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Dissolved, at last Terror show |
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Poisonous brew Urea in milk! Where are we headed? SHOCKING would be a very mild word to describe the report that unscrupulous manufacturers have been liberally adding urea to cattle feed.
Coalition compulsions
That couple
Having choice in marriage 800-year-old monastery to be renovated
Delhi Durbar
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Dissolved, at last MONDAY'S dissolution of the Bihar Assembly was not entirely unexpected ever since the people of the state threw up a fractured mandate. The dissolution was in-built in the fractured mandate itself as no party or alliance had the required numbers to form the government. The Centre imposed President’s rule and kept the Assembly under suspended animation with the hope that it could pave the way for a coalition government of likeminded parties in due course of time. However, the hurried manner in which the Centre dissolved the House (after obtaining President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s approval from Moscow) is bound to be viewed with a great deal of suspicion. For the action, taken under pressure from Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav, is seen as an attempt to foil JD (U) leader Nitish Kumar’s efforts to form a government following accretion of support to him from a sizeable chunk of the Lok Janshakti Party members. Not surprisingly, the National Democratic Alliance has condemned the partisan role of the Centre and Bihar Governor Buta Singh in the episode. It is sad that another election has been imposed on a poor state like Bihar. Clearly, personal egos and clashes between the LJP and JD (U) leaders had prevented the emergence of a new alternative to the Rashtriya Janata Dal dispensation. In particular, Mr Ram Vilas Paswan’s demand for President’s rule after the results were declared and his insistence on a Muslim Chief Minister hindered all prospects of government formation. Of course, the composition of the 243-member dissolved House was such that it was doubtful whether a new government would have guaranteed stability. The Election Commission has to order fresh elections by November, i.e. within six months of the date of the dissolution of the House. But while fixing the schedule, it will have to examine various factors such as school examinations, weather and logistics. Bihar has earned notoriety for various ills, including criminalisation of politics. Ensuring free and fair elections will be a daunting task for the commission. At the same time, the Governor’s role will come under critical scrutiny. Sadly, his style of functioning in the past few weeks seems clearly partisan and does not inspire much confidence. |
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Terror show THE arrest of a Lashkar-e-Toiba militant in Delhi shows clearly that antinational elements are more than eager to exploit the situation caused by the “Jo Bole So Nihal” controversy to disturb the peace in the country. It is good that the security agencies have acted quickly otherwise there were chances that the blame would be placed squarely at the doors of Sikhs wanting a ban on the screening of the film. That was an unholy plan that may not succeed. The SGPC had said emphatically that while it was against the film, it or its supporters had nothing to do with the blasts. In any case, the government should have taken remedial measures a long time back. Taking the film off the cinema halls at this stage would look like succumbing to terror tactics. While freedom of expression is no doubt sacrosanct, in a pluralistic society utmost care has to be taken to ensure that this freedom does not tread on the sensibilities of any community. Nothing should be done to vitiate the atmosphere of amity and understanding. Some of the orders passed by the SGPC that only a Sikh should play the role of a Sikh in films are impractical. However, what is undeniable is that the title of the film and some of its scenes have been objected to by the community. In place of building a confrontation over the matter, it will be a lot better to reach a compromise which satisfies all including the film’s critics. A Bollywood film is not exactly a masterpiece which cannot do with some more editing. Those who have seen the film are unanimous that it does not make any deliberate attempt to denigrate Sikhism. On the contrary, the archetypal hero (Sunny Deol, who himself happens to be a Sikh in real life) is shown to be deriving his superhuman strength — that only a Mumbai hero can have — from his faith. If the clergy of every religion starts vetting “masala” films, it will be impossible to make even a single one. In view of the prevailing situation it will, however, be better if the director of the film makes suitable changes in the title and a few dialogues that are causing offence to the Sikhs. He too should show respect for the sensitivities of others. |
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Poisonous brew SHOCKING would be a very mild word to describe the report that unscrupulous manufacturers have been liberally adding urea to cattle feed. Just to increase milk production they have been playing with the lives of not only milch cattle but also the people who drink their milk. Milk is a daily-use item and the damage that has been done can only be imagined. The Punjab Dairy Development Department says police cases have been registered against two manufacturers and manufacturing licenses of four have been suspended indefinitely. What the public is more interested in knowing is whether this has brought about any change in the ground situation or whether other manufacturers are still continuing with the dreadful practice. The greed of such enemies of society knows no bounds. Urea is not being mixed into cattle feed alone. They have also been lacing milk with the fertiliser. In fact, a large quantity of “artificial” milk is prepared with the help of urea, white paint and what not. It is such adulteration which has been playing havoc with the nation’s health. Many of the kidney and intestine problems noticed even among children can be traced to such poisonous food which we have to ingest day in and day out. While the apathy of the enforcement agencies is scandalous, the role of politicians is no less outrageous. A few years ago, some milkmen were caught in Uttar Pradesh while selling artificial milk. When the police took action against them, a prominent politician, who has headed key ministries in the state as well as at the Centre, raised a hue and cry because some of these culprits happened to be his kinsmen. He made sure they went scot-free. He would not have been that considerate if his children were drinking the poisonous brew. Apparently, they don’t have to because this former wrestler is known to keep cows and buffaloes at his official residence. But can such leaders spare a thought for the ordinary people, please! |
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Mathematics may be defined as the subject in which we never know what we are talking about, nor whether what we are saying is true.
— Bertrand Russell
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Coalition compulsions THE Information Age needs mew benchmarks to measure leaders and their administrations. The John Kennedy presidency in the United States set the fashion for assessing new regimes after the first 100 days. And the advent of the Manmohan Singh government in rather dramatic circumstances has begun the vogue for the one-year mark. At the same time, this is an indication of the fragility of disparate coalition arrangements. Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the first Prime Minister to lead his motley coalition in New Delhi to a full term. Hosannas were sung to his astuteness and there is little doubt that he himself looked upon his record with some satisfaction. But coalition-building and running coalitions at the Centre are a new experience for the Congress. Mr P.V. Narasimha Rao did not run a coalition; rather, he co-opted enough members of opposition parties to become a majority Congress government, a feat of another kind. It is time to look at Indian politics through the prism of coalition governments because the era of the single-party government at the national The idyllic two-party system cannot come to pass in India because there are simply too many political forces competing for space. In a sense, the old Congress was itself a coalition of disparate forces held together by charismatic leaders and the lure of power. Among the political formations, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party are the two main conglomerations, with the Marxists and the other left parties representing a third force. Then come the regional and caste formations — the Dravidian parties, the Telugu Desam, the Samajwadi Partyand the Bahujan Samaj Party, factions of the original Janata Party and others. Some of these parties tend to gather around one leader seeking a place in the sun. A perennial aspect of the political scene is the theme of the Third Front independent of the Congress and the BJP. Its prospect is like a mirage in Making compromises in electoral politics is inherent in the game but ideology as a glue has not proved strong enough to serve as a sheet anchor, with caste and regional pulls proving stronger. Here regional parties face 6a dilemma. They must align with national or other parties to have a say in national politics. The Telugu Desam’s predicament was that the Congress was its main opponent in the state and the only other national anchor available was the BJP. Siding with it, it lost a significant section of the important Muslim vote. Caste-based politics has its own compulsions. Given the electoral arithmetic, such parties must combine with one or more formations to govern at the state level. But caste politics is a game two or more parties can play and even national parties — for the present limited to the Congress and the BJP — have evolved their own caste formulations to win votes and seats. The advantage of caste parties of the Yadav or Bahujan Samaj varities is that they can provide solid chunks of votes, which can swing individual results significantly. And leaders of the ilk of Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav have elevated their caste base to the status of a badge of honour, which has proved efficaous in the brew of Bihar politics. In a sense, the new empowerment of caste and regional politicians is a triumph of Indian democracy because it has changed the complexion of the ruling formations. These politicians might have brought with them a specific form of populism and traditional barter politics, but they are representatives of large chunks of population and have been given political space — however grudgingly — without resorting to violent methods. The problem before the Indian polity is that if the coalition era has well and truly arrived, the players must learn the coalition dharma. In other words, the leader of the coalition is no longer free singly to frame policy but must take the coalition members with him. Second, the regional and caste compulsions of other parties must be addressed. On their part, coalition partners cannot make public assertions at the cost of the leading party although two of the constituents made a public exhibition of themselves by going after each other. The problems of the present coalition government have come into sharper focus because the question of “tainted” ministers has been and remains a matter of great embarrassment. In whatever manner the Prime Minister has chosen to explain away the problem, it is tragic that Mr Manmohan Singh has had to carry the baggage of Mr Lalu Prasad and the charges the latter is facing in court as he had to for a time in the case of Mr Sibu Soren. Yet the Congress is dependent upon the support of Mr Lalu Prasad’s party to stay in power. The Communists, who have chosen to support the Congress-led government from outside, are less of a problem. Remaining outside the government, they have the freedom to voice their dissent publicly, but their support in keeping the Congress-led coalition afloat is important enough to persuade the government to listen to their views and accommodate them to the extend possible. A peculiarity of the present coalition is that Mrs Sonia Gandhi as the leader of the coalition United Progressive Alliance handles most of the problems arising out of coalition politics at the party level and serves the purpose of being something of a shock absorber as far as the Prime Minister is concerned. It is a far cry from the days of the Congress
supremacy. |
That couple THEY both must be above 70 and manage beautifully without their children. Early morning when the birds start their first song and the breeze gently whispers soft nothings into the ears of the leaves, they go for a walk. Fresh in the mind the spectacled gentleman waters the plants while the silver-haired lady potters amongst her plants. I can hear her talking lovingly with them, which amazingly are the healthiest and the most vibrant around. While her husband glues to his favourite cricket or tennis she croons the classical numbers which filter into my backyard harmonising with the twitterings of the humming bird. The aroma of the freshly baked muffins whiff into my home. Afternoon is siesta time. Come evening she dresses up in her best silks or chiffons and he in his best tie and together they drive down to soak in the richness of classical performances or concerts. They have their children abroad. All doing well in white-collar jobs. They hold long talks with them on phone or even videoconference, go once in two years or so or the children come home. Their children bring for them the best of gifts. Meet the 21st century urbanised elderly elite. “We have reconciled to our life. We know our children cannot be with us for they have to find greener pastures for themselves. We cannot leave our homes also for we are rooted in our familiarity, friends,” says uncle. “The arrangement is okay, by and large, and we cannot say we are lonely,” says the lady as she coughs and wraps the shawl around her husband. “There is only one snag, you see, both of us cannot afford to be ill at the same time, for who will look after both of us
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Having choice in marriage THE day Neena from Lucknow turned 18 she married her childhood sweetheart and neighbour, 25-year old Ahmad, much against the will of both sets of parents, who had virtually kept her under house arrest. The girl’s father lodged a complaint of kidnapping against Ahmad. While the couple remained in hiding Ahmad’s family faced harassment of the BJP and the police. Finally, through the intervention of NGOs, Neena’s statement was recorded in court bailing out the kidnapping “accused”. Suman (17) and Vikram of Alinagar village in Muzzafarnagar had committed the ultimate crime of falling in love outside the caste. Their relationship could not remain a secret for long. A woman informed the rich father of the girl who did not waste anytime in killing the couple in the house of the informant with the tacit approval of the boy’s family. The villagers unceremoniously disposed of the bodies. Unperturbed, they left to attend a political rally thereafter. (All names have been changed) At a cursory glance, these instances may appear random cases of things having not worked out for the love-struck couples. The cases compiled by the Association for Advocacy and Legal Initiatives (AALI) an NGO which has been focusing on human rights violations, especially of women when they exercise their choice to decide if, when and whom to marry. Despite the framework of national and international legal protection, this seemingly innocuous decision results in a complex web of discrimination and violence against women, particularly in South Asia. It was in this context that a National Consultation on Women’s Right to Choose If, When and Whom to Marry was convened in Lucknow two years ago. “Against the Forces” released recently is the report and recommendation of the consultation organised by the AALI along with International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia-Pacific, Malaysia, and the International Centre for the Legal Protection of Human Rights, U.K. In a comprehensive conceptual framework, Sara Hossain from Interrights pointed out that under international law, the right to marry has been defined broadly. Explaining the nuances of ‘the right to choose freely when, if and whom to marry as stated in the General Recommendation No 21 of the CEDAW Committee, Ms Hossain illustrates how it covers a gamut of marriage related rights. For example, cases of child marriage illustrate the denial of the right to choose freely “when to marry”; given that children are not capable of giving their consent freely. Forced marriage implies denial both of the right “when” and “if” to marry and individuals who face family and community pressure are denied the right to choose “whom” to marry. At the national level while the Constitution of India does not explicitly recognise the right to marry it does guarantee a number of fundamental rights, which underpin it, including the right to life, the right to personal liberty, the right to equality and the equal protection of the law and the right to freedom of movement. Yet a selective Uttar Pradesh media scan of one calendar year (2002) conducted by the AALI documents 19 cases of grave violence where the woman exercised her right to choice in marriage, of these six cases were reported from a single district- Muzaffarnagar. The continued application of personal laws governing rights within the family, including in relation to marriage, not only diminishes the impact of laws criminalising child marriage and forced marriage but also contributes to their abuse and violation of rights. To explain how culture and tradition circumvents rights the example of the Special Marriage Act has been given. The Special Marriage Act, 1954, was framed to facilitate marriages between people professing different religions, without conversion. Clearly the process is far too long drawn and ridden with roadblocks. Statistics of the year 2002 show that in Muzzafarnagar, the district where maximum violence around choice in marriage was reported, 50 per cent of applications for marriage lapsed as the couples did not return within the stipulated period for selemnisation. Only 18 per cent of marriages took place. In Lucknow the situation was slightly better with 38 per cent marriages taking place. Given the violence and “honour” attack on such couples they are obviously not comfortable with the idea of having their photographs pasted for a month. Various right wing religious groups monitor the notice board and consider it their moral duty to inform the respective families and very often force action against the couple. The prominent role given to the police in deciding whether a marriage can take place or not undermines the very spirit of the Act. Very often the applicants are treated like criminals traumatised by the police-family combine. As such the Act does not make it easier for the couple to marry and often conversion remains the only course open to them. In this way the woman unwilling comes under a personal law that may not protect her rights. The National Consultation brought together legal experts human rights activists, media persons and networks to create a conceptual clarity for this rarely articulated violation of rights. On a short-term basis, the recommendation was for a comprehensive review and reassessment of laws, particularly personal laws and the Special Marriage Act to include the right perspective so that it enables choice in marriage. Adoption for legislation focusing on the girl child and exploring the enactment of a comprehensive equality law was proposed. |
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800-year-old monastery to be renovated CONCERNED historians and conservationists have pooled efforts and resources to pull back from the brink the tottering 800-year-old Nako monastery in Himachal’s Kinnaur Valley. A mention in the list of 100 most endangered monuments in the world three years ago proved a timely trigger for frenzied efforts to safeguard this precious heritage of Buddhism. Recognising its vulnerability, the World Monument Fund (WMF), in conjunction with the University of Vienna, has launched a Nako Research and Preservation Project (NRPP) involving indigenous and foreign historians, researchers, architects and conservation experts. The over-riding concern is to safeguard the sacred Nako compound having at least four temples. One of these dates as far back as Padmasambhava, the eighth century founder of Buddhism in the region. “One cannot expect big results in a short span as practically the entire temple complex is in a bad condition and is highly endangered for which we need to take up restoration work only in phases,” feels Prof Mag Gabriel M. Krist from the University of Applied Arts, Vienna. She has just returned from Nako after spending a week at the site with six of her team members, some of whom will stay back and undertake some restoration work. Despite modest funding from the WMF and the University of Vienna, finances are certainly an issue. A proposal seeking a grant of 300,000 euros from the Austrian government has failed to fructify. Nevertheless, the project has been set in motion to save only the most damaged parts initially. The Nako wall paintings date back to the early 12th century. The four-tonne heavy roof is virtually caving in with continued beating from natural calamities like an earthquake in 1975 and water intrusion. Last year the conservation team under Romi Khosla, Site Conservation Coordinator, undertook corrective measures and a condition assessment with an applied arts team and the art historians. H C Negi, of the Nako management committee says: “The Dalai Lama is scheduled to perform special prayers for world peace in 2007. “We are targeting to complete the project by then”, says Negi, as he sees his efforts bringing about results. With funding being the main constraint, it was the interest taken by Prof Deborah Klimburg Salter, Director, Department of Art History at the University of Vienna, in 1998 which helped things look up. In 2002, the Courtauld Institute of Art (CIA) at the University of London participated in the conservation analysis. Prof Krist and her team carried a
lot of material and equipment from Vienna, but till more funds pour in, not much would be accomplished. |
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Delhi Durbar FORMER Deputy Chairperson of Rajya Sabha Najma Heptullah’s absence at a recent get-together hosted by a Jamia Milia Islamia Professor has raised many an eyebrow, specially since the publication of her morphed photograph in a book published by the ICCR, the organisation that she heads. Her absence from the get-together was more conspicuous as she is known to never miss an opportunity to be seen at such gatherings. However, according to the grapevine, it is because of the recent controversy that she has turned elusive. The government is contemplating an inquiry into the publication of that “infamous” photograph in which she was shown with Maulana Azad. The government may even file an FIR against the printer of the book.
Yashwant’s TV show Former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha has worn a different cap. He reaches out to the common man in a special series of programmes for a news channel. After turning an anchor for the Zee News for the recent presentation of the Union Budget, the former Finance Minister is now on the same channel with a programme titled “Andaaz Apna Apna”, where he seeks to “present a perspective of people”. Mr Sinha will interact with people such as truck drivers, pan vendors and railway porters to know their personal and professional problems. Sinha may well set a trend for others.
HP free from sex workers At a time when sex rackets are being busted at an increasing pace in various parts of the country, it is not easy to make a claim about a state being free of sex workers. But Himachal Pradesh Youth Services and Sports Minister Thakur Ram Lal said at a recent meeting of the parliamentary forum on HIV\AIDS that the state was free from the stigma of sex workers. The minister said AIDS had mainly been transmitted by truck and taxi drivers in the state, many of whom work in metropolitan cities.
Babbar-Amar Singh row The growing chasm between cinestar Raj Babbar and Samajwadi Party General Secretary Amar Singh has created problems for party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav. The General Secretary has complained to his party chief against Babbar’s indiffernce towards the party, which launched him into politics. But the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister is in a dilemma as Babbar has been with him even before Amar Singh joined him. Though the latter has brought Yadav close to Bollywood and many top industrialists of the country, Babbar’s revolt may cost heavily to the party’s political credibility and the SP supremo is aware of it.
**** Contributed by Satish Misra, Girja Shankar Kaura and S. Satyanarayanan
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From the pages of A scandal of scandals
A close observation and long experience of the present system of Indian administration have impressed upon our minds the firm conviction that it is based on a principle which cannot but be extremely mischievous in its practical working. The maxim of the British Constitution that the King can do no wrong may have been quite in keeping with the unreasoning loyalty of the Middle Ages. But its wisdom has clearly gone out of date in a generation which knows that one English King was beheaded and another driven from his throne by the very people who boasted of upholding this maxim. Nor is the popular belief in its soundness likely to be very much strengthened by those frequent changes of Ministries, which would never occur if the Sovereign power, which those Ministries for the time represent and wield, were even in theory incapable of doing wrong. The Indian Government shows a disposition to arrogate to itself this royal privilege of immunity from wrong doing. Unhappily, Indian Governments, like the English Kings, have repeatedly been found doing wrong; though we are afraid we cannot mention many instances in which they have attempted to undo the wrong they have done. |
Most people don’t aim too high and miss, they aim too low and hit. — Bob Moawad He is formless and cannot be set up as an image. He exists by Himself, not dependent on any material conditions. — Guru Nanak You see a clay jar. I see pine trees and canyons, mountain after mountain and the maker of mountains too. My friend, I tell you the truth: The God whom I love lives in this clay. — Kabir Uttam (superior) are they who understand the speaker’s intent and perform immediately to mutual satisfaction. — The Upanishads When a woman gives her heart to a man, she does not consider whether his life is long or short, his virtues great or none. Her love is pure and unsullied, untroubled by any material condition. — The Mahabharata  |
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