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Throw them out Not a commodity |
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Murky way
Army can’t lower guard
Vikram Seth’s “Guru”
‘India’s record on nuclear non-proliferation impeccable’ How toxic is your bathroom? Quake survivors see militants as heroes
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Throw them out THE Supreme Court’s
obiter dicta on the manner in which VIPs have been overstaying in government bungalows in New Delhi was overdue. Such was the extent of anguish of the Bench comprising Justice B.N. Agarwal and Justice A.K. Mathur that it wanted Bihar Governor Buta Singh to be thrown out of the house that he has been illegally occupying in New Delhi. But Mr Buta Singh is not the only culprit of the kind. The Centre’s list submitted to the court carries the names of 465 people — from the BJP’s Jaswant Singh to Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav. Unfortunately, these lawmakers care two hoots about the rules on official accommodation that they themselves have framed even though it costs the taxpayer crores of rupees. Some of the bungalows with huge lawns can fetch a whopping monthly rent of Rs 1.75 lakh in the market. They are also denying accommodation to those on the waiting list. The illegal occupants fall in two categories: those not entitled to government accommodation at all, and those who are entitled to a lower grade of bungalow or flat than the one they are presently occupying. The second group mainly features former ministers who are now MPs but haven’t moved out of their ministerial bungalows to MPs’ flats. There may be difficulties in classifying them under “unauthorised occupants” or “above entitlement” categories. But the lure of a posh bungalow in Lutyen’s Delhi is so irresistible for our VIPs that most use one stratagem or another to continue. Some even obtain stay orders from lower courts against eviction notices and merrily continue to live in the bungalows. The Supreme Court has given the Centre time till November 16 — the next date of hearing — to come out with clear-cut guidelines on who should get official accommodation, when they should vacate it and, if they don’t, how they should be forced to vacate. As the issue mostly deals with political heavyweights, the apex court will have to closely monitor the enforcement of the guidelines so evolved. Otherwise, these VIPs will continue to flout the law as brazenly as they have been doing all these years. |
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Not a commodity THE established practice in India all along has been not to tax knowledge. That is why newspapers, books and magazines are not taxed. But through a draft circular which has no legislative sanction, the Finance Ministry has sought to undo this cherished principle. It has proposed a levy of service tax on the sale of advertising space in newspapers. Apparently, it is unmindful of the fact that advertising heavily subsidises the cover price of newspapers and any attempt to tax advertising will only increase price and, as a consequence, push down circulation. That will hamper the growth of newspapers in the country, which is dismally low to begin with. While metros do have a number of newspapers, hinterlands are virtually devoid of them. Burdening the newspapers through the new levy will not only have a disastrous effect on the industry, but will also deprive the readers of newspapers — big or small — at a reasonable cost. As the Indian Newspaper Society (INS) has pointed out, the Union Government had clarified in 1996 while bringing the advertising agency business under service tax that the tax would not be applicable to amounts paid for advertising space in newspapers. The October 10 circular of the Finance Ministry has sought to change the basis of the tax which indeed is a retrograde move. The newspaper industry is passing through a bad phase. Newsprint prices are hitting the roof. Not only that, it is facing a stiff challenge from foreign publications as well. At such a time when there is need for lending newspapers a helping hand, the proposed tax is unreasonable and certainly an unwelcome move. The Finance Ministry will not only be stifling the newspaper industry but also robbing the common man of access to information at affordable rates. The ministry must withdraw the circular. |
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Murky way ALL scientific discourse is supposed to start with clarity in nomenclature. Gentlemen were required to define their terms. Going by that definition, astronomers are an unscrupulous lot. For more than seven decades, they had us believe that there were nine planets, and that Pluto, discovered in 1930, was the farthest of them all. But as more “planets” were discovered, and various celestial objects vied for the distinction of being No 10, the International Astronomical Union decided that enough was enough, and convened a panel last year to resolve the debate as to exactly what was a planet. The 19-member panel has now come out with its recommendations. Always qualify the word “planet” with something else. Earth and Venus are “terrestrial planets.” Saturn and Jupiter are “gas giants”. And dodgy old Pluto? A “Trans-Neptunian Planet.” You see, the panel had to do something, for a few weeks earlier, a never-say-die team of NASA-funded scientists had claimed yet again that they had discovered the 10th planet beyond Pluto. The object was bigger than Pluto; so if Pluto was a planet , so was “Xena”. Mass is a key factor, which is why many don’t accept Pluto as a planet. Pluto is small, measuring 2,300 kilometres across, while the Earth is 12,756 kilometres, and the biggest, Jupiter, is 1,42,800 km. There are some 175,753 “minor” planets of which some 50,000 have been named or numbered. MIT’s Ceres Connection programme names minor planets after students who win international science contests. The most interesting take on the subject comes from scientist Mike Brown, who has been doing quite a bit of planet-discovering. Pending a scientific definition, Pluto is a planet, because it is “historically and culturally” so. Scientists, he advises, should just let go the term planet, and let “culture win”. Many others also believe that the effort to clarify the matter is doomed, as neither the AIU nor the public may accept ungainly qualifications. No wonder, astrology is so interesting. |
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None but the brave deserve the fair. — John Dryden |
Army can’t lower guard
ON October 8, seismic fault-lines made a mockery of the ceasefire line that was drawn 56 years ago between the Indian and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). This map delineation, which was renamed as the Line of Control after the 1971 Indo-Pak war, appears to have gone out of control, at least temporarily, by the fury of the massive earthquake that struck J&K and Northern Areas on that Black Saturday. Thousands have perished on either side, including many soldiers who were guarding the Line. The remoteness and inaccessibility of the area where most people live, not in towns and villages but in far-flung hamlets scattered all over the mountains, is making relief operations difficult. The onset of winter, tension on account of long years of hostility along the LoC, and the continuing cross-border terrorism are adding to these difficulties. On the Indian side, the Army, despite its own trauma, got down to round-the-clock rescue and relief work immediately. With or without equipment, determinedly, it reached the affected people to provide succour and aid. Its high sense of discipline and fortitude in trying circumstances was evident once again. After the initial earthquake shock, the state and Central machinery have also got down to relief work, with more and more NGOs pitching in to supplement their effort. It is hoped the media, which depicted the Army as the only image of hope and faith for the locals earlier, will monitor their efforts and give us a daily report card. The situation in PoK, which saw greater devastation, has been more difficult. The relief work has been hampered due to extensive damage to the road network and Pakistan’s limited rescue and relief capacity. Pakistan has had to appeal for international aid that has now started arriving. Foreign aid includes a NATO military element with medical and engineering equipment. Soon after the earthquake, many political leaders and media persons started speculating if this tragedy could be turned into an opportunity to further soften the Line of Control and improve Indo-Pak relations. The suggestion, I believe, was based more on humanitarian sentiments than realpolitik. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh promptly extended a helping hand to Pakistan. The Foreign Ministries and the Director-Generals of Military Operations of both nations touched base on this issue. Pakistan agreed to accept assistance but also mentioned the “sensitivities involved”. That was not surprising. There is a ground rule of engagement with foreign countries in national security policies, “You can have sentiments for people of other country but you cannot look at the other country sentimentally.” For Pakistan, the “sensitivity” obviously is “India”. Its Army, which dictates politics in that country on the basis of India being the only adversary and a continuous threat, cannot accept being perceived as unable to look after its nation or its people, particularly where India is concerned. It is part of a mindset. There is also the problem of its credibility with terrorist outfits that look up to the ISI and the Pakistan Army for guidance and support. It is unfortunate that ever since the Indian Prime Minister made the aid offer, both countries have got engaged more in scoring diplomatic brownie points than speeding up relief assistance to their own people up to the LoC. Such a dialogue does little credit to India or Pakistan. Pakistan’s response to the Indian offer has been somewhat indifferent. First, as if to score an immediate strategic point at the international level, there was a sudden increase in the terrorists’ violence in J&K, which also made a mockery of the ceasefire announced earlier by Salahuddin, President of the United Jehad Council in PoK. On October 10, terrorists killed 12 men belonging to the minority community in Rajauri district. On October 11, Army personnel killed eight terrorists in yet another attempt at infiltration across the LoC in the Nowgam sector, not far from the earthquake hit areas. On October 18, terrorists targeted Dr Ghulam Nabi Lone, J&K’s junior minister, and Mr M.Y. Tarigami, MLA, killing the former. This was the first such incident ever since Mufti Mohammed Sayeed took over as Chief Minister in 2002. Second, the Indian Air Force planeloads with immediate relief aid were accepted, in a reversed Gujarat earthquake role. Third, although some local-level cooperation was already going on (a lost Indian Army jawan was promptly returned, and rescue helicopters on both sides were flying perilously close to the LoC, overlooking the laid down flying restrictions), there was strong Pakistan official reaction to a media report about some Indian Army personnel having crossed the LoC to help Pakistani soldiers near the Kaman post. Not unexpectedly, Pakistan refused to allow Indian troops or helicopters into PoK territory for providing any relief aid. In a post-earthquake interview over the CNN, President Pervez Musharraf highlighted a possible Kashmir solution instead of relief assistance from India. When, despite Pakistan’s indifferent response, India persisted with its offer of help and made a unilateral announcement to set up composite relief and rehabilitation points at three places along the LoC on October 21, Pakistan responded by announcing five such points — two more than India — on October 22. The brownie point scoring thus goes on! What does the latest offer of opening cross-border assistance points on the LoC imply for the Indian troops? With effect from October 25, Indian troops have made (a) arrangements to deliver relief materials and supplies for the quake-affected areas, (b) provide day and night medical facilities, (d) make arrangements for providing relief material, food, drinking water and temporary accommodation, and (d) allow people (of J&K) to meet relatives on either side. It seems some people in Delhi have forgotten that the personnel deployed along the LoC are soldiers, whose primary job is to defend Indian territory and to check the continuing infiltration. They are not diplomats. So long as terrorists’ violence and cross-border infiltration goes on, all cross-border activities would need to be looked at with suspicion. Security measures cannot be relaxed. And yet, if arrangements at the envisaged sites and the conduct of the troops do not come up to the expectations of the locals, or if there is any security-related incident, these troops are likely to be targeted by everyone, including the media. This delicate political exercise will require detailed operating procedures, briefings and re-orientation of mind, close supervision, and very high discipline. Such roles cannot be changed by pushing a button. It is a tall political order at short notice. The stakes are high and failure, or lack of success, may cause a setback to the progress already made in India-Pakistan relations. It is hoped that some state, Home and External Affairs Ministry officials will also be deployed alongside troops at all these sites. War, Clausewitz noted, is a continuation of politics by other means. What we are seeing in Indo-Pak security relations today is a continuing erosion of the dividing lines between war and politics. It is a testing time and a challenging task for the Indian
Army. The writer, a former Chief of Army Staff, is President, ORF Institute of Security Studies, New Delhi.
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Vikram Seth’s “Guru”
AS all the limelight falls on the celebrity writer Vikram Seth at the release of his recent book Two Lives; in the quiet shadows of Chandigarh lives “Guru” - his erstwhile housemaster at the Doon School. Beaming with pride, the reclusive but sprightly octogenarian Gurdial Singh - fondly called “Guru” by the boys — has wonderful memories of his old pupil. Recalling the future prodigy’s early literary forays he remembers, “Vicky( as he calls Seth) had read all the classics at a very young age, edited the school weekly and even compiled a monumental quiz book…” No wonder, Seth’s mother Leila Seth in her autobiography On Balance writes: “There is no doubt that the biggest influence on him in school was his housemaster, Guru, a bachelor and an avid lover of the mountains. He had been a part of various Everest expeditions … taught geography and guided Vikram in many ways. He encouraged him to appreciate Western classical music and allowed him to listen to his prized collection of records”. Rather prophetically, Singh wrote in Seth’s 1968 term report: “Fortunate is the school which has a boy like him on its rolls, and fortunate the housemaster who has a boy like him under his care”. Interestingly, Singh who is close to the Seth family, has a historic connection with the protagonists of Two Lives, that is, Seth’s great-uncle Shanti and his German wife Henna. Over a drink in the veranda of his cottage he remembers meeting them: “In August 1985, while visiting Vicky at Stanford, soon after his Golden Gate fame, he first mentioned to me be about his fascinating ‘Uncle Shanti’ and ‘Aunty Henny’ at London; and asked if I would like to meet them during my stopover there. I said yes, and called on them, at their now rather famous 18 Queens Road house on a cold, windy day”. Singh recalls Shanti as a short, squat man with a rich brown complexion; a warm and friendly person — and Henna as a woman with a distinct old-age charm, but a little aloof. Over coffee and cake, the conversation mostly revolved around Seth and his grand literary success. “Finally, I took leave,” he adds, “and left a bottle of Glenffidich, the premium single malt Scotch for Vicky. Later, of course, I realised the social faux pas of not gifting it to them instead …” Little, of course, did he know that the couple would one day become the inspiration and characters of Seth’s famous book. As Singh proudly shows me the exquisite, inscribed copy of Two lives sent to him by Seth, the poetic flourishes of special words say it all. “For ‘Guru’ with love ..”
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‘India’s record on nuclear non-proliferation impeccable’ THERE is a vigorous, and in my opinion, a healthy debate under way currently on a range of issues that relate to nuclear non-proliferation and international security. A number of recent developments, including the “Next Steps in Strategic Partnership” (NSSP), the July 18 agreement with the United States, the September vote in the IAEA and the recent deliberations of the NSG have contributed to that. While connecting the common threads, it is our case that India’s approach to nuclear non-proliferation has been a consistent one, a principled one and one grounded as much in our national security interests as in our commitment to a rule-based international system. Since 1998, a key challenge to India’s foreign policy has been to seek global recognition and understanding of its impeccable record on non-proliferation despite its decision to acquire nuclear weapons. This recognition is important though some may not see it that way. We live in an increasingly globalised world and as India’s economy shifts towards greater technological sophistication, it will need access to cutting-edge technologies in virtually all fields. In each of the recent initiatives India has taken, whether the NSSP, the July-18 Indo-U.S. Joint Statement, the applications to participate in ITER and Generation IV, Glonass and Galileo Satellite Navigation Systems, the Indo-U.S.Space Launch Agreement, and several others, this technological compulsion has been a major consideration. These would not have been possible, and India could have remained in a technological strait-jacket had it not backed up its commitment to non-proliferation with the adoption of global norms as has been done by other states with advanced nuclear technology. The cumulative results of the steps we have taken, such as enactment of the WMD Bill, the upgradation of the national export control lists so as to harmonise them with those of the NSG and MTCR, the proposed separation of our civilian and military nuclear facilities and the negotiation of an additional Protocol with the IAEA, is to increase the confidence of the international community in the robustness and effectiveness of our export control systems making us a more viable destination of advanced dual use technologies. With the U.S., there is already a more liberal and predictable licensing of dual use technology for Indian industry. We have a situation today where the government has created a favourable enabling environment and it is our end-users who should display greater vigour in taking advantage of resultant opportunities. China, with a much less favourable licensing regime, imports ten times the dual technology that we do from the United States. For our space and nuclear industries, the completion of NSSP resulted in the removal of many of our organisations from the Entity List, with consequent licensing benefits. Some organisations remain listed and we continue to work for their removal. The ‘NSG plus’ and ‘MTCR plus’ restrictions that were in place were also done away with. The space industry today is permitted direct cooperation for developing, producing, marketing and operating US commercial satellites and those of third nations that contain US origin components. It created the basis for discussions that we have currently on the conclusion of a bilateral space launch agreement with the U.S. It has also contributed to a useful dialogue on the subject of missile defence. The exception for India is rooted precisely in its record on non-proliferation, even though it is not formally a member of the NPT. It is significant to note that the Indo-US understanding in civilian nuclear cooperation is prefaced by President Bush conveying his appreciation for India’s strong commitment to preventing WMD proliferation. He has acknowledged India as a responsible State with advanced nuclear technology. There is today no other state, which has this record of responsibility and is still denied non-discriminatory access to civilian nuclear technology. Secondly, our export controls are today at global standards and our policy of non-transfer of re-processing and enrichment technologies, in fact, put us in an “NPT plus” category. Thirdly, in considering its approach towards the resumption of full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India, the international community has to ask itself whether India is a partner or a target for the global non-proliferation regime. It clearly cannot be both at the same time. Our view is that India’s commitment and India’s record points to it being a partner. Technology-denial regimes that treat India as a target must, therefore, be abandoned. Fourthly, the international community also needs to ask whether the global non-proliferation regime is better with India inside the tent or outside. As a corollary, will civil nuclear cooperation with India strengthen the non-proliferation system or weaken it? Obviously, we cannot be inside the tent if we do not measure up to the required norms. We, of course, are convinced that we do, for the reasons that I have already enumerated. India is poised today to enter a new phase in its foreign policy. We aspire to be a permanent member of the Security Council. We are demonstrating a growing capability to shoulder regional and global responsibilities. Excerpted from the lecture the writer — India’s Foreign Secretary — gave on “Nuclear Non-Proliferation and International Security” recently at India Habitat Centre, New Delhi |
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Be warned: your daily beauty regime could be taking years off your life. Pat Thomas reports on the chemical timebomb in your cosmetics cabinet EARLIER this year, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) did something amazing. It issued an unprecedented warning to the cosmetics industry that it was time to inform consumers that most personal care products have not been safety tested. Where the US goes, the UK inevitably follows. If the FDA starts the ball rolling by flexing its muscles, it is possible that in the not too distant future 99 per cent of personal care products could be required to carry a caution on the label: “Warning: The safety of this product has not been determined.” What concerns scientists at the FDA and at environmental health organisations throughout the world is the “cocktail effect” - the daily mixing of many different types of toxins in and on the body - and how this might damage health over the longer term. On average, we each use nine personal care products a day containing 126 different ingredients. Such “safety” testing as exists looks for reactions, such as skin redness, rashes or stinging, but does not investigate potential long-term problems for either humans or the environment. Yet the chemicals that go into products such as shampoos and hand creams are not trace contaminants. They are the basic ingredients. Absorbed into the body, they can be stored in fatty tissue or organs such as the liver, kidney, reproductive organs and brain. Cosmetics companies complain of unfounded hysteria, but scientists are finding industrial plasticisers such as phthalates in urine, preservatives known as parabens in breast-tumour tissue, and antibacterials such as Triclosan and fragrance chemicals like the hormone-disrupting musk xylene in human breast milk. Medical research is proving that fragrances can trigger asthma; that the detergents in shampoos can damage eye tissue; and that hair-dye chemicals can cause bladder cancer and lymphoma. An even greater number of substances in personal care products are suspected to present potential risks to human health from this known effect on animals. If these problems had been linked to pharmaceutical drugs, the products would have been taken off the market. At the very least, money would have been spent on safety studies. But because the cosmetics industry is largely self-governing, and because we all want to believe in the often hollow promises of better skin and whiter teeth, products containing potentially harmful substances remain in use and on sale. Think it can’t be that bad? Consider what goes into some of the UK’s most popular toiletries. CLAIROL HERBAL SHAMPOO What they claim: A totally organic experience. But watch out: It looks and smells appealing because it is coloured using four potentially cancer-causing dyes (CI 17200, CI 15510, CI 42053, CI 60730) and perfumed with synthetic fragrances that are known neurotoxins and skin irritants. Among its detergents, sodium lauryl sulphate can irritate skin and permanently damage eye tissue, and sodium laureth sulphate and cocamide MEA can be contaminated with 1,4-dioxane, a hormone disrupter associated with breast cancer. Cocamidopropyl betaine, another detergent, is a penetration enhancer, as is the solvent propyelel glycol and the preservative tetrasodium EDTA; all allow other chemicals to pene- trate more deeply into skin and bloodstream. — The Independent |
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Quake survivors see militants as heroes
SALOONA (Pakistan): In the eyes of earthquake survivors, the heroes in this devastated valley are not soldiers or relief workers, but guerrillas notorious for suicide bombings and kidnappings. The 7.6-magnitude quake destroyed around 100 mud-brick homes and a mosque in this village on the morning of Oct. 8. For the first six hours, injured and terrified villagers were on their own as they tried to save those dying in the rubble. Then more than 15 militants arrived from a camp concealed in the mountaintop pine forest above Saloona. They even brought their own medics with them. “They provided emergency treatment to the injured,’’ said villager Haisa Khan, 65. “They started removing people trapped under the debris. They rescued people we couldn’t. Then they dug graves for the dead.’’ President Pervez Musharraf repeatedly has assured U.S. and other foreign officials that he has dismantled militant training camps on Pakistani territory. But interviews with villagers and militants in several regions of North-West Frontier province and Pakistan-controlled Kashmir last week indicate that a disciplined and well-organized network of guerrilla groups still exists. Some of the militant groups fighting Indian rule in the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir have been linked to Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaida network, and to the Taliban-led insurgency in neighboring Afghanistan. The militants have long been associated with the Pakistani military’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency. In this valley about 70 miles north of Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, villagers say militants from a camp run by the Al Badr Mujahedeen were the first responders to the quake, which killed 17 people in Saloona and injured four others, including a boy who said militants tended to his broken ankle after rescuing him from the rubble of his home. Al Badr is one of about a dozen guerrilla forces fighting in Indian Kashmir. It is one of the smaller factions, but India’s security forces consider it a ruthless terror group whose tactics include suicide bombings, which are rare in Kashmir. Although India and the United States have declared Al Badr a terrorist organization, it is not on Pakistan’s list of 16 banned militant groups. It has had a camp on Tanglai mountain for at least six or seven years, villager Khan said. The people who live in the villages scattered throughout the valley below the camp say they rarely see the militants unless there’s an emergency and they come to provide aid. The villagers’ only complaint about the militants was that their donated tents leak in torrential rain that has drenched the region as winter approaches. India’s security forces have reported clashes with Al Badr militants as recently as this summer. In July, Al Badr militants were involved in the kidnapping of five civilians whose bodies were later found on the outskirts of Srinagar, summer capital of Indian Kashmir, the security forces say. Last February, Al Badr claimed responsibility for a raid on a government building in Srinagar in which at least five people, including two attackers, died. But in these parts, Al Badr has a sterling reputation. It’s the army and the government that locals don’t like. Villagers say the only soldiers they have seen since the quake were on their way somewhere else. Ten days after the quake, army troops leading the relief effort still hadn’t reached thousands of villagers isolated by landslides and the raging Neelum River. But high in the mountains, fighters in the outlawed Jaish-e-Mohammed force were trekking along dirt tracks to deliver food, medicine and plastic tarps to desperate survivors. —
LA Times-Washington Post
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From the pages of Thirsty people in trains RAILWAY travellers in India, especially in the hot weather, suffer very severely from thirst. There is a prejudice among Europeans against drinking the water which may easily be procured at wayside stations and carried in the handy earthenware bottles procurable everywhere, though some Europeans whose experience is greater than their prejudices make out very well with it. The supply of aerated waters on Indian trains is very poorly managed and on the long runs, except on the few corridor trains, not to be got at for perhaps hours at a stretch. American enterprise solves such questions, driven thereto, no doubt by the fact that the sovereign American people reserve the right of picking up a row with a threat of lynching lying behind whenever they get uncomfortable by anyone’s default.
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Persistent people begin their success where others end in failure. —Book of quotations on Success Religions die when they are proved to be true. Science is the record of dead religions. —Book of quotations on Religion You must get involved to have an impact. No one is impressed with the won-lost record of the referee. —John Holcomb Emulate the learned and the pious in all your thoughts and deeds. —The Upanishads This wise surrender to God by realising—after many births—that everything in the universe and the world is nothing but his manifestation. Such a great soul is very rare. —The Mahabharata
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