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Virbhadra’s largesse Investment in peace |
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Everybody’s party Akali Dal can grow by widening its base THE reconstitution of the decision-making bodies of the Shiromani Akali Dal marks a turning point in the history of the party. For the first time it has inducted as many as 33 Dalits, 18 Hindus, six Muslims and two Christians in such bodies. Sixteen women have also found a place in the upper echelons of the party.
King’s move
Saintly Sant
Haryana: look back for future progress
Education denied funds Industrial upsurge in Himachal
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Virbhadra’s largesse The manner in which Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh appointed seven Chief Parliamentary Secretaries, four Parliamentary Secretaries and four Chairpersons of different government bodies on Monday amounts to nullifying the letter and spirit of the Constitution (Ninety-first Amendment) Act, 2003. As Mr Singh was bound by the Act to limit his ministry to 12 members, he has been facing dissidence in the party. In his eagerness to check dissidence and rehabilitate 15 former ministers, he has found an easy way out to scuttle the legislation. What is amazing is the Congress High Command’s clearance to the whole exercise which could have been avoided not only to give due respect to the Act but also maintain austerity in view of the serious financial position of the state. In today’s system of governance, Parliamentary Secretaries are redundant and have absolutely no role to play. More important, the Himachal Pradesh High Court has ruled that they are not ministers under Article 164 of the Constitution and no job, which is in the nature of functions and responsibilities to be discharged by ministers, can be assigned to them. The new instructions issued by the state government, following the High Court order, did not help matters. If a Parliamentary Secretary has no powers to okay the action suggested by the administrative secretary (or any other official) and if the government’s business will not be affected for the simple reason that the case has been processed through the Parliamentary Secretary, why continue this post at all? If anything, Parliamentary Secretaries are a heavy burden on the state which is already bearing a heavy financial burden. Such a big contingent would cost the fund-starved state heavily in terms of salaries and perks like lavish bungalows, luxury cars and so on, apart from acting like parallel centres without any authority and responsibility. Like his counterpart in Punjab — which boasts of three Chief Parliamentary Secretaries and nine Parliamentary Secretaries — Mr Virbhadra Singh has shown least respect to the constitutional cap on the size of the ministry and short-circuited the Act for narrow partisan ends. The need for adequate safeguards against the misuse of the Act by the Chief Ministers has become greater in the light of the experience in Himachal Pradesh and Punjab. |
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Investment in peace Happily, trade dislodged Kashmir from the centrestage of the just-concluded Musharraf-Manmohan Singh talks. Utilising the opportunity provided by a cricket match, both leaders avoided discordant notes in moving towards a soft border. The joint statement contains tangible benefits. Trade consulates will be opened in Karachi and Mumbai by year-end. The Joint Business Council gets going with a meeting soon. The oil ministers of the two countries will meet by May to clear Iran gas pipeline hurdles. There is a region-specific boost to trade and tourism with the possibility of trucks plying on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad route, the Lahore-Amritsar bus service coming on the agenda and the Munnabao-Kokhrapar train link soon becoming a reality. Money saved from reduced defence expenditure can be used by both sides to build infrastructure to promote a free movement of goods. Routing bilateral trade through a third country raises costs and makes little sense. Why should Pakistanis pay more for tea and wheat bought from countries other than India? This country can offer cheaper steel, automobiles and tyres apart from expertise and technology in IT and BPO, while Pakistan can supply cotton yarn, textile fabrics, sports goods, leather products, fruits and vegetables. The present limits on mutual trade are self-imposed. In the changed environment now, they are unwarranted and unjustified. The scope for increasing bilateral trade from the present dismal level of $0.5 billion is tremendous. Business chambers in both countries see huge growth opportunities and are even identifying more areas for trade and investment. Even if President Musharraf, under pressure from domestic industry, has his compulsions in not granting India MFN status, he can enlarge the list of imports from India, which has only 780 items at present, and shorten the negative list suitably. In reciprocation, India can lower trade and non-trade barriers. By shutting off cheaper and better products from India, Pakistan is hurting itself only. Its smaller economy will gain more from mutual trade. For India, the gain will be more in its global image. Also trade is investment in peace. |
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Everybody’s party THE reconstitution of the decision-making bodies of the Shiromani Akali Dal marks a turning point in the history of the party. For the first time it has inducted as many as 33 Dalits, 18 Hindus, six Muslims and two Christians in such bodies. Sixteen women have also found a place in the upper echelons of the party. What is all the more significant, the Political Affairs Committee has also been broadened with the inclusion of non-Sikh members. It is a deliberate attempt to make the Akali Dal a non-sectarian broad-based political party. For far too long, the party has remained identified with the Sikhs. While such identification has had its advantages, it limited the scope for growth. Of course, in successive elections, it has fielded Hindus and Muslims but it is seen as no more than tokenism or political compulsion. Just as the All India Muslim League did not become secular by making one Mr Raman a member of the Kerala Assembly, such token representation does not make the Akali Dal a secular outfit. There are many people who see the Akali Dal as a regional party, which can provide an alternative to the Congress. As such, voters do not show much hesitation in voting for the party when they feel that the Congress should sit in the Opposition. Yet, a large section of the non-Sikh voters have difficulty in coming closer to the party. This forces it to have electoral tie-ups with parties like the BJP in Punjab and the Indian National Lok Dal in Haryana. These tie-ups need not always be beneficial to it as can be gauged from the fact that in the last Assembly elections in Punjab, while the Akali Dal retained its support base, it was the BJP which did it in. It must have dawned on the Akali Dal that unless the party broad-bases itself, it can never aspire to become a pre-eminent political party in Punjab and nearby states. In the process of growth it may have to shed its image as just a Panthic organisation. There are organisations like the SGPC which can take care of the religious needs of the Sikhs. The Akali Dal can reinvent itself as a party that takes care of the needs of all people. In this way, it will enjoy unlimited potential for growth. Better late than never, the Akali Dal has learnt this simple truth. |
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If you steal from one author, it’s plagiarism; if you steal from many, it’s research. — Wilson Mizner
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King’s move
Resplendent in the Supreme Commander’s uniform, and accompanied by Crown Prince Paras and Queen Komal, King Gyanendra took the salute recently at the Royal Nepal Army (RNA) Kharipatti Officers’ Academy in Kathmandu. In his first public speech after the royal takeover on February 1 he exhorted the newly commissioned officers to “fight terrorism as terrorism cannot be an alternative to democracy. The alternative to democracy is democracy”, he said. This was a pep talk to the RNA. Enter the brave new world of King Gyanendra. The King believes there is life after democracy — which is absolute monarchy. Contrary to what many diplomats thought and The Economist last month asked, “what’s the plan, Gyan”, the King does have one. The plan was unfolded at a briefing given by senior officers of the RNA overseen by Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey to foreign envoys in Kathmandu recently. It is in four parts: winning hearts and minds through an integrated peace and development plan; talking to the Maoists if they give up arms; continuing the fight against terrorism; and holding elections. The RNA blamed politicians for the current mess in the country, defended the King’s actions and its own record in human rights. When asked how soon the elections could be held, the answer was: within three years. Four Prime Ministers have been unable to hold elections in four years. Significantly, the RNA claimed that the security situation had improved since February 1. Elsewhere, Interior Minister Tanka Dhakal announced that because of the improved security situation, it was possible to hold the Asian Football Tournament in Kathmandu. The RNA has claimed killing 195 Maoists for the loss of 15 of their own soldiers since February 1. If true, this is quite an achievement. So, King Gyanendra is set to rule for the next three years with the help of the RNA. He is not interested in a dialogue with the Maoists or reviving the democratic process. But he will continue to fight terrorism. Not many kings or heads of state take the salute at a passing out parade. The RNA is short of 4000 officers at a time when it is rapidly expanding to double its size to 100,000 in the next two to three years to achieve a force ratio of 1:25 against the Maoists. The King’s de facto command over the RNA became de jure on February 1. Just a day before the sovereign’s parade, a trusted aide of the King, former Lieut-Gen Bharat Keshav Simha, part of the royal clique, accused the Indian Ambassador, Mr Shiv Shankar Mukherjee, of fomenting dissidence against the King and recommended his expulsion. This is unprecedented and marks possibly the start of one more anti-India campaign. Whenever the monarchy has been in a corner it has invoked Nepali nationalism (defined as opposition to Big Brother India) to keep India at bay. Mr Mukherjee was made to sweat before being granted an audience with the King. Only James Moriarty, the privileged US Ambassador, has managed to meet the King who, in an earlier meeting, told him and (also India) that he required 100 days to restore the political process — which is holding municipal elections! He has skilfully skirted parliamentary elections. King Gyanendra’s 100 days will be over on May 11. It is hardly likely the King will have anything to show by then except dead Maoists. He is defiant and confident as never before. His eyes are fixed on the elections in which monarchists secure the majority. He has ignored the sanctions and strictures of the international community, except in agreeing to set up a United Nations human rights monitoring mission in Nepal. A few political leaders have been released conditionally. The lid is firmly on the media. You cannot criticise the King or the RNA. The new state apparatus has enfeebled political leaders so much that they dare not cross the threshold of political activity otherwise they would be back in jail or detention. There is little pressure on the King internally. Dissent has been squashed, and if we are to believe the Royalists, people are happy with the King’s coup. This, of course, is deceptive. Dr Arjun Khatri, Chief of Nepal’s NGO Federation, has said that 30 journalists, 45 human rights activists and 3000 others have been arrested. The daily killings have increased from 6 to 10 per day since February 1. Like the Swiss government in the UNHRC he has also demanded a special UN rapporteur to monitor human rights observance. Meanwhile. the RNA is emerging as the real power centre. The King and the RNA are two sides of the same coin. The RNA is being pampered. Four of the six ambassadors announced by the palace are retired Generals, and 52 Brigadier-Generals have been appointed. A salary hike is in the offing. The King will present his case at the Afro-Asian summit (the old Bandung Conference) this month at Jakarta on his first foreign visit after the coup and later go to China. The legitimacy denied to the royal coup at the SAARC summit will be sought in Indonesia and China. Does India have a plan ? When Delhi condemned the King’s coup and put on hold arms supplies, the UK did precisely the same, but the US reaction was more nuanced as they are paranoid about a Maoist takeover of Kathmandu. India does not have a fall-back position as it still hopes the King would roll back. Gone surprisingly unreported is the two-hour- long debate last month in the Lok Sabha on Nepal. The House was concerned over the suspension of military aid to the RNA and divided over whether to support the King and/or the democratic forces. Foreign Minister K. Natwar Singh even suggested the reinstatement of Parliament and formation of an all-party government in Nepal. More recently, he said that India was showing maximum self-restraint and diplomatic patience despite the leverages at its command as it does not wish to hurt the Nepalese people though it is determined to contain the vast insurgency. He said he hoped the King would see the ground reality, which, unfortunately, has changed in his favour. A Maoist takeover of Kathmandu is, of course, unacceptable and only a worst case scenario, though not for the US. India must hold its ground together with the coalition of the willing. The policy of wait and watch is not going to work with King Gyanendra. The squeeze on the King seems inevitable. India has done it before in the late 1980s. It can be done again but surgically. Fortunately this time the UK, the US and the EU are behind India. Internal and external pressure has to be applied on the King. Delhi will have to take some steps: an all-party resolution to revive the democratic process, intelligence agencies engaging the Maoists, action to prevent the worst case scenario and helping in reuniting democratic political forces in Nepal. The ICG has produced a calibrated but effective sanctions plan which can be put in force on D-Day. Delhi cannot afford to fail in this major test of foreign policy.
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Saintly Sant
Sant by name, he was truly a saint in real life. He was a servant to God and His men. And yet, servile to none.
Born on November 20, 1934 in Gajewas village in the erstwhile princely state of Patiala, Mr Sant Ram Singla has left before he could celebrate his 71st birthday. Yet he lived a full life. His humble origin did not humiliate him. In fact, the darkness of early days revealed to him the heavenly lights in later life. He was a “Karma Yogi.” Worked hard and attained heights. He held positions of responsibility. Was associated with educational institutions and public organisations. Worked with Chief Ministers in the state and the President of the country. Was elected as member of the State Legislature and the national Parliament. Visited various countries. Led delegations across the national borders. He was working as the Chairman of the Punjab State Agricultural Marketing Board when he left for his heavenly abode. It was during his last assignment that I had the chance to work with him as an officer on special duty. On the very day that he had taken over, some of my colleagues had taken pains to point out to Mr Singla that I was physically handicapped. Thus, I shall not be able to perform my duties effectively and efficiently. The obvious suggestion was that I should be replaced. “So what? If he cannot walk, I shall go to him.” All were dismissed with the simple reply. And I was not only allowed to continue but Mr Singla ensured that I was made most comfortable. On the solitary occasion when he had to call me to his house, there was a man with a wheelchair at the entrance. How thoughtful! He was conscientious and considerate. He was gentle and generous. Good and great. In fact, he had the humility of the poor and the magnanimity of the rich. Like corn, the taller he grew the lower he bent his head. He was kinder to his enemy than many to their friends. He could look the world honestly in the face. He abstained from ambition and avarice. The success in life did not inflate him. He was never proud. Thus, he never suffered any humiliation. In his life, he did good. To everyone. Regardless of caste, colour or creed. In his death, he has left behind a monument of virtue that the storms of time shall not be able to destroy. He was truly a
saint.
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Haryana: look back for future progress The government of Haryana will soon have to address future challenges. There is a temptation though to be spoon-fed by the National Common Minimum Programme of the UPA government in the centre. The alternative is to be found in the state’s own economic history of the past decade — 1993-94 to 2003-04. Although, social regress in the past six years has been very damaging, economic management initiatives apparently should be used to correct this imbalance. Agriculture can make or mar the economic backbone of any state or country. The seminal importance of agriculture in the WTO negotiations is also well known by now. What is the state’s roadmap for the primary sector? First recognise the strength in the two-third population dependent on agriculture and rural activities. This determines the production landscape and social structural support mechanism available to state machinery. Such structures have to be nurtured and complimented by the state instead of dismantling them. Secondly, give greater emphasis to the health issues. One may ask why is there a jump in the number of underweight babies in Haryana as the birth rate refuses to be brought under the reasonable limit? The total pulse production during 2002-03 in the state was a mere one-tenth of what was produced during 1970-71. That this should happen simultaneously with substantial increases in the irrigated area of the total cropped area is indeed a result of wrong public policy and management. Thirdly, the state needs to look at innovative ways to increase investment in agriculture. The planned fund utilisation in the past few years has been extremely tardy and this could be due to the comfort provided by the minimum support price regime. There are other avenues waiting to be tapped for value addition. The north-western states already have surplus agriculture and allied production. Obviously the question arises how should they make engagements with other bright initiatives? For example, plant varieties protection and farmers’ rights, horticulture mission, etc. are a few areas that lend themselves to farmer-friendly suo moto actions by the state. The time is ripe to bring in the UN Convention on Biodiversity into the limelight by establishing a work programme with environment and forest officials at the state level. Two significant sectors from the common man’s perspective — agriculture and services — have been given the pride of place in the Foreign Trade Policy. The state governments now have a golden opportunity to think out of the box towards acquiring/strengthening fiscal muscles. The principles of strategic economic management initiatives in governance do certainly indicate that. There is absolutely no doubt that the bureaucracy in the state has become “risk averters” and, therefore, does not allow any fresh ideas or knowledge to pass through the corridors of power. This behavioural trait has trapped the state into a stupor. A live and kicking babudom will effectively control corruption, usher in an era of faster pace of development with a normal Haryanavi oozing self-esteem all over. There are a few doables that needs immediate attention and action. A performing bureaucracy is not an ideal utopian concept. The ‘knowledge-proofed” babudom must open itself to fresh winds. First, the state must do away with the age-old slavish concept of “rewards” by nominating officers to the executive administrative cadres. According to one informal estimate, about four-fifth of such nominated officers have an extremely poor language skill and, therefore, are computer illiterate. No wonder the digital divide is a cherished fissure in the Haryana bureaucracy! The state, since 1966, has made great strides in literacy. And yet merit is found at a huge discount. Perhaps the state will do much better if the Public Services Commission is either kept dissolved or more credible transparency is brought into its functioning. Perhaps it may be a better idea to outsource recruitment to the Union Public Service Commission. The state has been witness to a centralised development framework. Take the sad plight of Sarkar Apke Dwar (SAD). Not only did the ordinary man loose his control over the development agenda, the CMO came to control it with all arrogance and impunity. The panchayati raj institutions need to be strengthened with effective decentralisation. There are Indian “best practices’ in this domain and must be adopted. Haryana has a high number of trained agricultural scientists per unit area of arable land. Such human capital resource is underutilised that need to be tapped by giving them an opportunity to excel in the changed global environment. The UN millennium development goals, therefore, will be a useful tool in this respect. During the recent Assembly elections it was an oft-repeated sight on the electronic media how the common man was testifying his/her loss of economic esteem. The rule of law is by dialogue and consultations. It is time that we attempt to bring back the real citizen in the “citizen’s charter”. Given the industrious social capital base in the state, identification of internal constraints to a faster pace of economic development is dependent on the space available to the human capital existing in the state alone. In addition, we could go on with the funds flow/crunch, good governance and human development issues. It is indeed unfortunate that the state is the only one in the country that has not owned up a human development report card as yet. The key in the final reckoning, however, lies with the citizen’s inclusion in the governance system. That can be encouraged and nurtured by the pairing of the legislature and the executive. The simple proposition is to ask what should be the targeted growth rate for the state economy? The economic growth pathways of the past decade have brought in insurmountable social regress. The choices to that extent are limited. The ‘opportunity knocks but once’ and the “time and tide wait for none”. We should be wiser for Haryana as these old sayings have stood the test of time. The writer is an economist based in Gurgaon
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Education denied funds In 2000, as part of their goals for the new millennium, leaders of the richest countries pledged to guarantee free primary school education for every boy and girl in the world by 2015. Five years later, the effort has registered some success. But overall, by most accounts, it is falling short of its goals, despite a ``fast-track initiative’’ launched by the World Bank in 2002 to accelerate the effort. Rasheda Chowdhury, a Bangladeshi representative to the Global Campaign for Education, a coalition of about 50 national and regional groups, said on Sunday that there was annual gap of about $5.5 billion between what had been pledged and what it would take to achieve universal primary education. “That’s just a few days of the world’s military spending,” she said. Chowdhury spoke at a breakfast organised by the World Bank to discuss the fast-track initiative during the final day of its spring meeting. Education was just one area in which the bank and its sister institution, the International Monetary Fund, came in for criticism during the spring meeting. They were also lambasted for not offering to cancel outstanding loans to highly indebted countries. “As leaders board their luxury planes home, they again leave nothing behind for the world’s poor,” said Caroline Green, a spokeswoman for Oxfam International. “When will they stop talking and show us the money?” According to World Bank figures, more than 100 million children of primary-school age — about 10 percent of the worldwide total — did not attend school in 2001. About three in four lived in sub-Saharan Africa or south or west Asia. Some countries have made considerable progress. Hilde F. Johnson, Norway’s international development minister, said Tanzania had boosted primary school enrollment from 58 percent of the eligible population four years ago to 95 percent. In sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, according to the World Bank, 59 percent of primary-age children attended school in 2003, up from 50 percent in 1990. — LA Times-Washing Post |
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Industrial
upsurge in Himachal In the past two years, more than 500 medium and large and 4,613 small units have been cleared to be set up in Himachal Pradesh after the grant of a special package by the previous NDA regime in 2003. Pharma majors Ranbaxy, Cipla and Dabur, IT giant Wipro, leading FMCG companies like Colgate and Hindustan Lever and textile major Vardhaman are among the companies to set up their units in the state. The projects cleared in the past two years propose to employ 1.60 lakh youth of Himachal Pradesh. The state has a population of 65 lakh of which 11 lakh are unemployed. The reported flight of industry from the neighbouring states into the hill state has especially alarmed the Punjab government. Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has been a vocal opponent of the grant of the special package to Himachal. “There is no reason why Punjab should grudge the package to Himachal as there is very limited scope for industrial development, which is confined to the periphery areas. Besides, there is the locational disadvantage at most other places,” says Industries Minister Kuldeep Kumar. He denies Punjab industry has shifted to Himachal. “There is no truth in this plea as the incentives are not extended on assets created on mere shifting. In any case, most entrepreneurs have come from places like Chennai and Ahmedabad,” he says. Under the industrial package, there is a 10-year exemption on central excise duty to units which come into operation by March 31, 2007. There is also a 100 per cent income tax exemption for five years and an investment subsidy at the rate of 15 per cent on the cost of plant and machinery subject to a maximum ceiling of Rs 30 lakh. The tempo of industrial growth can be sustained only if there is a thrust on infrastructure development by way of planned industrial areas, uninterrupted and cheap power supply, availability of skilled manpower and housing facility, say officials. The industry seems to concur with the view, Mr M.P. Mittal, Chairman, Himachal Federation of Industries, says, “Unless and until the state government gives incentives by way of cheap power, reasonably priced land and transport, I feel it will be very difficult to maintain the tempo of industrialisation after the lapse of concessions”. Officials, however, believe that most entrepreneurs are serious investors who have made huge investments and will stay even after the package period. Initially when the industrial package was announced, there was no sunset clause on the exemption of central excise duty. However, the latest directives from the Centre say this incentive will, henceforth, be available to only those industries which come into production by March 31, 2007. Chief Minister, Virbhadra Singh has already taken up the matter for the removal of this sun-set clause with the Prime Minister and the Finance Minister. The Industries Minister says, “such restrictions are unreasonable as some big units have a long gestation period. Moreover, keeping in view the difficult geographical conditions and limited job avenues in the state, the industrial package should be extended.” Though the state government has made it mandatory for every unit to ensure 70 per cent jobs to bonafide Himachalis, this condition is not being met. “We are being very strict. There is a provision to withdraw the incentives and disconnect power to these units if these targets are not met,” says Mr B.S. Nainta, Director Industries. Interestingly, 70 per cent of the new units have come up in the narrow corridor of Baddi, Barotiwala, Parwanoo and Nalagarh. Of course, there are other industrial estates at Kala Amb and Paonta in Sirmour, Mehatpur and Tahliwala in Una and Sansarpur terrace in Kangra district. There is a severe strain on civic amenities and available infrastructure in these areas. “With up to 80,000 work force and over 2,000 trucks plying in Baddi-Barotiwala-Nalagarh belt daily, the problem of housing and traffic congestion needs to be addressed,” says Mr Deepak Bhandari Senior Vice President of the Baddi-Barotiwala-Nalagarh Industrialists’ Association. “It is important to ensure that entrepreneurs, managerial staff and workers start living here instead of commuting daily from places like Chandigarh, Panchkula or Parwanoo”, he says. The government should create infrastructure in terms of better roads, bridges, housing, educational facilities and planned townships. The Association has suggested the creation of Special Area Development Authorities to ensure planned development of the industrial areas. “The focus should be on encouraging electronic and IT industries requiring a pollution-free environment, food processing units for which there is ready raw material in the form of fruits and vegetables and herbal and ayurvedic products units,” says Mittal. The horticulture, agro-based and tourism related units have been placed in a special category qualifying for certain other concessions.
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Those that have devotion towards Me will get knowledge and renunciation and they will attain liberation from the round of births and deaths. — Rama The devotees of God become ecstatic even with a little of a single Divine attribute. No one can contain within him the realisation of all His glories and excellences. — Sri Ramakrishna If you want to be perfect, go and sell what you have, give to the poor and come and follow me. And you will have treasure in Heaven. — Jesus Christ All the woes and pains of a man who hungers for the true name are consumed in that hunger. — Guru Nanak Leisure is a beautiful garment, but it will not do for constant wear. — Anon. He who wishes to secure the good of others has already secured his own. — Confucius A rich man shall hardly enter the kingdom of heaven. It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God. — Jesus Christ  |
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