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Confusion after polls The Ajoy Ghosh story |
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A historic high
US unpopular among Arabs
The spamsters are here!
The migrant effect on Punjabi society Indian students wowed by US college culture
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Confusion after polls THE en-mass resignation of Congress Working Committee (CWC) members and All-India Congress Committee (AICC) office-bearers is too hackneyed to enthuse party workers. Whoever had thought of this idea had not been original for beginning with the Kamaraj Plan in the early sixties such tactics have been employed earlier also. That the move had evoked some measure of protest is borne out by the comments some of the affected leaders made to The Tribune. To a large extent, this explains why Congress President Sonia Gandhi has rejected their resignation offers and asked them to stay on. It is difficult to believe that she was not privy to the decision to seek resignation from all the office-bearers. She should have put her foot down on the proposal when it was made rather than allow the drama to end up as a farce. The move betrays a panic reaction to the drubbing the Congress received in the recent elections to five state assemblies. Obviously, the party does not know what it should do with general elections less than a year away. The confusion at the top does not show the party in a good light. In politics, it is the leader who gets the credit or blame for what happens to the party. Mrs Gandhi cannot escape blame for the defeat of the Congress as she would have got all the praise if the party had done well. In any case, the resignation of the CWC members would not have served any purpose. After all, she heads an organisation where most decisions are referred to her. If she needs a better team, all she has to do is to constitute one. Where Mrs Gandhi is found wanting is in taking decisions. Administration in Punjab had come to a standstill for weeks together with dissidents and ministerialists slugging it out in New Delhi. All that she has been able to do is to buy time while the warring factions continue to work at cross-purposes. The same is true about Kerala where Chief Minister A.K. Antony and old warhorse K. Karunakaran have been baying for each other's blood. These are not the only state units suffering from dissidence. A leader cannot remain a mere spectator. |
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The Ajoy Ghosh story THAT law can be harsh is understandable. But when it becomes inhuman, there is cause for extreme concern. One such chilling example of how we maltreat prisoners and undertrials in jails was highlighted in an article in The Tribune last week. The story of 16-year-old Ajoy Ghosh who was arrested on the charge of murdering his brother and spent more than 40 years of his remaining life in jails before being finally shifted to a missionary home as an insane, was not penned by any reporter but given by Justice A.S. Anand, a former Chief Justice of India who is now the Chairman of the Human Rights Commission. The shocking narrative gave a blow-by-blow account of the young man's trials and tribulations from court to court. For four decades, the law and the State simply forgot that a hapless man, who had been found to be insane, was wallowing in misery. Even if he had been convicted of murdering his brother, he would normally have been out of jail by 1976 but he was still there in 2000. It took the intervention of the Chief Justice of India to shift him to a missionary home. This was one case which came to light because of a Press investigation earlier. There are many Ajoy Ghoshes rotting in our jails. The criminal justice system was supposed to reform them. Instead, it destroyed them. The loss is not only of these persons but also of society. Men and women who could have contributed their mite to it were either reduced to a comatose state or were sent out from their incarceration in a more vicious mental state. Those responsible for dispensing justice must find answers to questions posed by Justice Anand and other right-thinking persons. What are we doing to protect the fundamental rights of the disadvantaged sections of society — the vulnerable, the weak and the disabled ? How are people punished? What happens inside police stations and prisons? What happens to vulnerable persons? Are there other ways of doing things we do in institutions that give justice? There have to be some answers to the callousness of the law and society. |
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A historic high THE reports about India’s foreign exchange reserves exceeding the $100 billion mark immediately remind one of the days when the country under Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar was forced to pledge its gold with the Bank of England in early 1991 to ward off a debt repayment default. That was quite humiliating for a country of the size and potential of India. The then state of near bankruptcy forced the new government of Mr P.V. Narasimha Rao and Dr Manmohan Singh to do serious introspection and launch economic reforms, which led to the opening up of the economy. The rest is recent history. India is the fourth country after Japan, China and South Korea to have more than $100 billion worth foreign exchange. The country can now negotiate deals for the purchase of oil, weapons or sensitive technology from a position of strength and respect. International rating agencies are expected to project India as a safer destination for doing business and making investments, and consequently, the inflow of foreign exchange will further get a boost. The country can further prepay its foreign debt as it did earlier this year by clearing $5 billion of the external borrowings. Although compared to China, what India attracts as direct foreign investment is still a trickle. The hurdles need to be removed fast to cash in on the “feel good factor”, which should not be used only for electoral gains. Further, the achievement should not lead to any sense of complaceny. Rather, it should encourage the government to resume the reforms with greater vigour. What India has received is mostly the hot money, which can move out as easily as it has flowed in. The immediate need is to channel the flow of foreign funds into the development of infrastructure. After the Enron fiasco, foreign companies are still hesitant about entering the vital power sector. The red-tape and bureaucratic wrangles must not come in the way of investments in the core sector. Knowledge advances by steps, and not by leaps. — Lord Macaulay s
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US unpopular among Arabs FROM Dubai, the heart of the Arabian Gulf, the future is worrisome, somewhat confused, with no end in sight to violence and turbulence. Dubai has, of course, insulated itself remarkably from the storms raging in the region. Tourist dollars continue to flow, new shopping malls spring up from the desert sand with bewildering frequency and the opulence of oil wealth combined with wise leadership have brought about a dramatic change. But many in the establishment in the United Arab Emirates and outside the charmed circle are conscious of the surrounding turmoil and the Arab heart behind the flowing white robes of the men weeps for the Arab predicament. Saddam Hussein’s dramatic capture and the demeaning manner in which he was repeatedly shown on TV screens were humiliating enough, and although the UAE benefits from the American presence in the region, Americans are no more popular than they are elsewhere. Broadly, the UAE has two parameters: its own prosperity and welfare and the assurance of regional security. At present, the latter is perilous and the Bush administration’s conduct of foreign policy, particularly the invasion of Iraq, is deeply unpopular. The UAE has few choices as a small state in a region roiled by war and violence. On Iraq, the official approach is to seek the early removal of American troops once security has been restored. Privately, the UAE acknowledges that there is little prospect of Americans leaving Iraq in a hurry. It is equally clear that Americans underpin the security structure of the UAE and the region, and although dissent is kept under check, the plight of the Arab world, the Palestinians in particular, never ceases to anger the people of the Emirates. In a sense, the UAE conceives itself as a balancing force in the region, the Persian Gulf states bound together in the Gulf Cooperation Council, which provides more of a forum of debate and interchange of ideas than for any bold blueprint implemented thus far. At the centre of the GCC is Saudi Arabia, which finds itself at the heart of the American debate on policies and actions in West Asia. The Saudis have moved a long way from the days of cosy relations with Washington. Now they seek to convince the Bush administration that they are fighting terrorism vigorously and are themselves targets of terrorist acts. The overhang of Nine Eleven — the fact that the great majority of the hijackers who caused death and devastation in the United States were Saudis — over the GCC is inevitable. Significantly, one of the proposals the GCC is considering is the reform of textbooks. In American terms, the UAE is the good boy in the region and something of a favourite son next only to Qatar, which has achieved the incredible feat of granting the US the main base to launch the invasion of Iraq while hosting the very popular Al-Jazeera satellite channel and indulging in pro-Arab rhetoric. Regionally, the Emirates provide America with a stable setting at the crossroads of West Asia. What is more, the UAE is seeking to leveage its growth and development by adopting modern technology and the Information Society. Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s dramatic concessions to the United States in terms of getting rid of programmes for weapons of mass destruction will be interpreted in Washington as a signal success for its new muscular foreign policy. The American dilemma is that the greater the success of its policy of sticks, the deeper is the resentment in the Arab world against it. The partisan nature of American policies towards Israel in its conflict with Palestinians came into sharper focus with the Iraq war. While the US was keen to invade Iraq and is now threatening Syria, it has done nothing to improve the lot of the Palestinians, with the so-called road-map leading to nowhere. Essentially, the road-map is a stalling device to mark time until the US presidential election is over. Israel, meanwhile, would have completed the Wall, grabbing more occupied land. From the Arab perspective, the US has already lost the battle for the proverbial winning of the hearts and minds of the people of West Asia. Few believe that Americans want to bring democracy to West Asia in their new avatar of the Second Roman Empire, except selectively, where it suits them. The missionary theme is, in any event, hardly applicable to the UAE. It is unique in many respects, with a small indigenous population and a large expatriate presence in the country for shorter or longer periods. It is a federal structure where individual rulers in each emirate exercise a great measure of autonomy, with other powers resting with the federal presidency. The federal president and father figure, Sheikh Zayed bin Sulan Al-Nahyan, is royal in his own right. A consultative council has a largely advisory role while Sheikh Zayed’s powers remain unfettered. West Asia faces two kinds of problems: a largely young population that remains unengaged with governance and an older generation out of touch with new and modern mores. The greatest losers in this situation are the moderates who do not employ the populist rhetoric of the extremists and are hobbled by America’s role as the perceived conqueror of the Arab world. Today the United States does not represent a democratic or benign power; rather, it is seen as a fitful and arbitrary beast that can wreak vengeance at its whim and fancy. If the aim of the neoconservaties who dominate the Bush administration is to create chaos in West Asia so that they can reorder the region more to their liking, they might succeed in their first objective. It is, however, not certain that they can bring order to the region, once it has been unscrambled. Rather, the prospect seems more likely to be the return of strong men who will rule with an iron hand as long as they do the American bidding. Many in the Arab world are therefore hoping for the best while preparing for the worst. Understandably, the Arab world is ambivalent and few are placing their bets on the future. If Nine Eleven has been a climactic moment for the United States, the Iraq invasion represents a watershed for Arabs in the post-World War II era. It symbolises a new American arrogance demonstrating the supineness of the Arab world. The frustrations of the Arab world could lead to new tensions and extremist movements. The demographic picture is disturbing enough, with 50 to 60 per cent of the population under 25, a majority of them unequipped for modern employment. Autocratic rulers are certainly a problem in the region but the new American demonstration of Arab backwardness can make the majority ungovernable. Much as the American debate is taking on the attributes of a dialogue on the missionary and realpolitik aspects of the present imperialist drive, the debate in the Arab world centres round survival in more senses than one. It concerns the survival of their countries and rulers, the struggle for securing the basic necessities and the survival of Arab pride and heritage. It would be an ironic result if the American “war on terror” would lead to greater acts of terrorism because few Arabs believe in American altruism. Arabs are divided between those who want the Americans to fail in Iraq and others who are conscious of the risks to the region of an American failure. In this gloom, for Arabs as for foreigners, Dubai and the UAE represent an oasis. The question is: How well can the oasis withstand the harsh desert winds stirred by new American imperial designs? |
The spamsters are here! WHEN for the first time Michael urged me to claim my free digital camera I was lured. I went on clicking and one link led to another till I was stumped. But by the time I realised that I had been taken for a royal ride. I had used up my Internet and telephone time for about 50 bucks. So next time I got wiser and deleted all the mails that promised me anything free — from free vacation to free sex. I reserved the same treatment for those discounts offer on body massage, weight-loss and other healthcare plans. Meanwhile, there was this particularly persistent character called Joe asking me to earn degrees of various kinds. When all his persistence did not pay off he changed his tactics and tried to fix up various avenues of earning for me. In one mail he asked me to become a travel agent from home and in another painted a rosy picture promising 125 to 175 dollars per hour. I was touched by his concern for me and was about to go along with him when better sense prevailed and I chose to ignore him. I wondered how I have been chosen to be literally at the receiving end of these spamsters. I read through one mail and the answer stared me in the face. “You are receiving the e-mail because one of our affiliates has notified us that you want to receive third party offers.” I want to receive these junks? I felt like wringing the neck of whoever has notified them. But that, alas, was shrouded in mystery. What could be the way out? I wondered and read in fine print ‘unsubscribe’. I promptly clicked it and was assured that my address has been removed. But my joy was shortlived. For every junk unsubscribed I received 10 more that I never subscribed to. Some mysterious affiliate at work again! People like Cathy took advantage of my weaknesses. One fine morning I found a mail that declared that my poem has won an award. I did not know that I wrote poems. But I was a freelance writer and that declaration with ‘congrats’ in large font was too inviting. Who knows I might have written a poem and absent-mindedly sent it for competition, I tried to reason with myself and then clicked open the mail. It was junk and I felt much worse than when I get editor's rejection slips for my much-fancied articles! Then one day Michael came back informing me that my new car loan had been approved. I was indeed thinking of availing a car loan and this coincidence struck me as divine. Result? Well.. yes a ride without a car! Exasperated I decided to use the filter option. I filled in catchwords like ‘free’, ‘discount’, ‘degree’, ‘earn’, ‘award’, ‘loan, gift’ and sat back happy that now all the spam would be screened out of my mailbox. But these spamsters had their subterfuge and junk mails made their way regularly into my mailbox. In fact, one of them was a mocking one from Sarah who asked me— “Sick of deleting junk mail?” I was offended but kept my cool, for, I was better off than a friend of mine who fell into a trap of these spamsters and lost two thousand
rupees! |
The migrant effect on Punjabi society
THE demographic complexion of Punjab has changed sharply in the recent years with the influx of migrants from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, besides Nepal. No doubt the influx of a large number of migrants has stablised the agricultural economy and boosted industrial and commercial activities in the border state, this has also resulted in social tension among the various segments of the Punjabi society. The influx started in the 1970s following the Green Revolution. There was a shortage of labour for agricultural operations then. The migrant labour was cheaper to hire than the local labour. The migrants used to come in thousands initially and their influx was seasonal. They would return to their native states after earning good wages during the kharif and rabi seasons. Of late they have started settling down in the rural areas as well as in towns where they are engaged in factories and commercial units. The migrants picked up different jobs in the urban areas. They particularly dominate construction-related works. As a matter of fact, they have monopolised some jobs statewise. For example, Orissa labourers are known for their skill in the sanitation and allied works. Rajasthani migrants are engaged in the brick-kiln industry, besides road making and repairing. They are engaged by contractors of the PWD (B and R). There are different estimates about the presence of migrants in Punjab. According to Dr Joginder Singh, Professor and Head, Department of Economics of Punjab Agricultural University, there are about 22 lakh migrants in Punjab. About 80 per cent of them have now settled in the state. Some experts estimate that the number of migrants in Punjab is more than 30 lakh. However, the Punjab Government has not got any survey done as officials argue that this is a transitory labour and it is difficult to keep the records. These migrants have brought with them many problems and perhaps the foremost is the health hazard. Some of the studies have revealed that they largely suffer from TB, cancer and abdominal ailments. The urban scenario in Punjab has changed which has brought the Department of Local Bodies and the urban development authorities under pressure to tackle the problem of housing for them. Jhuggi-jhompri settlers have become a permanent feature of Punjab. The Dalits strongly feel that with the coming of the migrants, their relationship with the Jats has suffered. The Dalits had been providing all sorts of help to the Jats in agriculture and also meeting their household needs. The Jat-”seeri” (share cropper) relationship has had some sanctity in the Punjabi society and the Jat usually operated through his “seeri” even in criminal acts. It cannot be denied that Dalits have improved their economic lot with the help of Jats, who while going abroad, took along Dalits also. This has brought prosperity to Doaba Dalits. Now the social tension between Jats and Dalits has started surfacing. Doaba witnessed it recently in the shape of violence at Talhan in Jalandhar district. Some other districts of Punjab have also faced similar problems. The Dalit, who now treats the “bhaiyya” — the migrant — as his rival, is fighting for his traditional privileged position. This explains why the Punjab labour — whether Jat or Dalit — is engaged at higher rates than migrants. Dr Joginder Singh explains that the arrival of migrants in the rural as well as urban areas has depressed the wages. They have also brought with them social evils like drug-addiction. Local youths have also started taking “gutka” and “jarda”. During a study of social unrest among labourers in the rural areas, Dr Joginder Singh says, they found resentment among Dalits in particular over the fact that the migrants have snatched their rights of sharing crops with Jats. With their permanent settlement in the rural areas, the migrants prefer to work on contract. On an average, a migrant earns between Rs 80 and 90 per day. Some of the migrant leaders have become contractors and are making good profits from such deals. The migrants are also allegedly indulging in various crimes, including robbery and murder, according to district police officials. However, Mr A.A. Siddiqui, Director-General of Punjab Police, does not agree. He maintains that those who come for “roti-rozee” do not indulge in criminal activities. They keep themselves busy in their daily wage earning, he says. At the same time, Mr Siddiqui admits that gangs of criminals come from states like Bihar and UP. After committing crime, they go back to their homes. Another important development with regard to the migrants in Punjab is that a sizeable number of Muslims have settled in the state. They have come from UP and Bihar. A majority of them are artisans and skilled workers. They have brought with them the dominant Muslim social order. The Muslim community has started setting up “madrasas” in Punjab. Teaching in Arabic, Persian and Urdu is imparted to students in these schools, says Maulana Ateeq-ur-Rehman, President, Indian Muslim Council, Punjab. Maulana Ateeq-ur-Rehman is a resident of Ludhiana and his grandfather, Maulana Habib-ul-Rehman, was a great freedom fighter. He says there are 20 lakh Muslims in Punjab. Five lakh of them have settled in Ludhiana alone. The Muslims are mainly tailors, artisans and barbers. They have migrated to Punjab because of poverty in states like Bihar and UP, he maintains. The Muslims have set up new mosques and some old ones have been renovated. They are also laying claims to some of the mosques with the Wakf Board which have functioned as Hindu-Sikh shrines since Independence. |
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Indian students wowed by US college culture CLUBS are one of the greatest institutions on American college campuses. They provide a great way of getting to know people, making friends, and participating in campus life. Indeed, clubs are responsible for most of the events that dot the social calendar of a university. Whether it is international days, concerts, or sports tournaments, clubs and organizations organize and raise funds for them all. Some of the larger ones even coordinate activities with other colleges, and thus provide an opportunity to travel across America. The best part is that trips such as these are often funded by the college, with minimal cost to the student. A great example of this is Model United Nations, something many Indians are already familiar with. This particular organisation has chapters all over the world, and annual conferences where one can interact with students from a wide range of countries and backgrounds. The college’s varsity sports teams travel around America, playing other teams within their division. While sports can be extremely draining, they have a great atmosphere around them and are immense fun. The other great advantage of such organisations is their flexibility. There are clubs that cover the gamut of interests and hobbies. Sports are very well represented, American as well as international. At my college, there are budding cricket, lacrosse, and field hockey clubs, which are extremely popular with Americans, in addition to the international community. The best part about them is that professors often form their own teams and compete with the students. Dance is a very popular activity, and most people are eager to learn new ways of moving their bodies. I managed to pickup trance and rave dancing, and became fairly good at glow stick twirling. In comparison, there’s nothing funnier than the sight of an American grandmother trying out bhangra! Martial arts clubs are usually pretty good, and worth the investment of time and effort. If you don’t find a club that suits your interests, start one of your own! Colleges are pretty good about helping students launch their own organizations, and will provide logistical as well as theoretical help. This might be a great way of getting involved in campus administration, as well as promoting your own hobbies. Then there is always student government, which at college is a vital organisation, being the backbone of all student-run activities. As most colleges allow students to decide how to spend activity money, governments can be responsible for as much as to 500,000 dollars. In addition to spending all this, all clubs have to have a voice in the government, as well as the student body. Representing one of these might be a great way to find out how the system works. There are a few drawbacks involved with college clubs, however. There is always a risk of overloading oneself with activities, which can negatively impact a student’s health and studies. Almost all clubs have a budget of fairly significant proportions, and deciding appropriate uses for this money can lead to arguments. Finally, if one is involved in the administration of the club, one must be prepared for a lot of frustration. If others don’t help out with responsibilities and administration, any enthusiasm can quickly melt away, leaving one filled with bitterness and frustration. —
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Jesus Christ, the condescension of divinity, and the exaltation of humanity. — Phillips Brooks Purify the spectacles of your mind, and you will see that the world is God. — Shri Ramakrishna Just as clouds are blown away by the wind, so the thirst for material pleasure will be driven away by the utterance of the Lord’s name. — Sarada Devi With five hundred men, the conquest of India might take fifty years; with as many women, not more than a few weeks. — Swami Vivekananda None has attained God without the grace and guidance of the True Guru. — Guru Nanak |
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