and got him the bail and exemption. Consequently, I got involved in dozens of cases against other police officers and senior civil servants. For five years, I visited Assam twice or thrice a month. My fee was only Rs 2,200 per day, but I learnt a great deal of court-craft and handled the cases independnetly with the help of some other lawyers. When I reverted to my practice in Chandigarh in 1985, I had to build myself up again. With good fortune, I did a numbe rof important cases, as a result of which, I was designated as a Senior Advocate in 1987 on the proposal of Mr Kuldip Singh. I got involved in the prosecution of terrorists in various high-security prisons in Punjab. My big challegne in life came when I was picked up as an Additional Solicitor General by Dr Subramaniam Swamy. I had gone to Delhi in connection with a case, when I saw the swearing-in ceremony on television. In the evening, I learnt that Dr Swamy had been given the portfolio of Law and Justice. Next morning, I went to congratulate him at this residence. While embracing me, he declred, “Tulsi, you are my Additonal Solicitor General. The selectiona and appointment was as sudden as that. I moved to Delhi and one of my first assignments was the Bofors case and then the brief against Justice Veeraswamy, former Chief Justice of the Madras High Court. And then came the big test before the Constitution Bench in the case of Kartar Singh, where the constitutional validity of TADA was challenged. I argued passionately for about three weeks and dug out the entire alw from beginning to end. Even the government was shocked by the judgement which upheld TADA almost entirely. That perhaps created a problem for them because soon thereafter they allowed it to lapse. After that, I kept getting picked up by the Union as well as the State Governments in all sensational cases one after the other. The Bomaby bomb blasts, the Calcutta bomb blasts, the JKLF, PWG, LTTE, Rajiv Gandhi assassination case etc all fell in my lap. I had passed the test at the Supreme Court — Thanks to Chandigarh and Mr Sarin. |
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Egypt’s Nobel winner asks Islamists to approve book The 94-year-old writer said his publisher had asked for the approval of al-Azhar university, Sunni Islam’s oldest seat of learning, finally to publish “Children of the Alley”. The book was banned in Egypt in 1959 after Islamic scholars declared its depiction of religious figures blasphemous. “If al-Azhar agrees to publish it, then I want it published,” he told friends and supporters at a weekly get-together in a bar at the Shepherd Hotel on the banks of the Nile. Mahfouz, a 1988 Nobel winner whose sophisticated works helped to make Egypt the intellectual and cultural hub of the Arab world in the 1960s and 1970s, further dismayed his audience when he confirmed that he had asked Egypt’s powerful Islamic organisation the Muslim Brotherhood to write a preface to the book. He said he wanted the imprimatur of “the Islamists”. A friend and fellow author, Yusef al-Qaid, said: “This creates a dangerous precedent because it gives power of censorship to al-Azhar, which goes against the principles upheld by Egyptian intellectuals.” Another Egyptian author, Ezzat al-Qamhawi, said Mahfouz had “betrayed his writing”. He called his decision a stain on a glorious career. Raymond Stock, Mahfouz’s friend, biographer and translator, is among the dozen or so regulars who join the near-blind author for a weekly session of loud debate and laughter, a ritual since 1994 when Mahfouz was stabbed twice in the neck by an Islamic fundamentalist. The attack almost killed him and left him unable to write. Mr Stock said it was possible that the author was attempting a final triumph over his old foes, who regularly opposed publications they deem “unislamic”. He added: “If he can get al-Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood to agree his novel is no longer blasphemous, it means he has made them change their position. “It would be a great victory for him if they were to concede, and it would have great implications for other works which have been banned.” “Children of the Alley” appeared as a newspaper serialisation in 1959. Its central character is an authoritarian father-figure who banishes his children and retreats to his distant home high on a hill. Though he remains remote, his complicated character exerts a powerful force on their lives.
— The Independent |
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Chatterati Elaborate cuisine, VVIP presence, expensive outfits and exquisite jewellery if you think these are the only ways to flaunt wealth and status at weddings, you’re still not with the “hip” crowd in the Capital. For the latest fad is hiring bodyguards for brides and grooms. And security has little to do with it. If you expect uniformed bodyguards, you are in for a disappointment. They are in traditional outfits but their huge physiques and guns give them away. Agencies provide guards to weddings, but never has one come across a case where the client is in genuine need of a bodyguard. These guards are like shadows who follow the bride and the groom wherever they go. Today everyone aims to be a VVIP. A gunman around you 24 hours gives the impression that the person is a celebrity. Though in some cases, bodyguards are hired for protecting the bride and the groom who wear expensive jewellery. In 90 per cent of the cases, it’s just to show off. Well, in rare cases, these guards are also taken along on honeymoon. Security agencies charge Rs 1,000 to Rs 2,000, of which almost 50 per cent goes to the guards. But with the demand for bodyguards rising, so do their rates. As for the guards, they too bask in the attention they get too after all. People look at them as if they are VIPs too. Unlike other jobs they are assigned to — protecting VVIPs and tackling dangerous circumstances — being a guard to a wedding couple is fun. What’s more, they earn as much money as they do in any other assignment.
Focus now on Raj Bhavans Now that the AICC reshuffle and the expansion of the Union Cabinet has been completed, the left-outs are aiming for Raj Bhavans. While the posts of Governor in Patna and Hyderabad are vacant, half a dozen new Governor posts in several states like Bihar, Andhra and Meghalaya will also fall vacant soon. Margaret Alva, Vasant Sathe, Bhaskar Rao, Mohsina Kidwai and senior Congress leader from Kerala Shanker Narainan are all waiting to be adjusted as Governors.
New house for Lalu Yadav After being served two notices by the Bihar Building Constructions Department and an order from the State Government to be possibly evicted, Rabri Devi and Lalu Prasad Yadav have finally vacated the Chief Minister’s official residence after 15 years. Rabri Devi used the Chief Minister’s official residence as an unofficial office also. The Chief Minister’s actual office in the secretariat was never used and the lock was rarely opened as the couple used their residence as the office. To move Lalu’s family and his extended family of many horses, 200 cows and buffaloes, the auspicious day selected by astrologers was Basant Panchami. The last straw of holding on to power is gone. Nitish Kumar has been waiting impatiently for the day when one Anne Mark residence would be finally free from the RJD. In the meantime, Sharad Yadav in Bihar wants to take complete charge from George Fernandas. Mr Fernandas has recovered now after undergoing a brain surgery in December. So Bihar is over to new rulers, new games, new political alignments and, hopefully all these new developments will take Bihar away from the jungle raj. |
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From the pages of Rishi Dayanand
Swami Dayanand is a rare instance of a primarily religious reformer who place the political and material well-being of his people almost on the same level with his spiritual well-being. He laid great emphasis on love of country and was among the first in this generation in India to demonstrate the value and usefulness of organisation as an instrument of national regeneration. He was equally clear and equally insistent on the paramount necessity of the people realising their political rights as well as their political obligations, both of which he detailed at great length in his famous work “Satyartha Prakash”. Secondly, he was the first Indian on this side of India to realise the supreme importance both of the education and emancipation of women and of the all-round, healthy development of the child, who is not only the father of the man but also the maker of the nation. |
It is not easy to live among material objects and give up all attachment to them. The wise person is not disheartened by failures. He tries again and again till he masters the art. — Sanatana Dharma The warrior moves among the people like a tusker in his full glory, like a satiated lion. He towers above them like a cliff. Effortlessly he bears his arms. The people are happy that they have one such to defend them. — The Mahabharata The only way love punishes is by suffering. — Mahatma Gandhi Blessed is the wedded woman who loves her husband intensely. — Guru Nanak As the shadow is to the Sun, so is the soul to the
Supreme. — The Upanishadas |
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Naguib Mahfouz, Egypt’s Nobel Prize-winning author, is seeking permission from the country’s highest Islamic authorities to publish one of his most controversial novels, a move which has staggered friends and colleagues who see it as a capitulation to the power of conservative Islam.