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Failure to ensure democracy and regional harmony cost Kashmir its autonomy ON RECORD |
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PROFILE REFLECTIONS Kashmir Diary Diversities — Delhi Letter
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Failure to ensure democracy and regional harmony
cost Kashmir its autonomy AS the Government of India has reopened the issue of greater autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir state, it would be worthwhile to ponder over the reasons due to which it could not be maintained. In 1952, Centre-State relations were formalised after series of negotiations in what was called the Delhi Agreement. Owing to internal and external factors, the autonomy guaranteed under this Agreement could not last. Without federal institutions of checks on the executive power of the state and without sharing the power with the regions, it became too authoritarian. Government officers could become office leaders of the ruling party and vice versa. Though Sheikh Abdullah was the supreme leader of Kashmir, his one party regime was bound to create some discontent, a part of which found expression in the formation of a pro-Pakistan Political Conference led by G.M. Karra, once a prominent leader of the National Conference who was sought to be suppressed. In Jammu, the National Conference had neither a popular base nor an organisational network. Its discontent took the form of regional protest and movement against the autonomy. As an active member of the National Conference, I intervened in the Nehru-Abdullah negotiations with a proposal that to make state autonomy work, its logic should be extended to state-region relations also. Both agreed with my proposal and announced at a joint press conference on July 24, 1952 that the state constitution would provide for regional autonomy. Dr Shyamaprasad Mukerjee, founder president of the Bhartiya Jana Sangh, in his letter to Nehru on February 17, 1953, also offered to support autonomy of the state within India and of the regions within the state, having initially supported the Praja Parishad (a Jana Sangh affiliate in Jammu) agitation against it. The extra and unchecked power that the state gets under autonomy can make it authoritarian. To prevent it, I proposed, within the National Conference, as also to Nehru, that the least that could be done was to make the administration completely separate from the party. While Sheikh Abdullah flatly dismissed my proposal, Nehru was visibly upset when I showed him a copy of an order passed by the Deputy Commissioner of Doda dismissing the Tehsil Committee of the National Conference for “its anti-government and anti-nation activities.” Externally, it was a time when the Soviet Union had not reconciled to India’s independence and Communist China had called Nehru a running dog of imperialism. Comrade P. Sundanyya, leader of the party in two houses of Parliament, argued with me the advantages of independent Kashmir. When I brought to his notice some circumstantial evidence of the possible American interest in the same objective, he dismissed my suspicions and asserted that Sheikh Abdullah, by raising the pitch of Kashmiri nationalism and confronting it with Indian nationalism was “playing our game”. Eventually, this writer was vindicated when American statesman Stevenson visited the state in the first week of May 1953 and after long discussions with Sheikh Abdullah reported to Nehru that independent Kashmir could be a via media for a solution of Kashmir problem. As the Sheikh started equivocating on the issue of accession, Maulana Azad offered to him on behalf of the Government of India, in his letter dated July 9, 1953, “to freeze the present status of the state for ever.” The Sheikh in reply said that the offer had come too late when it was not possible for him to carry the people of the state for India. Evidently, he had in mind the sharp reaction that the agitation of the Jammu Praja Parishad for “full accession” with anti-Kashmiri overtones, had caused among the people of the Valley. I carried on protest against his dismissal and detention which to my mind was undemocratic, immoral and politically unjustified, with the cooperation of eminent liberal Indians like Jayaprakash Narayan. He was pleasantly surprised that despite my differences with him, I fought for his democratic rights. I used to meet him for long hours in jail. I learnt from him as also from official sources that various proposals for autonomy of the state were mooted but he never budged from his stand for independent Kashmir. During my many meetings with Nehru, I got a distinct impression that he was keen to win over Sheikh’s friendship on the basis of any formula about the status of the state within India. Hence no serious erosion of the autonomy of the state took place during his period. It was in the post-Nehru phase that the state’s autonomy was rapidly and ruthlessly eroded through a series of Presidential Orders; which caused an unprecedented wave of anger in Kashmir. All chances of reconciliation appeared bleak. Yet another opportunity arose during trouble in Bangladesh, which was then East Pakistan. I suggested to Abdullah that this was the best chance for him to get maximum concessions from India. For India desperately needed Muslim support for its venture in Bangladesh. I proposed that as the tallest Muslim leader of the subcontinent, he should offer support to India provided it applied the same principles to Kashmir for which it was fighting in Bangladesh. I further argued that if Bangladesh was formed, and Pakistan was defeated, his bargaining would be lost. On the other hand if Pakistan succeeded in crushing the movement for Bangladesh, it would establish the principle of “might is right.” He agreed and asked me to draft a statement on his behalf. But some hardliners in his camp rejected my draft and instead a pro-Pakistan statement was issued. When Bangladesh was formed, I told Sheikh Abdullah that all that his movement for plebiscite was bound to collapse. His only option then was to contest the election, which was due in February 1972, on the issue of autonomy of the state. He could continue his struggle as Chief Minister. He said he was willing to contest election provided the 1947 status for Kashmir was restored, which was not acceptable to the Government of India. His deputy Mirza Afzal Beg told me that it was only a bargaining stance. He added “every Kashmiri hawker demands Rs 500 for a thing which he eventually sells for Rs 100 and Kashmiri politicians also part of that culture.” Otherwise “what was our bargaining capacity now,” he said. However, when results of election were announced and Qasim became the Chief Minister, Abdullah handed over to me a copy of the statement that he had issued in which he said, “my quarrel with India is not on the issue of accession but on the quantum of autonomy”. I told the Sheikh that it was too late as no government in Delhi would dismiss a government in the state soon after election, whatever the degree of its credibility. He must wait for at least two years. He said “when we had waited for almost two decades, two more years would not matter." On his request, I arranged his meeting with Indira Gandhi. Finally, he had to contend with coming back to power in a Congress-dominated State Assembly without any change in the status of the state Today all the leaders of Kashmir put together are no match to Sheikh Abdullah’s popularity among his people, support within India and abroad. None of the parties, separatist or mainstream, with the exception of the National Conference, supports the autonomy formula. Nor either of the two camps dialogue, not to speak of agree, on any alternative formula. Those who would not be satisfied with anything short of azadi must learn from the experiment of autonomy. If autonomy could not ensure democracy and regional harmony, risks in azadi are far greater. Sheikh Abdullah's experience also brings home the difference between possible and perfect. The writer has been writing for The Tribune for several years. He was conferred the Padma Bhushan award by the President on this year’s |
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ON RECORD
AS Haryana goes to elections on February 3, Naveen Jindal, the 35-year-old Congress MP from Kurukshetra says that corruption and widespread unemployment are the main issues in the elections. An industrialist-turned politician, he is considered as a suave and educated face of Haryana’s youthful leadership of the party, besides Randeep Singh Surjewala. He is leading the party’s campaign in Kurukshetra and Hissar districts where his father, O.P. Jindal is again contesting for the State Assembly. In an interview to The Sunday Tribune, he talks about the issues in the elections and the challenges before the next government. Excerpts: Q: After a stunning victory in the Lok Sabha elections, the Congress seems to be fighting in an upbeat mood in the Assembly elections. What are the issues this time? A: Usually, Assembly elections are fought on local issues. Bad governance, corruption and the failure of the Indian National Lok Dal government to address the problem of unemployment are the main issues. Besides, lack of infrastructural development, especially power, roads, sewerage, supply of drinking water to the people, atrocities on the weaker sections would dominate the electioneering. Q: Why should people vote for the Congress when it has failed to put up a united front or name its candidate for the Chief Minister in the event of its victory? A:
This is not important. All the senior party leaders are fighting the elections unitedly. Regarding differences, the Congress is a democratic party and the leaders have the freedom to air their views. Even during the previous Lok Sabha elections, the people of the state had shown great confidence in the party leadership which believes in all-round development, social equality, creation of more opportunities for the youth, women and weaker sections of society. Q: What are the other issues? A:
The party has released a detailed manifesto. We are also emphasising on improvement in law and order, better environment, transparent and effective policies to push industrialisation and agricultural development. Q: As a young leader of the party, what do you think about the issues concerning the youth? A: The youth of Haryana and other states will have to play a major role in reforming our polity. Instead of “just complaining about the system”, we will have to help reform the system. The elections have offered a great chance to the youth to fulfil their responsibility. No doubt, lack of suitable job opportunities is confronting the youth. The next government will lay emphasis on empowering them by upgrading their vocational skills. Q: What role will the Congress MPs play in the next government in the state? A: I strongly feel that besides raising funds for social and infrastructure sector, there is need for an “effective and transparent delivery mechanism” to check the leakage of public funds. I hope that with the change of the government in Haryana, MPs from Haryana, in coordination with the state leadership, would work for overall development of the state. Q: Who is your favourite candidate for the chief ministership? A:
My preference has no meaning. There is no dearth of suitable persons for this post. As per the party’s tradition, the elected MLAs, under the guidance of the Central leadership, will decide the name of the new Chief Minister. Q: Why should the people vote out the Chautala government which has supposedly undertaken various development works in the state and put up cities like Gurgaon on the IT global map? A: The people are sick of Mr Chautala’s rule and his style of functioning. His government has failed to fulfil its promises like adequate power supply to the farmers and domestic consumers. Further, over eight lakh educated youth are today registered as unemployed. Q: The BJP has also decided to contest all the 90 seats. Won’t that cut into the Congress votes at least in urban areas? A: Notwithstanding its success in other states and consistent efforts in Haryana, the BJP is still a marginalised force in the state. It has no political base here. The main fight is between the Congress and the INLD. Even in the urban areas, the Congress will win majority of the seats. Q: How many seats will the Congress be able to win in Haryana? A: Our party will get at least two-thirds majority, i.e. 60 out of 90 seats. The party has definitely gained in strength after the Lok Sabha elections due to people-friendly policies of the Manmohan Singh government and the party’s campaign. |
PROFILE by Harihar Swarup Dharia has been quoted as saying: “Some decisions made by the AICC were due to the tough stand we took. Abolition of privy purses and our insistence for a resolution on nationalised banking were some triumphs. I always believed in the politics of commitment Indeed, true to his words, Dharia believed and, still has unshakable faith, in the politics of commitment. He, along with Chandra Shekhar, raised the banner of revolt against Mrs. Gandhi when she promulgated Emergency in June 1975 and were imprisoned. Dharia remained underground for sometime. Later, he described his crusade against the Emergency as “second freedom struggle”. Having broken off from the Congress, Dharia became an important leader of the Janata Party and penned during the period a book, entitled, “Fumes and Fury”, giving his experience of the turn and twist of politics. Close to both, Janata Party President Chandra Shekhar and Prime Minister Morarji Desai, he became the Union Minister for Planning. It was during this period that he studied from close quarters the issues concerning environment and development. He decided to devote the rest of his life to the two bigger causes: development with social justice and environment. Dharia decided not to contest 1980 elections following the fall of the Janata Party government at the Centre. It took three years for him to set up a charitable organisation, popularly known as “Vanrai”. The core principle on which the organisation functions is the maximum use of natural resources to ensure that each village becomes self-reliant by involving farmers, gram panchayats, educational institutions, cooperatives, voluntary organisations, women and youth. From micro-level watershed development and afforestation to turning drought-prone areas around, from trying to eradicate illiteracy to wasteland development, Vanrai is striving hard to raise the standard of life in villages. Simultaneously, Dharia also establishing the Loknayak Jayaprakash Narayan National Mission. Its avowed objective is to bring under one umbrella wasteland projects. His latest passion is to stop migration of villagers to big cities. Vanrai has been working in over 200 villages to reverse the trend. Already five or six have seen villagers coming back from Mumbai. Vanrai-sponsored bunds are now famous. Erected at virtually no cost by using empty cement bags across nullahs and rivulets, they have proved most effective in watershed management. About 36,000 Vanrai bunds have been constructed in Maharashtra by local communities, administration and students since the 2002 monsoons. This has helped solve the drinking water problem, bringing some land under crops and generating employment opportunities. In view of the scarcity of water faced by various villages and drought conditions in several parts of the country, a massive programme to conserve water with low-cost technology is unavoidable, says Dharia. When the state government does not have adequate funds, emphasis should be laid on low-cost technologies, prevalent in the country for hundreds of years. Dharia is of the firm view that development should be coupled with due concern for environment. Instead of focusing on construction of mega cities and high-rise buildings, efforts should be made to decentralise cities by making provision for curtailing population growth, avoiding traffic congestion, ensuring adequate supply of water and efficient collection of municipal garbage. He has been writing and professing that villages should be made self-reliant and migration to urban areas should stop.n |
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Goodbye UN...for now...? by Kiran Bedi
I
spent two years with the United Nations and the time has flown. When the days were passing by, they appeared moving at a snail’s pace, for I missed my home. But now when I look back the days are going and gone! But ....only for now ...For I am leaving behind unfinished work! The march of time and circumstances never permit otherwise. Is this all preordained? Is it an act of nature? To conspire to deliberately leave matters incomplete in one life time? One life is never enough. In my experience and readings of life and living, it is never enough for anything to be completed. I saw this in the passing away of my mother. The more one does the more there is to do. This may be the reason of our revisits, to complete the unfinished tasks or innate commitments. But in doing so, perhaps, I wonder do we not leave still more to be done? Home work, left incomplete, has to be revisited in the next lifetime is what my teachers told me when I was small. And that made us children finish our daily home work. Then I was small and scared of the teacher and here I have grown to be a teacher myself. Now I think I know what I still do not know. But want to know but may never get to know? ....the mysteries of life and living? But one thing I do instinctively know is, I may be reborn for all possible errors and sins I have committed as a cop in my life, such as getting the persons in custody cough up, or dispersing, cane charging, tear gassing, arresting, putting in prison, and even opening fire to disperse unlawful assemblies? And in the process received gallantry awards at their cost? If that is not enough, towing away by cranes, (tow away vans) as they are called back home, the wrongly parked vehicles of my friends and the influential and in the process losing my own identity by getting nicknamed. (Crane Bedi!) At the UN, I learnt the fine art of making/ creating a permanent seat (read for the next life) or ‘place’ for myself. (By leaving unfinished work). However I do admit this is not something unique to the UN. I am internally convinced that I brought it along from my work experience in India! My leaving the work half way is today a ‘strategic plan’. (My boss’s favourite word). I learnt all about strategies and added the doctrine of unfinished work (read reincarnation). In other words I made a doctrinal contribution. As well as a doctrinal shift. (Another favourite word). If I add one more to such acquisitions, it is making of a Concept of Operations. (CONOPS as we termed it). One of the most used acronym in my Department of Peace-keeping Operations. And who says we in the Police Division did not make enough? I had learnt to respect and regard the UN right from my school days. We observed UN Day in school and college. We read the UN Charter with great interest. We used to have mock sessions. And, of course, were awe struck by the General Assembly and Security Council. The UN for all of us was a symbol of ‘A Moral Capital’, serving the Charter and the Principles. I used to visit the UN as a tourist. Sat on the India seat and got myself photographed. Working in it was never even considered. For it was for me a far away mysterious world of international affairs and management. But the way my country directed me to apply and my boss, Jean Marie Guehenno, a French national, selected me out of a panel of internationals was Human+Divine Design. And I will be grateful to both for this lifetime experience. Our United Nations is a destination of collective peace and harmony. It is the only coalition of the world-will of all nations, of all sizes and forms. It is a visible face of unity in diversity. The issues it raises concern the poorest of the poor. The weakest of the weak. Its documentation in existing and potential capacity is a gold mine for any historian, researcher or a practitioner. But as with all institutions even the UN has undergone many changes. And the nearest turning points are two. First when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 marking the end of the Cold War era. And second, the 9/11 terrorist attack on the US. The Blue flag and the Blue helmet is a weakening sanctuary. Increasing number of UN personnel today are being targeted and losing their lives. There is an unprecedented drop in support from member states in certain respects. There is a marked trend towards coalitions of the willing with an increasing preference towards multilaterism, bilateralism and rationalisation. On occasions leading to marginalisation and reducing the effectiveness of the UN. The fundamental challenge before the UN is extreme poverty and disease. Add to this the whole vulnerability of human security. Human freedom from excesses and wants: the increasing stereotyped fear of a kind and hate. How does the UN address this? It is one of the many tests before the world’s moral force. ‘We the Workers’ who are entrusted with the responsibility to deliver are duty-bound to make our ‘careers as causes’. For protecting and promoting peace and development for the invisible, rising above diversity and our own insecurities. Meanwhile, I take a bow and may/ will return to pick up my unfinished work. When would that be? Perhaps the very same Nature which conspired to bring me here, may? I now return to my ‘homework’ I had left behind,
incomplete! |
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Tremendous enthusiasm for municipal elections by David Devadas Kashmir has been covered under two thick blankets, one of snow and the other of security for Republic Day. With the pre-occupations caused by Id-ul Zuha thrown in, it would have been no surprise if there had been no activity surrounding the upcoming municipal elections. Urban turnout for elections over the past 15 years has in any case been abysmal. It was the rural people of the valley that, in many places, risked participating in elections in 1996 and 2002 — defying boycott calls by secessionists. Yet, there are a large number of candidates for these municipal elections. Some of their road shows demonstrate tremendous enthusiasm. Significantly, most candidates in the fray are independents, with no pressure to keep a party flag somehow flying — or the promises of power and pelf that a party's taking control of the state apparatus hold out. Even more important, many of these independent candidates for municipal corporation seats are young. Quite clearly, there has been a radical change in the mindset of people who grew up during the years of militancy compared with those who began the insurgency during the 1980s. Those who were young in the '80s were frustrated —by corruption, nepotism, non-performance by the government and, of course, the rigging of elections. Those who have seen the pointlessness of the militant movement as well as abuses by those who wielded guns on either side over the past decade-and-a-half have a different perspective. They too are sick of corruption but see the possibility of setting things right by taking control. The perception that the 2002 assembly elections were fair has been pivotal in shaping their minds. There might not finally be a large turnout for these elections, for urban Kashmiris have less reason to risk their lives than their rural compatriots, who have borne the brunt of excesses by both sides. However, the municipalities that are elected will certainly help to bring local government back into local hands — and out of those of often well-meaning but generally out-of-touch bureaucrats. As more Kashmiris thus develop a stake in political processes, these elections could be a significant step in the long-term process of normalisation. Indeed, the mood this winter brings to mind the folly of not having conducted local bodies' elections during Governor's Rule two decades ago. Mr Naresh Chandra, who later became Cabinet Secretary and then Ambassador to the US, was an Adviser to the Governor at the time. He told me later that he and other officials had repeatedly urged Governor Jagmohan to hold such elections, but all in vain. Mr Jagmohan meant well but was apparently convinced that efficient public works such as road construction during his regime would win over people better than any election process. He valued the slum clearance and other such tasks that he had undertaken as Lt-Governor of Delhi during the Emergency. He was also perhaps wary of giving a fillip to Dr Farooq Abdullah's party and instinctively despised the rough and tumble of representative government at any level. At this juncture, of course, the contrast between these elections in Kashmir and those that the US-led coalition is trying to force through in Iraq will be stark. So unpopular is the process in Iraq that candidates are generally too scared to make their names public. Nor even are the locations of polling booths known in advance - or independent observers willing to tour the place, as so many European Community diplomats did in Kashmir in 2002. No wonder, militant attacks have been stepped up in Kashmir in recent days. The forces that do not want normalcy to return to Kashmir, or a process of internal dialogue to move forward, must be deeply concerned at the prospect of another round of successful
elections. |
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Sex ratio at birth in Delhi alarming by Humra Quraishi Consider these figures and see if you find something amiss. I am referring to the birth registration data made available by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) on the sex ratio at birth in Delhi between January and June, 2004. It indicates that only 819 girls were born for every 1000 boys. In South Delhi, 762 girls were born for every 1000 boys. In Rohini (Northwest Delhi), it is 784 and in Najafgarh,(a part of Southwest Delhi), it is 792. Activists and representatives associated with over 35 NGOs are meeting Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit this weekend to focus attention on the pre-birth elimination of daughters. The PNDT Act has been in place for the last 10 years. January 29 has been marked as the first PNDT Law National Evaluation and Monitoring Day to focus attention on the continuous decline in the child sex ratio in the capital and other states.
Candle light vigil From Monday onwards, activists and members of the Guild of Service will sit at the India Gate to focus attention on yet another serious issue — the state of Prisoners of War languishing in Pakistan jails. Meera Khanna of the Guild of Service has provided me with facts and figures on this. She quotes Z.A. Bhutto as saying that whilst he was himself jailed, he could hear the cries of these imprisoned. In fact, the unheard horror stories of those imprisoned seems to deflect public attention — whether it is our PoWs in Pakistan or those Iraqi prisoners at the US' mercy or the high percentage of the undertrials in our own jails. Can you imagine that in our jails almost 75 per cent inmates are undertrials (technically innocent for they have not been proved guilty)?
Helping hand for
tsunami victims This weekend, Delhi's artist community got together to dance and more, for those affected by tsunami. Shovana Narayan is participating. It's a marvel how she manages her time. A senior Allied Services officer, on an average, she holds one kathak concert a week. I have seen her dance even when one of her eyes was in a bad shape. Getting back to tsunami, almost every institution is doing its bit. Last week, Spic Macay's concerts revolved around relief for tsunami victims. Jamia Millia Islamia University has planned to hold a series of concerts. Rakshanda Jaleel has been trying to finalise details for the take off.
More books hit the stand More and more books are hitting the stands — Bharatanatyam dancer Geeta Chandran's "So many journeys" (Niyogi publishers), Aabid Surti's "In the name of Rama" (Anhad) and Manjushree Thapa's "Forget Kathmandu: An elegy for democracy (Penguin). Earlier, I had met Manjushree Thapa on two occasions. Her father was Nepal's former Ambassador to India and her mother was a senior consultant with WHO at New Delhi. Now retired, they have settled down at Kathmandu. Last week, I met her again. This time it was at Khushwant Singh's home. She had come for the launch of her latest book. As usual, she talked enthusiastically about Nepal and the problems and challenges the little kingdom faces. She talks with much passion and not a word seems contrived. This alone makes her stand out as a
writer. |
Tame the mind. This is the greatest challenge before you. It rushes here and there, swifter than the wind, more slippery than water. If you can arrest the flights of the mind to your will, happiness will be assured to you. — The Buddha The warrior who seeks to cow another by insulting him on issues beyond his control (for example, birth) should be discouraged. Bitter taunts will befit a valorous man. His might should be proved in combat, not in extraneous issues. — The Mahabharata Prayer begets faith, faith begets love, and love begets service.
— Mother Teresa  |
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THE “Young Turk” has grown old but the “fire of life” has not dimmed in him. His first reaction to conferment of Padma Vibhushan award sums up his personality: “This honour, though for an individual, is dedicated to all my friends”. He remains affable and amiable both in triumph and tragedy. In his eighties now, Mohan Dharia demonstrates the same indomitable spirit as in the late sixties when he, along with Chandra Shekhar and the late Krishan Kant, had formed a ginger group in the Congress, better known as “Young Turks”. They influenced the Congress from within to focus on socialist policies and became ardent supporter of Indira Gandhi as she carried on a relentless fight with powerful Syndicate leaders.