EDITORIALS

Battle against terrorism
India-Israel partnership is a significant step

MR Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Mr Ariel Sharon signed on Wednesday night the Delhi Statement of Friendship between India and Israel that made them partners in the ongoing battle against terrorism. At this moment, exactly two years ago, a group of terrorists were going through their notes on how they would target the symbols of American political, military and economic might. They missed the White House, caused damage to the Pentagon, but succeeded in destroying the Twin Towers. The global community was shocked and petrified. Every nation realised how vulnerable it was against the faceless enemy of peace and civil order. A bunch of misguided but highly motivated terrorists demonstrated for the first time that even the mighty United States could be harmed and that too on its own soil. The clinical precision with which the Twin Towers were destroyed should have served as the moment of reckoning for mankind.

Unfortunately, that did not happen. American President George W. Bush cannot complain of not receiving the cooperation of the global community for waging a collective and relentless war against all forms of terrorism. The signing of the Delhi Statement on the eve of the second anniversary of 9/11 was a stinging comment on America's failure in carrying most nations with it in what should have been a decisive war against terrorism. True, two years is too short a period for destroying the global network of terrorists. The fight should at least have made some headway. It has not. The post-9/11 situation is a shade grimmer. Afghanistan lies devastated but Osama bin Laden and his band of terrorists have survived. Iraq has been turned into a terrorist-infested State by the actions of the Anglo-American coalition. And don't forget the Bali bombing.

Ideally, the global community should stop trusting the Anglo-American alliance and give more teeth to the United Nations for first clearing their mess before raising a genuine international force under its umbrella for fighting terrorism. A campaign that spared Pakistan was doomed to fail. Logically, it should have begun with the destruction of the camps and madarsas in Pakistan that provide training and shelter to the Al-Qaeda, the Taliban and the Kashmiri militants. The December 13 attack on the Indian Parliament, the Godhra, the post-Godhra and the Akshardham incidents, the Mumbai blasts and the unending cycle of violence in Jammu and Kashmir could have been averted had Pakistan been punished for patronising terrorists. The ISI-engineered acts of terror should have alerted the global community about how not to fight international terrorism. India had no option but to enter into a strategic bilateral partnership with Israel for dealing with Pakistan's proxy war in Kashmir that has spread to other parts of the country.

Son fixation
Enforce the ban on sex determination test

THE Supreme Court’s directive to the government to implement the provisions of the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act banning sex determination tests and sex selection to prevent female foeticide is timely. The court has been closely monitoring the implementation of its various orders passed since May, 2001, regarding the ban on the use of ultrasound scanners for conducting such tests. Subsequently, it had sought status reports from all states and Union Territories. It had ordered compulsory registration of all diagnostic centres across the country. There was impasse in Parliament over the Bill on sex determination tests. The Indian Radiologists’ Association wanted a clear distinction between clinics, which were engaged in diagnosis for gynaecological purposes, and those for non-gynaecological purposes such as kidney and liver problems. Parliament finally passed the Bill. Wednesday’s directive reflects the Supreme Court’s desire to enforce the Act with a sense of urgency.

However, doubts are bound to be raised on the effectiveness of the legislation as the issue mainly relates to people’s attitudes and preferences. The desire for a son, for instance, is deep-rooted in both rural and urban areas. The problem of dowry and the choice of a son for social security have also contributed to the malady. However, these have led to serious gender discrimination and adverse demographic implications in many states. For instance, according to an estimate, parts of Haryana have witnessed a dip in sex ratio — 618 girls for 1,000 boys. On the whole, while the national sex ratio is 933 per 1,000 men, in Haryana, Punjab, Chandigarh and Delhi, it is below 900. This shows that the menace has reached alarming proportions even in urban areas.

The Act prohibits determination and disclosure of the sex of foetus. It also prohibits any advertisements relating to pre-natal determination of sex. Following the apex court’s orders earlier, appropriate authorities with powers of civil court have been appointed. These were empowered to prosecute the clinics and the doctors if they used ultrasound technique for sex determination. A committee has also been constituted at the national level to monitor the enforcement of the Act through field visits. However welcome these provisions are, legislation alone will not help check female foeticide. What is of utmost importance is a change in the people’s attitude. The preference for a son must go if the larger problem of female foeticide is to be tackled.

Marriages, or sex tourism?
It’s misuse of religion to exploit poverty

IT is good that the government has woken up to stop the unhealthy practice of “muttah” marriages mainly indulged in by Muslim tourists from West Asia. They prefer younger women in marriage for a short duration — which means till their stay in this country. Naturally, it is the women who suffer the consequences in case they get pregnant. There is no legal arrangement to make her former husband share the burden. The poverty-stricken parents of these girls allow their daughters to be exploited in this manner because of the lure of money which they get in return as dowry. This is in accordance with the practice in the Arab world where dowry is given by the groom. But the National Commission for Women has discovered that these tourists are not interested in marriage, a sacred bond between a man and a woman. Their intention is sexual exploitation. The government must crack the whip without delay to nip the problem in the bud. Under no circumstances should any foreign national be allowed to use his money power to play with the lives of disadvantaged girls. Such characters should be identified and sent back to the countries of their origin. Ideally, they should not be given visas to visit the country.

The so-called “muttah” marriages are, however, not possible without middlemen. Those caught promoting this heinous activity should be given exemplary punishment. Such people deserve no sympathy. What they have been facilitating is nothing but sex tourism, which cannot be tolerated in a civilised society.

These sex-hungry tourists and their contacts have been misusing the name of their religion to escape the clutches of law. The truth is that marriages for a particular period — irrespective of the duration — have no sanctity in Islamic shariah. The practice of “muttah” did exist among a section of Muslims, mostly Shias, for a while, but it was of an entirely different nature. It was abandoned because of social and other complications. In any case, there is no similarity between the “muttah” marriages in India today and that which prevailed earlier. Muslims in India should not hesitate in condemning this fraudulent practice. It is a matter of national honour. There can be no compromise on such a matter.

Thought for the day

A young married is a man that’s marred.

— William Shakespeare

OPINION

Musharraf’s commando-style politics
Pak paying heavy price for his impetuousness
by Benazir Bhutto

DECISION-making in Pakistan once took place in an institutional framework allowing debate between different government departments. This resulted in credible, legitimate, serious and acceptable policies based on a consensus. But the practice is no more there.

Since commando-style politics reshaped Islamabad's foreign policy, impetuousness is the name of the game.

Such impetuousness was displayed following the bombing of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. As the call from Secretary of State Colin Powell came, Islamabad's military dictator leapt to attention. Much to the surprise of the American administration, disclosed in a book called "Bush at War", General Musharraf joined the international coalition against terrorism without naming a price, or consulting the institutions of the government.

The foreign office, the security services, the National Security Council and the Cabinet itself that would have supported the decision to join the war against terror were ignored.

Impetuousness cost Pakistan a consensus and perhaps debt relief that could relieve unborn generations of financial burdens. Other countries, including Egypt and Jordan, managed such relief when strategic regional situations developed.

This summer the military dictator flew to Camp David for talks with President Bush, the most powerful leader of the unipolar world. His visit followed that of the President of the Philippines. She was treated to a resplendent state visit with a grand White House dinner while the Marine Band played in the background. The General was treated to a lesser official visit, businesslike, simple and quickly over at Camp David.

Fresh from Camp David, the General decided on another display of impetuousness during a television talk show. He now wanted a "debate" on whether Pakistan should recognise the State of Israel. Although informal contacts between Islamabad and Tel Aviv have existed since the days of General Zia in the seventies, Pakistan links Israel's recognition to the resolution of the Jerusalem and Golan Heights issues.

Perhaps, the General thought that all roads to Washington led through Israel. Or, perhaps, he wanted to dangle a carrot for his continuation in office. In any event, this momentous announcement was made without consulting the Cabinet, the National Security Council or even his brother officers, the corp commanders of the Pakistan army.

Surprisingly, the General thought that a hard-nosed State like Israel would bite a dangling carrot cutting its strategic relationship with India for a "debate" in Islamabad.

Of course, Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was listening. He swiftly invited Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to New Delhi to let those who were in the dark know that the Israeli-Indian nexus was safe and sound.

The result of the General's commando gambit, throwing aside consensus for unilateral action, is a troubling backlash for Islamabad.

Pakistan's foreign office expressed the depth of concern over the growing Indo-Israel defence cooperation. A Foreign Ministry spokesman said, "It is an act directed against Pakistan and we would be most concerned as they are very negative developments."

The Israeli defence pact with New Delhi follows the Indo-Iranian defence agreement reached a few months back. Meanwhile, Islamabad's relations with Kabul are hardly good as pro-Taliban militants regroup and attempt to destabilise the Karzai government.

Against this background, the All-Party Hurriyat Conference, a grouping of Kashmiri leaders sympathetic to Islamabad, split.

Washington, which facilitated Indo-Pakistan talks in the past, has yet to suggest a summit meeting between General Musharaf and Mr Vajpayee during their coming visit to the UN General Assembly in New York.

And Indian troops in Ladakh are carrying out "military exercises" which are "within the disputed territory," according to a foreign office briefing in Islamabad.

These exercises are taking place with US Special Forces as part of new Indo-American military ties against the backdrop of the Israeli Prime Minister's visit to New Delhi.

Islamabad is helpless in the face of provocation even as it is Washington's most valued ally.

The time calls for leadership to overcome the sorry pass of individual decision-making although it seems time and leadership are at odds with each other.

Ms Benazir Bhutto's article was distributed by ANI

MIDDLE

They fell to stand out in history
by Roopinder Singh

IT is an epic battle which is remembered more than a 100 years after it was fought because of the bravery of the soldiers and their commitment to the flag they served.

The battle of Saragarhi was fought on September 12, 1897, at a remote British army post in the North-West Frontier Province. The outpost that stood between two forts, Fort Cavagnari (later Fort Gulistan) and Fort Lockhart (now Fort Samana), was in the Tirah region of the NWFP. The outpost Saragarhi, a small village between the forts, was maintained to enable heliographic (mirror) and semaphore (flag) communications between them.

The area was defended by 36 Sikh, manned largely by men from the Doaba area, with British officers. The local Tirah tribe rose up against the British because of various factors, including interference in their customs and encroachment on their area. Joining up with other tribes in the area, the collective force attacked the forts and the outpost.

While Fort Lockhart had 121 men, Fort Gulistan had 175 men defending it. The post at Saragarhi village had just 21 men. Havildar Ishar Singh, a non-commissioned officer, led 20 young Sikh solders, none with more than five years' service.

They were offered guarantees and promised safe passage "with their arms" if they would only vacate the post. But the men would have none of it, records Lieut-Gen Kirpal Singh Randhava, who has reconstructed the battle in various articles, including Saragarhi 1897, (Nishan III).

Havildar Ishar Singh, who spoke fluent Pushto, replied, "We have eaten the salt of the Queen (Victoria) and cannot spit it out. Thank you, but we will fight and die here."

They faced two major attacks, and bids to relieve them proved futile in the face of overwhelming odds. The soldiers kept on fighting even as their numbers dwindled and ammunition was exhausted. They also kept reporting the progression of events through their signalling devices. The last message by Signalman Gurmakh Singh at Havildar Ishar Singh's command was: "We are being overrun, but will not surrender. Request permission to close down." The permission was given and minutes later the forces at the fort saw that the post had been taken over by the tribal attackers. The soldiers died, last man firing the last round and then pulling out their bayonets, defying the attackers who had surrounded the post. They killed 180 before being overwhelmed. Their comrades took back the post soon, but it was too late for the defenders.

The brave soldiers were awarded by Queen Victoria the Indian Order of Merit, the then equivalent of the Victoria Cross, with 50 acres of land and Rs 500 to each, posthumously. Never has this honour been given to so many men in a single unit. The whole British Parliament rose to give them a standing ovation, last done for Nelson's Trafalgar Battle Victory, and declared September 12 as a holiday for perpetuity for all units of the Indian Army with Sikh troops. This order still stands.

The saga of Saragarhi became a part of army lore. It was taught in French schools and is recollected everywhere, even by erstwhile enemies who salute the courage of these bravehearts.

Why Punjab farmers resort to agitations
Most demands of kisans remain unmet
by P.P.S. Gill

THE  farmers are an important political constituency. They are also an unorganised constituency with no pressure groups of their own to bridge the gap between the thinking of policy-makers and ground realities. This allows the politico-administrative system to exploit them.

The farmers today feel frustrated. They have occasionally chosen the path of agitation. They are apprehensive about their future and are worried about the divisions in the organisations that claim to represent them and protect their interests. These organisations use them for their own survival.

At the last count, there were as many as 11 such organisations, each with some political link or alliance or affiliation or leaning. Some of these are, namely, the four factions of the Bharti Kisan Union (BKU) and two groups of BKU (Ekta). There are also the CPI and the CPM-sponsored factions of the Punjab Kisan Sabha, besides the Kisan Sangharsh Committee, Kirti Kisan Union, Khetibai Kisan Vikas Front, Jamhoori Kisan Sabha and Kul-Hind Kirti Kisan Union.

The issues are the same on which different organsations have prompted the farmers to agitate. The same were called off often with some success and more often on mere government assurances. Most of the issues pertain to “policy matters” and concern the Centre. Only a few are of “local” nature.

The issues that have forced the farmers to repeatedly agitate in Chandigarh or elsewhere and camp for days, had evoked only lukewarm response from the government. The issues raised included higher minimum support price for farm produce, restoration of free power and water, withdrawal of inflated domestic bills and those issued in areas unirrigated by canal water.

Farmers also wanted India to pull out of the World Trade Organisation. They demanded payment of the promised arrears to sugarcane growers, as also release of remaining instalments of Rs 30 per quintal bonus on paddy. The other issues were waiver on cooperative loans, lowering of rate of interest on these loans and making them comparable to the rate of interest charged by commercial banks, repeal of sections 67-A and 67-C of the Co-operative Act under which defaulters can be arrested and unshackling co-operative societies from the bureaucratised Markfed. They also demanded action against those selling inferior or spurious fertilisers and plant protection chemicals, introduction of crop insurance, certified, quality seeds, proper guidance on diversification and contract farming and tackling the menace of stray cattle.

These organisations had also raised a banner of revolt against the government move to privatise the Punjab State Electricity Board and had demanded dismantling of the Punjab Regulatory Commission and prompt release of the promised electricity connections to tubewells.

An analysis of the cause and effect of the farmers’ agitations reveals not only the internal contradictions and conflicts within them but also a streak of sameness on issues involved. There is no in-built mechanism either within these organisations or in the government to “educate” the farmers on these issues. Should the farmers not be explained how far their agitations are justified or what all the state can or cannot do for them? Should the state not tell them what is beyond its purview or what falls in the domain of the Centre? And farmers should also focus on only such issues that are in their interest and not what interests them.

Dr S.S. Johl says, “The farmers should demand subsidies on investments, not inputs. All farmers’ organisations and factions thereof should merge and work assiduously for a ‘Chamber of Agri-business’ on the pattern of CII. As an apolitical forum, it should play a key role in framing agricultural policies. Fractured kisan organisations cannot deliver anything tangible through any number of agitations”.

The united kisan organisations have also to play a bigger role to transform the rural social and economic matrix through education and awareness. The farmers must be made to understand the import and impact of the changing world economic order, food security and quality production etc. rather than letting the clutch of organisations make farmers chase a mirage and exploit them for their own survival.

It is as much the responsibility of the kisan bodies as also of the government to speak out about the financial health of the state and political constraints that shackle it in implementing the past promises made to the farmers. Not that farmers are totally ignorant of the ground realities.

The very presence of so many organisations is also a pointer to the flawed panchayati raj system, which is highly politicised, dividing the rural society into factions and creating frictions. Besides the state and kisan organisations, the Extension Education wing of Punjab Agricultural University needs to be reoriented. It should play a “pro-active” role in the socio-economic life of the farmers. As a highly respectable constituency, farmers are facing an uncertain future.

CM can decide: Lal Singh

ON the farmers’ issues, this writer spoke to Agriculture, Rural Development and Panchayats Minister Rajinder Kaur Bhattal and Finance Minister Lal Singh. In separate interviews, both spoke more off the record than on record, expressing their “sympathy” with the farmers, showing their “seriousness” about their problems and empathising with “genuine” issues.

Mr Lal Singh was deputed by the Chief Minister in March last to negotiate with the farmers, who, in thousands, had launched simultaneous dharnas in Patiala and Chandigarh. He had succeeded in his mission. At that time, Ms Bhattal was not taken into confidence. A grouse that she, perhaps, still nurses.

This time, the agitating farmers, who were stay put in Chandigarh for four days, till September 4, refused to talk to anyone else other than the Chief Minister, who did not oblige them. They had departed threatening to announce their next phase of agitation, if talks were not held with them. Ms Bhattal chose to remain away from the scene.

To questions on farmers' issues, she said only some of the promises made by her colleague in March remained to be implemented. This would be done as and when the state’s financial situation improved.

On the supply of “free” power and canal water, she said she favoured a concession to small farmers owning less than five acres. Without impairing the expected flow of money from the World Bank to the state, token user charges could be levied and realised by exempting small kisans.

Ms Bhattal evaded the question when asked if she would take the initiative of her own to look into the farmers’ problems, as she was the Minister in charge.

To the same question, Mr Lal Singh said it was the Chief Minister’s prerogative to depute anyone to hold talks with the farmers. He said the government was “seriously committed” to mitigate the sufferings of the farmers. Even the pending issues will be resolved when money became available. He was willing to walk with Ms Bhattal on farmers’ issues, if the Chief Minister so desired.

He disclosed that negotiations were at an advanced stage with NABARD to convert high cost loans into low cost loans that would fetch Rs 1,000 crore, enabling the state to further reduce the rate of interest on the co-operative loans and give relief to the farmers.

Mr Lal Singh charged the Centre with “discriminating” against Punjab and not allowing it to offload its sugar stock of nearly Rs 600 crore or giving financial help to bail out sugar mills.

DELHI DURBAR

The return of Mamata

UNION Defence Minister and NDA convenor George Fernandes has played a key role in the return of Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee to the Atal Bihari Vajpayee Cabinet after a gap of nearly 30 months. Amazingly she is not talking much about the Tehelka episode any longer and for George it is single-minded pursuit of anti-Congressism. Mamata has found it extremely difficult to provide convincing answers why she has returned to the government as a minister without portfolio. She has been literally trying to ward off the embarrassment by alluding to other issues like the attacks on Trinamool Congress activists in West Bengal. “I am happy...I am happy and because of respect for the Prime Minister...” is all she would say on being in the government without a high profile charge. Apparently, she is biding her time and hopes to land on her feet with a portfolio of her choice — telecommunication, civil aviation or urban development — with Vajpayee’s accommodation and George’s backing.

To join or not to join

Congress, at times, seems to be overtaken by events. The party, which was holding its cards close to its chest about joining the Mulayam Singh government, was forced to spell out its stand after the UP Chief Minister telephoned Congress president Sonia Gandhi on Saturday inviting her party to join the ministry. He later met her on Wednesday and reiterated his request. As late as Saturday afternoon, Sonia Gandhi insisted that the party had enough time to take a decision as the Mulayam Singh government was to seek a trust vote. But by the evening, the Congress was forced to spell out its stand of not “joining the government for the time being.”

The events of the past fortnight in Uttar Pradesh have put the Congress at the crossroads. Its MLAs, keen to become ministers, have been listing the virtues of being part of the Mulayam Singh government. Congress Chief Ministers of election-going states want any such decision only after the November polls to ensure that BSP supremo Mayawati does not dilute her anti-BJP mission. The question dogging the party stalwarts now is how to hold back the MLAs till November.

Grilling of Gingee

Gingee Ramachandran’s re-entry in the Union Council of Ministers the other day after the CBI did not find anything implicating him in the money for transfers scam when he had served as Minister of State for Finance was not without its embarrassing moments. Though his leader and regional MDMK chief Vaiko is in jail in Tamil Nadu under POTA thanks to Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, Gingee seems to have resurrected himself with the backing of BJP president M. Venkaiah Naidu. When scribes from his home state met Gingee after the swearing in ceremony where other MDMK colleagues were conspicuous by their absence, the Minister of State refused to offer any comments. Gingee seems to have managed over another MDMK aspirant for a ministerial berth.

Mufti and Abdullahs

Is Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed doing everything in his capacity to end the aura of the late Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah and his son Farooq and grandson Omar? Supporters of the Abdullahs and seasoned Kashmir watchers in Delhi believe that the Mufti is quietly but surely getting his act together on that front. In this context, they allude to the Mufti government in Srinagar taking over with one stroke of the pen as it were the management of nearly 130 Muslim shrines and other assets coupled with dismantling the Auqaf Trust. It is unlikely that the suave Abdullahs will succumb without a fight even though they have been accused of misusing the assets of the Trust. Is this yet another case of vendetta?

Contributed by T.R. Ramachandran and Prashant Sood

REFLECTIONS

As a lamp in a windless place flickereth not, to such is likened the yogi of subdued thought who practises union with the Self (or discipline of himself).

— The Bhagavad Gita

He who would call himself the disciple of the Guru, the True Guru,

Should rise early and meditate on Hari who is God.

— Guru Ram Das

If you preach to the wicked

Can you turn them from their wicked ways?

They will not mingle with the good however much you try

But will tread their own wayward paths

For such is their desert

— Guru Amar Das

Trusting one another can never mean trusting with the lip and mistrusting in the heart.

— Mahatma Gandhi