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Waveless polls A snub for Patna HC |
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Updike’s
world
A changing
relationship
Aisee azadi aur
kahan!
Where caste does
not decide politics From
Pakistan
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Waveless polls VIOLENCE-FREE polls remain a distant dream. Yet, the nation can take some comfort from the fact that the incidents of violence in the third phase of the elections were relatively minor. Of course, for those who lost their relations as in Anantnag, this will not provide any comfort. True, the security measures the Election Commission took prevented large-scale shedding of blood in the regions which are notorious for booth-capturing and other electoral malpractices. Yet, the militants were able to force a large number of people in Anantnag to remain indoors but for which the polling percentage would have been higher in the constituency. However, credit should be given to thousands of voters, many of whom women, who came out boldly to take part in the elections defying the diktats of the militants. Reports from Bihar suggest that the elections there conform to the image the state has acquired over the years. It would have been a surprise if the polling was entirely peaceful in North Bihar from where some of the top leaders of the state are contesting. But what happened at Madhepura, the constituency from where Rashtriya Janata Dal chief Laloo Prasad Yadav is trying his luck, is unbelievable. At one booth, the polling officials were themselves casting bogus votes as was detected by the election observer. Thanks to his no-nonsensical attitude, the officials concerned have been arrested. Hopefully, no leniency will be shown to them as they tried to sabotage the fairness of the election process. Their crime is worse than that of the professional booth-capturer. Wednesday's poll in 83 constituencies spread across seven states has sealed the fate of leaders like Prime Minister
A. B. Vajpayee and HRD Minister Murli Manohar Joshi. The low polling in Mr Vajpayee's constituency suggests that the campaign had failed to enthuse the voters. The weather too must have contributed to it. There is no other explanation for the lukewarm response to the polling in the Prime Minister's own constituency. The ruling coalition must be ruing its decision to advance the polls, which ordinarily would have been held in ideal climatic conditions. |
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A snub for Patna HC The Supreme Court has rightly pulled up the Patna High Court for its strange and unsavoury remarks against the apex court when it had asked the Registrar-General to furnish information regarding a pending case. Its directive to expunge the “derogatory, disparaging and uncalled for” remarks of the High Court Division Bench against the Supreme Court is absolutely in order. Clearly, the Patna High Court should not have issued the directive to the Registrar-General of the Supreme Court to place its communication for consideration before “a particular Bench of this court”. It is difficult to understand how the High Court can convert a normal communication from the Supreme Court into a matter of judicial proceedings. Its subsequent remarks against the apex court are indeed unwarranted and the High Court, instead of overstepping its limits and questioning the apex court’s authority, should have furnished the required information through its normal channel of communication, i.e. the Registrar-General. One need not go into the powers of the Supreme Court vis-a-vis the High Courts to examine the merits of the case in question. The Supreme Court is the highest court of the land even if the Patna High Court Chief Justice would have us believe that both are equal in the eyes of the law. In fact, the jurisdiction and powers of our Supreme Court are in their nature and extent far wider than those exercised by the highest court of any other country. Apparently, the Patna High Court has an exaggerated notion of itself by virtue of the powers vested in it under Article 226. But this Article in no way gives overriding powers to it as to question the authority of the Supreme Court, which is the ultimate court of appeal in all civil, criminal and constitutional matters. It is time the Patna High Court Judges understood their limits of jurisdiction and acted accordingly. The very fact that they are constitutional functionaries enjoins greater responsibility on them to observe grace and a sense of propriety and exercise restraint in their interaction with the Supreme Court. If the High Court Judges themselves question the majesty of law and the supremacy of the apex court, what example are they going to set for the subordinate courts and others to follow? |
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Updike’s world John
Updike, one of America's finest writers who won the PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction, is already among the most-honoured of contemporary literary figures. So, one more award for the critically acclaimed 73-year-old author comes as no surprise. What is surprising though is that the PEN/Faulkner award jury, that selected Updike from 350 writers, cited “The Early Stories” - a collection of short stories written from 1953 to 1975. These works of short fiction are not as well known — except to devoted denizens of Updikeana — as the more celebrated novel “Couples” (1968) and the “Rabbit” series. When “Couples” hit the stands, especially in this part of the world, it jarred many a conservative mindset with its explicit portrayal of the sexuality of suburban couples in America; and only the first of the Rabbit series - “Rabbit Run” - had been published eight years earlier. In the decades since then, Updike has risen meteorically in the esteem of millions who lap up his novels. And, the latest award serves to draw attention to a less known work of a writer with an enormous oeuvre of novels, poems, essays, short stories and literary criticism. It is “Rabbit Run” that really got Updike going. The story of the life of Harry “Rabbit” Angstrom, a famous athlete, beginning from his youth during the sexual upheavals of the 1960s through the middle age to his eventual decline in a decadent society stricken by AIDS, is a revealing social comment at its literary best. Two years after “Rabbit Run” was made into a film, in 1972 Updike produced “Rabbit Redux” and it appeared to end as a trilogy with “Rabbit is Rich” (1981). But Angstrom came back to life, in 1990 as “Rabbit at Rest”, albeit in a decaying world. The Rabbit series, like “Couples” and most of his fiction, is about ordinary people, their trials and tribulation; and about the commonplace, the play of ambitions, desires and passions. His pen makes the mundane come abloom with vivid images. Updike rivets the reader with engaging insight, honesty, compassion and humour about everyday people and issues. That's what makes him extraordinary. |
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In violence, we forget who we are. — Mary McCarthy |
A changing relationship AS the PIA aircraft I was travelling in last week touched down in Lahore, I was startled to see the transformation that had taken place at Lahore airport that was earlier as dilapidated, crowded and dirty as international airports in India. If the state of international airports is used as an indicator of a country’s progress, India would rank alongside African countries like Burundi and Congo. But, like its counterpart in Karachi, Lahore airport is today spacious, clean and well designed, unlike its Indian counterparts. Pakistani friends in Lahore and Islamabad were candid about what had transpired in their country after I returned to India in May 2000. What I found heartening was that while people spoke in hushed tones about the armed forces and its leadership in the months following the military takeover of October 12, 1999, they were now quite frank about the continuing army involvement in national governance. The past four years have seen a remarkable transformation in Pakistan-American relations. When President Clinton made a brief halt in Islamabad just after his visit to India, he minced no words in criticising the army takeover, bluntly demanded an end to the support for the Taliban, called for eliminating religious extremism and reminded his hosts of the assurances he had been given that they would respect the “sanctity” of the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan was then subject to a comprehensive embargo on economic assistance. Its economy was on the verge of collapse, with the imminent possibility of its defaulting on the repayment of international debts. The Al-Qaeda attacks on New York and Washington of 9/11 dramatically changed American-Pakistani relations. Thanks to large-scale assistance by the Americans and their allies, Pakistan’s economy today presents a much healthier picture, though few foreign investors would be prepared to put their money in that country. But American assistance does have a price tag. Apart from the discreet American military presence, the significant presence of the CIA and the FBI, monitoring virtually every aspect of the security situation and compelling the Pakistani authorities to act even against their own citizens when required, does offend national pride. Do the Pakistanis love or respect the Americans for the assistance they are receiving and the decision to designate Pakistan a “Major Non-NATO Ally” (MNNA)? There were different views that Pakistanis expressed to me on this issue. Those representing civil society institutions and liberal sections of society acknowledged that they were relieved that Pakistan was no longer perceived as an extremist country supporting the Taliban and, by extension, Islamic extremism worldwide. They also acknowledge that American pressure is compelling General Musharraf to attempt measures to see that the Wahabi-oriented madarasas that are mushrooming across the country and preaching sectarian hatred and violence, adopt a modern curriculum. There is, however, disappointment that these measures are half-hearted and largely unsuccessful. There is also a widespread belief that General Musharraf has no intention of shedding his uniform in the foreseeable future and that the Army is determined to have an institutional say in the country’s governance. Despite the announcement of the grant of the MNNA status to Pakistan, there is growing distrust and distaste for the United States in virtually every section of Pakistani society today. The humiliation of Dr A.Q. Khan for his involvement in spreading nuclear technology and American pressure to force the Pakistan Army to act against suspected Al-Qaeda hideouts in South and North Waziristan are evoking widespread resentment. The military operations undertaken so far have been unsuccessful and resulted in the deaths of scores of Pashtun tribals and Pakistani soldiers in recent weeks. While the elite may welcome the exit of the Taliban, the military establishment evidently has no intention of acting against its leaders despite numerous reports of their presence on Pakistani soil. And given the way the last national elections were “managed”, the alliance of right-wing religious parties — the MMA — has substantial influence in areas bordering Afghanistan, in both the NWFP and Baluchistan. The Americans know that they are in for a long stay in Afghanistan, if they are to stabilise the Hamid Karzai government. In these circumstances, India need not get too concerned about Pakistan’s MNNA status, as long as the Americans clearly understand (which they appear to at present) that their relations with Pakistan should not assume the dimensions they did in the 1980s. The Pakistanis I spoke to asserted that Americans have a limited attention span, change their international priorities regularly and that US relations with India have their own strategic logic. General Musharraf and his military establishment understand that American displeasure could lead to international isolation and economic ruination. Their effort is, therefore, to be seen to be doing their best to help Mr George Bush to “get” Osama bin Laden “dead or alive,” without, however, abandoning the Taliban leadership. Virtually every Pakistani I spoke to acknowledged that the US-Pakistan relationship was a marriage of convenience in which expressions of mutual trust were mere public postures. There is even a measure of admiration for the manner in which India has developed a friendly, but not unequal, or dependent relationship with the US. Despite the grant of the MNNA status to Pakistan, American nationals and diplomats in that country live in constant fear of terrorist attacks. While Pakistanis may profess interest in American mediation on J&K, there is growing recognition that it would be naive to expect that such an American role will enable Pakistan to achieve its territorial aims. But, knowing the Indian aversion to any third-party mediation, there will be ritualistic calls for such mediation. My visit to Pakistan took place when the focus of Pakistani attention was shifting from the recently concluded cricket series, when Indian fans were very graciously and hospitably received, to our general elections that are appearing to be a closer contest than what most Pakistanis expected. Almost without exception, the Pakistanis I spoke to expressed the hope that the elections would result in the return of Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee as India’s Prime Minister. Mr Vajpayee is seen in Pakistan as perhaps the only national leader in India who would be prepared to make “compromises” to resolve the Kashmir issue. The unrealistic expectations that the Pakistanis have about Mr Vajpayee’s readiness and ability to make “compromises” to resolve the Kashmir issue to their satisfaction could well derail the ongoing dialogue process unless a clear message is sent to the Pakistan public and establishment that complex issues like J&K take years, if not decades, to resolve. What is important is to build a climate of cooperation and trust that creates an atmosphere in which serious differences can be addressed. My own assessment is that those referred to in Delhi as the “India baiters” in the Foreign Office and the “India bleeders” in the ISI will spare no effort to adopt positions and put forward propagandist proposals designed to derail the dialogue process. Prime Minister Jamali and Foreign Minister Kasuri appear committed to moving the dialogue process forward. But much will depend on whether General Musharraf and the military establishment decide to irrevocably close down the infrastructure for terrorism that the ISI controls, or choose to believe that Pakistan’s national interests are better served by “bleeding” India. |
Aisee azadi aur kahan! The
role-players in the serials being replaced midway seems to be the new genre. This change is on test, whether the TV lovers like it or not. Small screen seems to be in the process of writing its own grammar. In the days of a generation older than us, when there was no TV, our seniors had to be content with watching their favourite movies only once in a blue moon at the cost of the elders’ ire and proscription. To some extent the social ban of not encouraging going for movies continued to spill-over to our generation too. Hence, quite like the senior breed of cine-lovers, whatever image we formed of the actors playing their respective part, remained with us for all times to come. With newly introduced and adopted TV discipline, we get confused with the swapping of the actors playing same characters in the serials of today. Nobody seems to like the typecasts anymore. Off-ramp is now the rule of the road. Let us apply the TV evolution to films of a bygone era. Imagine Dilip Kumar being replaced ‘conveniently’ with Raj Kapoor for enacting a ‘Devdas’; Dev Anand being swapped with Vishvajeet in playing a ‘Guide’; Dharmendra being substituted with Dara Singh to play ‘Jugnu’; Or, Amol Palekar’s substituting for a ‘Bhola’ Sunil Dutt in ‘Padosan’! The juxtaposition of similar typecasts looks digestible though but only in the modern context. Can these suppositions stand and support the icons’ images that we have savoured all these years? It’s mortally difficult. Many a thousand films did not see the light of the day for the character’s death or breaking up of a contract. Some ‘full of themselves’ actors had their preferences also for the ‘opposties’ of their choice and solely for this reason the project had to be abandoned many a time. This isn’t anymore a headache for the Generation-Now serial makers. TV has become a springboard for many an upstart seeking stardom; and conversely, a landing ground for those who can’t really take off on the Bollywood tarmac. Startled? Ask Shah Rukh and he will say: “Aisee azadi aur kahan!” |
Where caste does not decide politics
In
the caste-ridden national politics, Rajasthan has traditionally been an oasis. But this oasis has shrunk in the present Lok Sabha elections. Constituencies like Ajmer, Dausa, Sikar, Churu, Jhunjhunu, Bikaner and Alwar, which once used to be above caste politics, are this time clearly polarised on caste lines. This time major national parties like the Congress and the BJP have chosen to play the caste card and this is reflected in their selection of candidates for these seats. A candidate’s ability to win is no longer a criterion for his or her selection. The candidate’s caste has become the sole criterion for selection. But still there are half a dozen odd seats in Rajasthan which have not allowed caste politics to dominate. These seats are Bhilwara, Kota, Udaipur, Chittorgarh and Jodhpur, apart from the capital, Jaipur. The electorate of these constituencies has sent its representatives to the Lok Sabha from all castes — Brahmins, Banias, Rajputs, SCs and even STs. Former Maharajas and Maharanis have also won from these seats. But Jaipur’s track record in this context has been rather unique. Jaipur’s former Maharani, Gayatri Devi, won from here twice — in the 1962 and 1967 elections. But former Maharaja Bhawani Singh was made to bite dust in 1989 by a commoner named Girdharilal Bhargava, who made his maiden entry into the Lok Sabha then. Since then Bhargava has won the Jaipur seat five times in a row and is poised for a double hat-trick in this election even though the Congress has fielded a formidable candidate against him — Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat’s nephew, Pratapsingh Khachariawas. Consider the examples of Bhilwara, Udaipur and Chittorgarh. Former Chief Minister Shiv Charan Mathur won the Bhilwara Lok Sabha seat in 1991 though the constituency had few people of his caste. In Udaipur, the first Lok Sabha election in 1952 was won by freedom fighter Balwant Singh Mehta. After that, ST candidates won from Udaipur in the next four Lok Sabha elections. The constituency reposed faith in Jain and Brahmin candidates in the eighties and nineties. The Rajput dominated Chittorgarh elected a non-Rajput Congress candidate, Udailal Aanjana, in 1998. If Jaipur, Bhilwara, Kota, Udaipur, Chittorgarh and Jodhpur are success stories in the context of caste-free politics, Ajmer is on the extreme side of the spectrum. Ajmer has been a Lok Sabha constituency where the two major political parties — the Congress and the BJP — have never played a Muslim card. But in this election, even this myth has been shattered. The Congress fielded Habib-ur-Rahman from Ajmer against the BJP’s Rasa Singh Rawat, a four-time MP from Ajmer. The Congress decision to put up a Muslim candidate from Ajmer surprised the electorate and the BJP strategists alike. The primary reason is that a Muslim has never won a Lok Sabha election from Ajmer though the constituency has the world famous Dargah of Khwaja Sahib. Only smaller parties like the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party, the Janata Dal and the Lok Dal, which don’t have much influence in Rajasthan, had earlier fielded Muslim candidates from Ajmer. The first time a Muslim candidate was put up from Ajmer by a political party was in 1984 when the Lok Dal gave the ticket to Gul Mohammed. But he could muster only 19,000-odd votes, the largest number for a Muslim candidate in a constituency of 12 lakh voters which is not enough even to prevent the forfeiture of the deposit. Even Congressmen in Ajmer concede that the Congress has given this seat to the BJP on a platter. There is consternation in the Congress camp because a “better” (read non-Muslim) candidate could have prevented Rawat’s entry into the Lok Sabha for the fifth consecutive time. But this is not possible now and Rawat is assured of a cakewalk. Ajmer does not seem to be anything more than a test laboratory for the Congress because by fielding a Muslim candidate from here, the party has sought to give a signal to the Muslim electorate nationwide. In fact, it was a pre-poll decision of the Congress that it would field at least one Muslim candidate from Rajasthan, which sends 25 members to the Lok Sabha. The selection of Ajmer for this honour was a last-minute decision as Jaipur and Jhunjhunu were also considered. An interesting fact is that not even 10 per cent women are in the fray from a total of 185 Lok Sabha candidates in Rajasthan. Though the number of women candidates in Rajasthan this time (17) is two more than that in the 1999 elections, it does not constitute even 10 per cent of the total number of candidates. An equally interesting fact is that of the 185 candidates in the fray, 30 are such as have ‘Ram’ in their names, Strange it may seem that the BJP, which captured power at the Centre riding on the Ram Temple bandwagon, has only two candidates whose names have the word ‘Ram’. Surprisingly, the CPM, which has fielded only two candidates in the state, both the candidates happen to be ‘Rams’ — Amar Ram (Sikar) and Shyopat Ram (Ganganagar). |
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From Pakistan LAHORE: The law enforcement agencies raided the houses of PML-N leaders and workers here early Sunday, arresting dozens for pasting welcome banners for Shahbaz Sharif, besides taking custody the banners and vehicles. The heavy contingent of police raided the houses of PML-N leaders, Dr Asad Ashraf, Pir Binyamin, Mian Arshad and Maqsood Aslam, with no arrest. “We conducted a raid at the residence of Dr Asad Ashraf but could not recover him,” a top police official said, requesting not to be quoted, adding, “We moved to his clinic situated at Shadman Road but in vain.” The police also raided the Lohari Gate, Lower Mall and Data Darbar areas, arresting at least 11 PML-N workers along with 300 banners and four vehicles.
— The Nation Overhaul the system
KARACHI: Politics in Pakistan has developed a tumour which cannot be removed by administering any medicine or performing cosmetic surgery. It has to undergo a major surgery aimed at changing the mindset of the oligarchy, and establishing a true democratic order. This was the gist of the speeches delivered by eminent parliamentarians Asfandyar Wali Khan and Dr Farooq Sattar at a seminar held here on Sunday under the aegis of 'Dialogue: Pakistan'. Asfandyar Wali Khan, chief of the Awami National Party, traced the history of democracy right from the fall of Dr Khan Sahib's government in the NWFP to the present times, and remarked: "Unfortunately, we have not learnt a lesson from our history and, instead, keep on repeating the same old mistakes." He defended the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution made by the Nawaz Sharif government to repeal Article 58 (2)B and to disallow floor-crossing by legislators. However, Mr Khan was critical of the 17th amendment, saying that after its adoption, Punjab had virtually become Pakistan.
— Dawn Amnesty to
militants
WANA: The Authorities in the rugged South Waziristan tribal region have announced that tribesmen sheltering foreign militants could furnish guarantees about their future good conduct to facilitate their registration with the government. The administrator of the South Waziristan Agency, Mr Asmatullah Gandapur, in his maiden jirga with Ahmadzai-Wazir tribesmen at the regional headquarters urged them to encourage foreign militants hiding in the tribal region to avail themselves of the amnesty offered by President Pervez Musharraf and get themselves registered by May 7.
— Dawn Trafficking of women
ISLAMABAD: Trafficking of girls and women for prostitution and forced labour is one of the fastest growing crimes. About 800,000 to 900,000 people are trafficked worldwide across the borders each year, while 18,000 to 20,000 make it to the United States. According to the US Department of State, the majority of these women are under the age of 25, with many girls in their mid-or-late teens and some even as young as seven. Many victims are trafficked from Southeast Asia and the former Soviet Union. Most of them are forced into prostitution and the sex industry. Women trafficked to
the US mostly reach New York, Florida, North Carolina, California and Hawaii.
— The News International |
Ye are the salt of earth: but if the salt hath lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? It is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men. — Jesus Christ If the mind is defiled by sin, it is cleansed with the love of God’s name. — Guru Nanak Action cannot destroy ignorance, for it is not in conflict with ignorance. Knowledge alone destroys ignorance, as light destroys darkness. — Sri Adi Sankaracharya He who has awakened, is freed from fear; he has become Buddha; he knows the vanity of all his cares, his ambitions, and also of his pains. — The Buddha Varuna is that which exists lengthwise and crosswise. Varuna is of our own land. He is of foreign land. Varuna is divine. He is human. — The Vedas |
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