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Monday,
September 22, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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Lame excuses by high-ups India and Turkey Good guy turns bad |
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Piecemeal economic reforms won’t do
Propitious times
Musharraf: President or Army Chief?
When a ticket holder is let down
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Lame excuses by high-ups THE sheepish admission by the Director-General of Police and the Chief Secretary of Gujarat that witnesses were coerced or won over in the Best Bakery case is born out of personal necessity. The officials are senior enough to know that the lapses were too blatant to be defended. The Supreme Court strictures have rattled the Gujarat administration and this sort of candid acknowledgement was inescapable. Ironically, to pointed questions as to what the DGP did to remedy the situation, there was no answer. That only shows that the Gujarat administration is aware of its guilt and is in no position to compound it by forwarding lame excuses. After all, 37 out of the 43 witnesses retracted their statement in court. He being the chief of the state police force should have intervened but did not. Why he looked the other way is an open secret. By making the two officials appear personally before it, the apex court has once again made its displeasure over the course of events known. It is a matter of abiding shame for the state that the Supreme Court has called its appeal before the High Court “eyewash”. Chief Secretary Kanubhai Lahiri has now submitted that the state would amend the grounds of appeal to seek further inquiry, collection of additional evidence and also a direction for retrial. It would be argued by the Advocate-General. Special public prosecutors are being appointed to conduct the prosecution of the cases which would be supervised and monitored by an officer of the rank of Inspector-General of Police. To make sure that there is no further attempt to re-enact the farce that was played out before the trial court, the Supreme Court has asked the state government to file a copy of the amended appeal with it by October 9. It would allow the appeal in the High Court only if it is satisfied by the amended grounds. It would also appoint a senior advocate as amicus curiae to assist the prosecution and monitor the progress of the case. Its word that “we will ensure that justice is done in the case” is both an assurance and a warning that the state government cannot be allowed to cheat law. Interestingly, the Additional Solicitor-General representing the state made every effort to avert an investigation by the CBI. His plea was that the state police was competent to investigate the matter. However, it is not competence which is at issue, but the willingness and the independence of it. Since the Gujarat police’s conduct has been unbecoming during the riots and after, it is very difficult to take its promise at face value. If it does redeem itself now, it will be mainly because the Supreme Court is watching. |
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India and Turkey PRIME Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s recent visit to Turkey marks a new chapter in India-Turkey relations. Earlier, their relationship could at best be described as formal, but the two nations have begun to realise that there is much in common in their domestic and foreign policies. Turkey is a Muslim-majority democratic country where secularism remains an article of faith. Similarly, despite being a Hindu-majority country, India has chosen the secular path of its own volition. But in the fast changing world scene, the two nations have decided to evolve a close relationship. The global war against terror has brought India and Turkey on a common platform as they have been victims of the menace for quite some time. The establishment of a Joint Working Group on fighting terrorism is a step in the direction of pooling their resources to end the hydra-headed monster that strikes in New York in the garb of Al-Qaeda and in Srinagar in the name of jehad. This is despite the fact that Turkey has close relations with Pakistan. Turkey has never fought shy of collaborating with Israel and the US in the war against terrorism. Mr Vajpayee’s visit should also be seen as further proof of the major shift in India’s foreign policy as underscored by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s recent visit to New Delhi. But this does not mean that India and Turkey are willing to go the whole hog with the Americans on all issues. On the question of sending troops to Iraq, they share the perception that before agreeing to the US request, there should be a clear promise of an early return of sovereignty to the Iraqi people and that the multinational forces should serve under the UN flag. Unlike India, Turkey has every reason to be worried about lawlessness in Iraq, which can embolden the Kurds, who are yet to reconcile themselves to being Iraqis or Turkish interests in the region. An unfortunate aspect of India-Turkey relations is the lack of trade content, which at present hovers around a measly $650 million. The decision to constitute a special bilateral working group should be seen in the context of their determination to increase trade to a modest $1 billion to begin with. Given the fact that the two countries have been jointly exploring for oil in West Asia and have been engaged in laying an oil pipeline in Central Asia, it should not be difficult for them to achieve this target in a couple of years. By then, Turkey would have, hopefully, become a full-fledged member of the European Union playing a decisive role in shaping EU policies. Seen in this light, Mr Vajpayee’s visit is an investment with assured political and economic returns. |
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Good guy turns bad AMITABH
Bachchan fans are angry because he played the role of an underworld don in Kaizad Gustad’s “Boom”. In their simple world-view the angry young man of yesterday should always remain angry and young! But father time is cruel and so are the facts of
life. Their hero would become a Humpty Dumpty if he were to try the famous “Zanjeer” flying kicks at the ripe young age he had touched. His fans evidently missed the plus points and the bonuses in the form of an array of present and past sirens, who can make even an old guy whistle as if he had just turned 16. Bo Derek at her peak was declared a traffic hazard and so was Zeenat Aman. And don’t forget Madhu Sapre. In the movie they were all over or around the Bade Mian — the role that Amitabh plays in the film. The man who could have taken offence, happily for Amitabh, does not see Hindi movies. Even otherwise, years of living in hiding from fatwas has made Salman Rushdie a much mellowed man. And whatever was going on between him and Padma Lakshmi is now history. Still, the way she cozied up to Bade Mian in scene after scene could have aroused the satanic instincts of Rushdie and men who have passion in their blood. But the real reason why Amitabh fans should not be angry with him lies in the real-life tales of men of honour finding their moment of glory with the help of gangsters or by becoming dons themselves. Whispering their names even in jest can be injurious to the health of the tale-carriers. Such is the awe they inspire. Putting their names in print would amount to promoting life-threatening writing. Bad guys were always there. But in the “good old days” they got paid for protecting the facade of respectability of their patrons. Now they have become patrons of respectability. Therefore, Amitabh’s fans should continue taking pride in their hero still being a vegetarian in real life. The story of “Silsila” reflected the exception that proves the rule! Thought for the day I’m at my best in a messy, middle-of-the road muddle.
— Harold Wilson |
Piecemeal economic reforms won’t do UNTIL 40 years after Independence the Indian economy remained weak and failed to exploit its full potential under the spell of the “socialistic pattern”. The State acquired control over all the key sectors of the economy, and restrictions were imposed on growth, and the private initiative was throttled. On the pretext of self-reliance, obsolete technology was protected and monopolies thrived in the public and private sectors alike. Growth suffered and the economy crawled at a slow pace of 3.5 per cent. Countries like China, Thailand and Korea, which were at parallel or even lower levels of development 30 years ago, moved ahead leaving India far behind. The year 1991 marked a watershed in the history of India’s economic development. When Mr
P.V. Narasimha Rao took over as Prime Minister the economy was a shambles. Sweeping reforms introduced by Dr Manmohan Singh, followed by equally dynamic reforms introduced by the present government, brought about major transformation and a total change in the character and concept of the Indian economy, a change which could never to conceived 20 years ago. Industrial licensing was nearly abolished. Several key sectors, including airlines, telecommunications, power, banking and insurance, were thrown open to the private sector to compete. Restrictions on foreign trade, foreign investment and exchange control were relaxed. Taxes were reduced and administrative procedures were simplified. All these measures paid rich dividends. Forces of growth, suppressed so long, were released. Many key sectors like the airlines, communications and banks woke up to the emerging competition, cutting costs and improving service. With the release of consumer demand, production went up sharply and the GDP registered an impressive growth. For the first time an economy of shortages was converted into in an economy of plenty and the Indian consumer emerged as the king dictating to the producer of his choice. For the first time the role of business was truly recognised and the economy got the centre-stage in the political strategy of the country. On the external front, trade volume increased steadily, foreign exchange reserves reached an impressive $ 85 billion, enabling India to repay some of its debts in advance. India emerged as a leader in information technology. Immediate prospects and the outlook for the economy are optimistic. Agricultural output after an unprecedented good monsoon is expected to be significantly higher, and with support from other sectors, the overall growth is expected to be around 7 per cent in 2003-04. A long-term perspective for economic growth, however, needs to be looked into with some caution. It is significant that the reforms introduced so far, although dynamic, have been piecemeal and mostly confined to industrial licensing, the external sector, banking and insurance. In other vital areas like fiscal management, infrastructure, agriculture and the judiciary, much still remains to be done. Even after good performance during the last decade in absolute terms, as also by global comparisons, India is still far behind. Nearly 260 million of our people still live below the poverty line, 340 million are illiterate, 380 million do not have access to safe drinking water and 250 million have no access to adequate sanitary facilities. As many as 50 per cent children below the age of five years are undernourished. Employment growth has taken a back seat and the total number of unemployed persons has increased from 20.13 million in 1993-94 to 26.58 million in 1999-2000. This illustrates the enormity of the task ahead and the need for accelerating the pace of economic growth to reach the level of at least 8 per cent per annum to be able to come anywhere near the desired objective. In reviewing some of the critical sectors ignored so far, fiscal management emerges to be the most important. All these years to meet the increasing fiscal and revenue deficits the government has been borrowing heavily. Interest payment alone takes away 48 per cent of the government revenue followed by 18 per cent by defence and 16 per cent by subsidies. Investment has suffered badly, resulting in a weak infrastructure and low rate of growth. Many important projects in crucial sectors are being deferred for want of resources, including the Golden Quadrilateral scheme, a dream project of the Prime Minister. The rate of savings has to be raised from the existing 24 per cent to 28 per cent. Public sector savings have to be converted from a negative (-) 2.5 per cent to a surplus level. User charges, particularly in the power sector, have to be strictly imposed and transmission losses reduced. All non-essential subsidies should go and others phased out. The need for massive foreign investment in infrastructure, particularly in power, transport and port facilities, has been long recognised. Yet, policy confusion, lack of coordination between the states and the Centre and sheer incompetence of the bureaucracy have resulted in several willing investors having come to India, stayed for long and gone back in disgust. It is equally necessary to rationalise labour laws and introduce better labour discipline. The existing labour laws have proved to be a major disincentive for new investment. The recent agitation by government employees in Tamil Nadu, its effective handling, and observations by the Supreme Court are a good pointer. Agriculture is another area of major concern. The largest contributor to economic welfare, it accounts for 27 per cent of the country’s GDP, provides maximum employment and is the source of sustenance for two-thirds of India’s population. Yet it has been consistently neglected and over the last seven years performed badly, achieving an average growth of 2.2 per cent only. Our foodgrains needs by the year 2020 will be increased to 295 million tonnes, while production has stagnated around 200 million tonnes. Productivity and yield in India have remained very low, nearly one-third of that in countries like the US, China and Australia. Between 25 per cent and 40 per cent of the vegetables and fruits produced in India are destroyed for want of adequate storage and transport facilities. The agricultural sector needs massive investment along with an equal emphasis on agro-processing and allied activities. The judiciary is another area of concern. It is unfortunate that even 50 years after Independence justice in India is expensive and time-consuming, and the government is a major litigant involved in 60 per cent of the total 30 million cases pending before the courts. An effective alternative system has to be evolved for quick disposal of cases. The economic reforms introduced in 1991 and thereafter succeeded in transforming and reviving the sagging economy. Now for the Indian economy to be able to rise to its potential and perform globally, it is inevitable that more reforms on the lines already discussed are introduced. We still have a long way to go. We have to move fast and the future will be ours. |
Propitious times AS soon as I picked up the file relating to the purchase of six sweeping brooms and three bottles of phenyle, I found the door of the room open rather briskly. I lifted my eyes. It was Krishnan. “What are you doing, sir. Signing important files in Raahukalam!” And, what is that, I asked. I had thought that all time having been created by God Almighty was equally good and did not have any parcels of good and bad. “No sir never do that. You know that Venkatavardhana once ....”. I had to postpone signing that file. About an hour later I found a mob rushing to the block I sat in. “What’s the matter now.” I shouted. That was the third time in the week that a demonstration had disturbed peace. “Sir, it’s the staff union wanting to meet you. They have just learnt that you have refused to sanction the cleaning material that you promised day before yesterday!” Meanwhile I could listen to the chantings “Jo humse takrayega, choor choor ho jayege.” I did not want to become “choor, choor”, and promptly signed the file. “You have also to take care that you do not do anything decisive during Yamaganda,” advised Sriramulu. I had, frankly, never heard about it. He explained, taking pity on an ignoramus, that at certain times in the day Yama, the Lord God of death was on prowl, and one should be careful. I got unnerved. I looked out. And sure he was there. Not Yama, but his vahana — the buffalo. A huge one was making its way across the lawn and seemed to be heading to the Record Room. Before the combined might of danda wielding chowkidars could ask for its identity card it had devoured two files and a stack of vouchers. Here we will have an addition to the time honoured entry in the government records I thought — “not received in the office and despite best efforts not traceable”. The stomach juices of the vahana of Yama, of course, would tell a different tale, a truer one ! Then I read of Gulikakal in the Asian Age. Everyday they publish the timings. I did not know whether it was a time to celebrate or avoid. I thought of doing some harmless activity during this period, and hit upon an internet chess game. I had barely made a dozen moves when I found that I had placed my Queen en prise! And you can’t take back a move. As I was thinking of resigning, the opponent typed something extraordinary — Very clever that. If I take that queen it’s curtains for me after 12 moves. Lets draw”. I had not seen even beyond the first move. I graciously accepted the draw. And that was the only time I could salvage a draw. Otherwise it had been either abdication or resignation. However, from practical experience I found that the best way to success is finding out the Moodkalam — yes that’s the time to look for. Find out about the mood of the boss and, then only, approach him for favours like vamoosing to see that thrilling end to the one-day match or a classic of Bruce Lee. Oh boy, that’s the
kalam! |
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Musharraf: President or Army Chief? Ostensibly, a political sticking point inside Pakistan today is the issue of the General’s uniform. The position of the opposition parties is clear: the General cannot be both President and Army Chief at the same time. He must give up one of the posts, preferably the position of Army Chief. And once he does that he must put himself up for election as President. The six-party Islamic alliance, the MMA, has assured him that it will vote for him if he stands for election as President. But IOUs seldom hold for very long in politics. Even otherwise, Musharraf believes that if he gives up the position of Army Chief or even agrees to a timeframe for doffing his uniform, he will lose his primacy and will then neither be able to influence policy nor dictate the course of events in the country. Therefore, as things stand, it appears as though neither side will relent on its position on the uniform question. But the tussle over the uniform is not the real political story unfolding inside Pakistan. The real story is that the politicians from both sides of the political divide don’t seem very interested in settling the issue. The reason is simple. The politicians stand to lose the most if there is a settlement on the legal framework order (LFO), which allows Musharraf to be President and Army Chief. Politicians from the ruling alliance are using the LFO to curry favour with the General. The opposition is using the LFO to pressurise him to concede important demands, and all this in the name of upholding the sanctity of the constitution and ushering in genuine democracy in the country. On the other hand, if the LFO controversy is not settled, the General stands to lose the most. A deal on the uniform question will not only allow the General to continue calling the shots for the duration he is allowed to wear two hats but also give him a respectable exit route. But Musharraf believes that he is indispensable for Pakistan and doesn’t seem interested in quitting any time soon. Therefore, he is not interested in any deal that he thinks will compromise his position. The PPP leader Aitzaz Ahsan is of the opinion that the General’s fear that he will become a lame duck the moment he agrees to a timeframe to quit as Army Chief is entirely misplaced. Aitzaz believes that once the General gives a date of retirement as Army Chief, his position will only be strengthened because all the prospective candidates for Army Chief will try to curry his favour and do his biding unquestioningly. Moreover, the timeframe being negotiated with Musharraf is long enough for him to ensure the retirement of inconvenient and hardline Generals and will allow him to choose his own favourite to succeed him. Aitzaz is, however, quite sure that a political confrontation is inevitable. He believes that all that the MMA wants is a face-saver and is willing to compromise but Musharraf’s obduracy will not allow him to reach a compromise with the MMA. As far as the non-religious political parties alliance, the ARD (which includes both the PPP and PML-Nawaz), is concerned, it is far more uncompromising on the issue of the LFO than the MMA. Despite the fact if an unbearable strain is put on the system created by Musharraf, it might lead to another man on the horseback calling the shots, the ARD chairman, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, is not willing to countenance any deal with Musharraf. He believes that even if Musharraf is replaced by another dictator, the new man will not be able to sustain himself in power and sooner rather than later will have to make way for ‘real’ democracy. He is of the opinion that neither the ARD constituents nor the MMA will strike a deal with the government. He said that the voters of both these political conglomerates will desert them if they strike a deal with Musharraf, something that happened to Jamaat Islami when it decided to support General Zia. The Nawabzada said that this was the primary reason why the MMA had to backtrack every time it came close to striking a deal. According to the Nawabzada, it is crunch time for the future of democracy in Pakistan and the coming battle will decide once and for all whether the army will rule Pakistan or the people will rule the country. |
When a ticket holder is let down WHEN a consumer buys a ticket – whether for travel or for an entertainment show, she or he is assured of a seat in the category for which the ticket has been sold. Failure to keep up that promise constitutes deficiency in service and the service provider is liable to pay compensation to the consumer. Train passengers, for example, who were denied seats despite valid tickets and those who were robbed of air-conditioned comfort in spite of having paid for such travel, have been awarded compensation by consumer courts. For example, when 72-year old Jayarama Shastrigal was not allowed to travel despite a valid ticket, the consumer court not only asked the Railways to refund the cost of the ticket, but also awarded Rs 14,000 as compensation ( Southern Railway VS Consumer Protection Council, Trichy, FA no 109 of 1993). Inter-state road transport services too have been directed to pay compensation for failing to stop and pick up passengers after having issued tickets . Recently, the apex consumer court looked at another kind of ticket-related problem faced by a consumer: denial of entry into a cricket stadium. On January 31 last year, the Ferozeshah Kotla ground in Delhi was packed with cricket fans who had come to witness India play against England in the one-day international cricket series. Mr Harsimron Singh Sandhu was also there with three others, but outside the stadium. Despite having purchased four tickets of Rs 2,000 denomination each, he and his friends were denied the pleasure of witnessing the match. They waited for hours to gain entry into the stadium, but in vain. On the ground that the stadium was full, they were not allowed to enter. The District Consumer Disputes Redressal Forum, before which Mr Sandhu filed a complaint, directed the Delhi and District Cricket Association to return Rs 8,000 collected towards the tickets along with interest at 9 per cent calculated from January 31, 2002. It also awarded Rs 40,000 as compensation and Rs 1,000 towards the cost of litigation. When the State Commission dismissed its appeal, the association filed a revision petition before the apex consumer court. The association argued that the ticket holders should have reached the stadium early if they were interested in watching the match and they should have contacted a senior officer of the association, if they had a problem. Dismissing the argument, the National Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission said it was unfortunate that instead of apologising to the complainants and settling their claim, the association had come up with this specious plea. Instead of suggesting that the consumer should have contacted an officer who was nowhere in sight, the association should have posted an officer to refund the tickets at the entry point itself. In any case, the association had no business to sell more tickets than the stadium could accommodate and this amounted to gross deficiency on its part, the Commission held. Said the Commission: “When a ticket is sold, the purchaser is promised that he will have entry in the stadium and will be provided a comfortable space in that particular category to witness the match. The complainants have been denied their right to witness the match” ( RP no 2502 of 2003, decided on August 27,2003). |
Samskaras are like ditches in mind. They have to be dug laboriously. But they can also be filled in and new channels can be dug. — Sri Ramakrishna You must repeat ‘Rama’ But do it with understanding the name. One Ram is He who pervades all over, The other is contained in his physical frame. — Kabir God is near; do not think Him far away. He ever cares for us and remembers us too. — Guru Nanak God is continuously in action, without resting for a single moment. — Mahatma Gandhi Ostentation, pride, self-conceit, wrath, insolence and ignorance are O Partha! the wealth of one born to Devilish (nature). — The Bhagavad Gita |
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AT first glance, it appears that Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf has got everything figured out and is in complete control of the political situation in the country. The Americans give him almost blind support, the army is behind him, his supporters in parliament have a majority, and the opposition is divided on the issue of striking a deal with the government on the big constitutional questions that face the country. But one great paradox of Pakistani politics is that the stronger you appear, the more vulnerable you are. And after talking to a host of Pakistanis, it appears that the General is not as comfortably placed as he may like to imagine and trouble could brew for him from the very quarters he believes support him. Worse, nobody in Pakistan believes that the system Musharraf has imposed on the country can last longer than a few more months.