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Monday,
December 16, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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Fooling the world, Pak style Joshi’s pipedream
Lessons from Army deployment |
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Two wills and a way
Harihar Swarup
Celebrating Vijay Divas
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Fooling the world, Pak style Reports that security forces have neutralised two Pakistani terrorists having entered Delhi to strike at highly sensitive targets and that suicide squads are being trained by Al-Qaida operatives in the areas bordering Afghanistan provide yet another occasion to remind the world about the undertaking given by Gen Pervez Musharraf on the issue of sponsorship of terrorism. There are other related and equally alarming developments. The world should take note of the way terrorist mastermind Masood Azhar, head of the banned Jaish-e-Mohammad outfit, has been set free by the Lahore High Court. He was under house arrest following international pressure after his organisation’s hand was established in the December 13 terrorist attack on India’s Parliament House and many other such incidents. Besides this, Pakistan’s new Prime Minister Zafarullah Khan Jamali recently announced that his government would continue to support cross-border terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir, cleverly describing it as a “freedom movement”. There is no dearth of funds for the purpose as the notorious ISI gets over $ 1 billion from just one source — underworld don Dawood Ibrahim of the Mumbai serial bomb blast fame, currently taking shelter in Karachi. Dawood’s younger brother, Anees Ibrahim, who was arrested in Dubai the other day, has also reached Pakistan with the help of the Jamali government. Like his elder brother, he too is wanted by India in the serial bombing case. It is surprising that Pakistan today shelters known terrorists and continues to run training camps for the not-so-known ones despite General Musharraf’s declaration in the course of his much-awaited televised speech in January this year that no territory under the control of his government would be allowed to be used for terrorist activities. He had emphatically said that the Pakistan government would henceforth have nothing to do with the business of terrorism. Subsequently, he made similar promises directly to many world leaders, including President George W. Bush. He also made a clear commitment to destroy the infrastructure built in that country for terrorist purposes. But all this was for the consumption of the world public. Reports from Pakistan and events in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere in India provide enough proof that there is very little change at the ground level. Initially, there was some decline in the infiltration of terrorists from across the border, and a few such elements and their leaders were taken in custody in Pakistan. But soon it was business as usual. The Pakistan government continues to use terrorism as an instrument of state policy. In the light of this horrifying reality, should the world attach much significance to the US-led military campaign against terrorism? It is a painful situation, indeed. But India has to continue its vigorous efforts to bring the truth to the knowledge of the international community. If the Pakistan-patronised terrorist scourge acquires a more menacing form than that exhibited in America on that black September 11, India will be in a better position to remind the world that we told you so. One hopes the world wakes up before that ugly reality stares it in the face. |
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Joshi’s pipedream Union Human Resource Development Minister Murli Manohar Joshi’s statement in the Rajya Sabha that the Centre will provide primary education to all children by 2010 as against the international goal to achieve this target by 2015 seems unrealistic and populist. Similar targets made by his predecessors were hardly met. Fixing ambitious targets on primary education may be justified in terms of long-term planning. But the experience with the successive governments at the Centre since November, 1959, suggests that targets alone will not help achieve results. When nearly half of the children of school-going age continued to remain illiterate, the Centre launched the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) in 1993-94 to achieve success at least in some selected areas. But this too seems to have failed to click. The reason: the HRD Ministry lacks direction. The DPEP’s original goal to meet the target of providing primary education to all children was advanced from 2005 to 2000, but by doing so, the Centre made the DPEP more populist. Dilapidated school buildings, the lack of adequate teachers, no salary to teachers, no motivation to attract students or check the dropout rate are all responsible for the poor state of affairs in the area of primary education. Poverty, malnutrition, gender inequality, social apathy and related factors are at the root of poor enrolment in the primary schools. According to a review report brought out by the Pratichi Trust set up with Dr Amartya Sen’s Nobel Prize money, there is deep class bias in the primay education system in West Bengal, once known for its high standards. There is a peculiar problem in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. In the villages of these two states, many schools exist only on paper. Where do the funds meant for these schools go in these states? Has any independent agency or the HRD Ministry itself conducted any study on this problem? Of course, there are any number of reports on the condition of primary schools, but little has been done to streamline them. The result: nowadays parents would prefer to put their wards in the nearest convent or public school rather than taking the risk of sending them to a government school. There is need to pay adequate attention to institutional time and the students’ learning capacity — the two of the seven principal areas of schooling recommended by the World Bank, the DPEP’s main funding agency. The number of working days in primary schools should be increased. The Centre’s Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan merits a fair trial, but the campaign for compulsory enrolment of children in schools will not succeed if efforts are not intensified to attract those living in slums. Parents need to be motivated to send children to schools. If the midday meal scheme has succeeded in Tamil Nadu, why can it not succeed in other states? Surely, the loopholes in its implementation need to be plugged to attain the larger objective of motivating students to attend schools. There has been an increase in the budgetary allocation to education. There is also a move to allow states more autonomy in the schemes to pursue things to their logical conclusion. Work of this scope and magnitude calls for a lot of dedication and commitment on the part of the policymakers, officials and teachers. |
Lessons from Army deployment In a brief message to the nation within hours of the terrorist attack, the Prime Minister said, “The attack was not on Parliament but on the entire nation. We have been fighting terrorism for the last two decades and the do-or-die battle is in the final stages. We accept the challenge and we will blunt every attack.” He also hinted at adopting a pro-active strategy to hit the terrorists’ camps across the LoC. On December 15, India ordered immediate mobilisation of its armed forces under Operation Parakram. This was the largest deployment of the forces since the 1971 Indo-Pak war: larger and fuller than the one carried out during the Kargil war in 1999. The mobilisation and deployment, a huge and an expensive exercise by any standards, was completed in approximately 20 days. It was carried out rapidly and efficiently, for which full credit must go to the armed forces, the Railways, and all other connected agencies. The troops remained in that state of deployment and alert for offensive and defensive actions till a review of the politico-military situation was done on October 16, 2002. The Cabinet Committee on Security, after consulting the National Security Advisory Board ordered “strategic relocation” of the forces except in J & K. What benefits did India accrue from Operation Parakram; this prolonged, large-scale mobilisation and deployment, and at what cost? Opinions and figures are bound to vary on these issues, but it would be worthwhile to recount some. l On January 12, 2002, General Musharraf, after some prodding by the USA, made his first landmark speech wherein he publicly stated that no terrorist groups would be given patronage in Pakistan: a first time acknowledgement that such activities had indeed been going on in the past. l On May 22, 2002, after the massacre of women and children in the Army camp at Kaluchak, Jammu, General Musharraf stated once again that his government would not allow Pakistan or even Pak-Occupied Kashmir territory to be used for terrorist activities anywhere in the world and no organisation in Pakistan would be allowed to indulge in terrorism in the name of Kashmir. l The elections in J & K were completed successfully with a voter turnout exceeding expectations despite intensive efforts by terrorists to create terror among the candidates, voters and organisers. l Despite speeches and international commitments — the last one done in Almaty, Kazhakistan — General Musharraf’s efforts to rein in jehadi groups operating against India have remained cosmetic and tactical. As per reports, infiltration across the LoC and other ISI operations in J & K continue. There is no let-up in terrorist acts as is evident from the several suicide squad assaults in temples and other places. l The initial mobilisation and deployment cost for Operation Parakram has been estimated to be approximately Rs 3000 crore. The recurring expenditure thereafter was approximately Rs 100 crore per month. There would be additional costs on account of mines, accidents and other casualties to the military and civilian personnel, as also prolonged disruption of civilian life in border areas. The compensation bill for the border population till March, 2002, amounted to about Rs 250 crore; and Rs 75-80 crore per month thereafter. What are the important politico-military lessons from Operation Parakram? Was the Operation Parakram mobilisation and deployment of the armed forces done for coercive diplomacy (a dimension of deterrence: continuous projection of the image of the Armed Forces while conducting diplomacy to avoid an adverse effect on national security) or to go to war? It is not clear, although the government has now categorically stated that it was part of coercive diplomacy and to pre-empt any adventurous military designs of Pakistan. The mobilisation and deployment for a war and coercive diplomacy has to be on similar lines for the latter to become credible. However, the last few days and measures for the Army deployment are significant and crucial. If the political aim is coercive diplomacy only, or there is any chance of not going to war till the very last days, the Army need not carry out full-scale deployment, lay mines all along the border, and reveal its secret dispositions. The politico-diplomatic- military objectives and the deployment steps have to be calibrated. It may be recalled that in the Indo-Pak 1971 war, the landmines along the border were laid in the last few days although the decision to go to war was taken some months earlier. During the Kargil war also we adopted a coercive posture outside the war sector but did not carry out full-scale deployment or laying of mines. The first lesson, therefore, is for the need to have a clear political aim and objective and to remain focused on that. The Chiefs of Staff must be involved in the discussions and kept in the decision-making loop. It is only when they are aware of these considerations and decisions can they decide the exact nature of the deployment, particularly of the Army, which has to be related to the political objective; coercive diplomacy or the actual war. While the mobilisation and deployment was in progress, India took several measures on the diplomatic and economic fronts. On December 19, 2002, India asked Islamabad to (1) take action against the Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad outfits responsible for the terrorist attacks; (2) take their leadership in custody; and (3) to freeze their financial assets and stop their access to financial assets. (These “actions” were taken by Pakistan but for demonstration purpose only. The outfits and their leaders continue to enjoy freedom now as before.) On December 28, it demanded handing over of 20 hardcore terrorists responsible for various terrorist acts on the Indian soil since mid-1980s. The political focus thereafter shifted to this list of terrorists. The list, when demanded by others, was given to Pakistan and also to the US Ambassador in New Delhi. This rather belated but vocal demand made the threat of war or coercive diplomacy lose its sting and even the rationale for a war, both in India and abroad. It confused the people. In the current nuclear symmetrical strategic environment, why would two nations want to go to war over 20 criminals who had at some time been used to carry out terrorist activities? India behaved like the USA without possessing its military and international political clout. With the passage of time, the credibility of our coercive diplomacy or the threat of war was further lost on account of the following: l Elections in UP and Punjab that were held in March, 2002. While the troops were on the alert, the election campaigns with the usual blowing of loud speakers, bhangra dances and drinking sessions — a common feature during any election campaign in Punjab — was going on within or just behind their deployment areas. l The riots in Ahmedabad, which followed the burning of the train bogey at Godhra on February 27, 2002. This put India in an unprecedented situation wherein troops deployed on the border — nearly a division — had to be recalled to assist the civil authorities in Gujarat to maintain law and order. A few days later, there was yet another demand from UP for Army assistance in Ayodhya. For several days many political leaders made public statements seeking larger deployment of troops in Gujarat, and also handing over of Ayodhya to the Army. l The renewed rioting in Ahmedabad, vandalism in the Orissa Assembly in Bhubaneshwar, and burning of religious places in Loharu, which followed Gujarat and Ayodhya episodes gave a clear impression that the internal security situation in the country was fragile. These episodes highlighted our strategic vulnerability when faced with simultaneous internal and external threats. l While the armed forces continued to remain deployed on the border for the purpose of coercive diplomacy or for going to war, the Defence Minister made several public statements that India would not go to war with Pakistan. The lessons (a) do not confuse the aim of a war or coercive diplomacy. War is far too serious a business to be trivialised for the sake of 20 criminals; (b) no country can afford to fight external forces when it is fighting within and is, therefore, strategically vulnerable. Although mobilisation of the armed forces from a cold start in 20 days is a remarkable achievement, the fact remains that this whole process, particularly of the Army, is time-consuming and, therefore, prone to losing strategic, even tactical surprise. The question arises: will it always be necessary to wait that long for any proactive or reactive measures? The lessons: there is need for the Ministry of Defence and the armed forces to prepare different-level joint plans, which can be implemented at short notice for the likely contingencies that the nation may have to face. Such contingency plans and their full implications will need prior political discussions and approval. We also need better integration of surveillance and operational resources (satellite imagery, air reconnaissance, radars, armed helicopters and so on) to reduce mobilisation and force-generation time. Anticipation of a war, or of enemy action in the battlefield, can be substantially improved when we deploy these force-multipliers effectively. It would be noticed that high motivation and the national support that the armed forces enjoy at the time of mobilisation gets eroded with the passage of time. During prolonged deployment, the forces tend to suffer from the “hot war deployment fatigue” and other adverse impacts on the rank and file due to dislocation in training, administration, and welfare and morale activities. Also, there is considerable wear and tear of military weapons and equipment due to prolonged exposure to open climatic conditions. The most important lesson from Operation Parakram, therefore, is that using the armed forces for long drawn-out coercive diplomacy is risky. It tends to erode defence credibility, and capability, and is seldom appreciated by the international community. The writer, a retired General, was the Chief of Army Staff during the Kargil war with Pakistan. |
Two wills and a way Historians and literary researchers can confound and confuse one as easily as our politicians do with their public utterances. In 1640 a publisher called Benson produced a volume with the title “Poems. Written by William Shakespeare, Gent.” The work, which we now know as the sonnets of Shakespeare, was dedicated to one “Mr W.H.” For a long time eminent scholars held the view that the mysterious “Mr W.H.” was the young and handsome Earl of Southampton with whom the Bard was on friendly terms. Thinking along the same lines, a well-known literary figure, Cyril Graham advanced the theory that Oscar Wilde, when he wrote his story “The Portrait of Mr W.H.” had in mind not the Earl of Southampton but a boy-actor Willie Hughes. A literary researcher, Prof Rowse, while blowing the dust off the papers of someone called Simon Foreman, stumbled upon evidence that has cleared the greatest mystery of all time, namely the identity of the person who inspired the Bard’s sonnets. It wasn’t a boy. Prof Rowse declared that the “Dark Lady” of Shakespeare’s sonnets was the daughter of an Italian musician at the court of Elizabeth I, Battista Bassano and his English wife Margaret Johnson. It would seem, however, that Emilia Bassano, the woman in question, had led rather a gay life of which her lover complains in his Sonnet 142. Love is my sin and thy dear virtue hate. Hate of my sin, grounded on sinful loving O! but with mine compare thou thine own state And thou shalt find it merits not reproving.” Her wantonness appears to have been compensated somewhat in her lover’s eyes by her skill as a musician. He says in Sonnet 128: “How oft, when thou my music play’st/ Upon that blessed wood whose motion sounds/ With thy sweet fingers, when thou gently sway’st/ The wiry concord that mine ears confound”. Emilia Bassano, it was reported, became the mistress of no less a dignitary than Lord Chamberlain of England who, when he put her in the family way, married her off to a musician William Lanier. To rub in the fact that she now had two Williams in her life Shakespeare wrote in one of his sonnets: “whoever hath her wish, thou has thy ‘Will./ And ‘Will’ to boot, and ‘Will’ in over-plus.” Of course, none of this would have happened if poor Anne Hathway, the Bard’s wife, had lived up to her name. If she had had her way she would have firmly kept her spouse firmly chained to their little cottage in Stratford. |
The lord of the jungle He no longer enjoys the type of political patronage he did a few years back but may have still friends in echelons of power. There was a time when the jungle brigand financed political parties and their electoral candidates. He is even said to have links with LTTE and other extremist outfits like the Tamil Nadu Liberation Army and the Tamil National Retrieval Troops. If what Jayalalitha said five years back has to be believed, the DMK entered into “a clandestine arrangement” with Veerappan during the last (1996) elections for support and, in lieu, promised amnesty. A profile of Veeprappan’s crime record is just horrifying. Besides killing 130 persons, he shot over 2000 elephants for ivory, his victims included 32 policemen and ten members of the forest department. His turnover from smuggling and sandalwood alone has been a staggering sum of Rs.100 crore. Obviously, his business in the past could not have thrived without right type of connections in administrative and high political circles but lately his clout appears to be dwindling fast. That was, perhaps, the reason that he took to soft option: kidnapping for ransom. The desperado hit the national headlines two years back when he kidnapped the matinee idol Raj Kumar from a farmhouse near Bangalore and released him, allegedly, after getting a hefty amount. His second victim was Nagappa, whose body was recovered last week. Who killed the former Karnataka Minister? Did Veerappan shoot him or he fell to the bullet of the joint task force chasing the forest brigand? The mystery is yet to be unraveled. Cunning like a leopard and ruthless in operation, Veerappan moves like Phantom and in a widespread jungle; his survival instinct is strong. He is constantly on the move; sometime walking 40 km a day in spite of asthma. The jungle is so thick in some places that the visibility will be hardly 30 feet during daytime. He always pitches camp, for lunch or dinner, at a place which gives him a commanding height. His spy network is effective and cunning, alerting him to police movements and allowing him to plan, attack and strike with precision. Also he has been generous with money to those who help him. As a result, he has acquired the image of a Robin Hood. While the police have all the latest gadgets, including AK-47 assault rifles and night vision binoculars, Veerappan still carries old hunting rifles.
Veerappa, at least, fell twice in police dragnet — in 1965 when there was not so much blood in his hands and on the eve of the SAARC summit in Bangalore in 1986. He escaped both the times. He was rounded up with other bad characters on SAARC eve but, instead of being kept in the police custody, he was handed over to the officials of the forest department and lodged in a luxurious guest house. He slipped from there at his convenience. Since then all the might of the Karnataka and Tamil Nadu Governments and later a joint task force of the two states could not track him down. The period - from 1991 to 1996—was a difficult phase for the forest brigand. The
STF, headed by Additional Director General of Police Walter Dawaram a tough cop, relentlessly chased Veerappan and, according to reports, reduced the strength of the desperado’s gang from 150 to eight. One wonders how the “jungle lord” managed to survive. Very little is known about Veerappan’s early childhood or family background. He is known to have born in a poor, backward Tamil-speaking family. His native
village-Gopinatham — is situated on the Karnataka-Tamil Nadu border. Since Gopinatham is located in the mountainous forest region, Veerappan is very natural in jungles. He took to poaching of elephants when he was in his teen and could outmanoeuver an elephant with his extra-ordinary agility and courage. The notorious poacher and smuggler of that time, Salvai
Gounder, was impressed by the young lad and initiated him in the business of depredation. In the course of time Veerappan proved to be more courageous and tactful and took over the business of his mentor and became the lord of the jungle. Having lost his political clout and both Karnataka and the Tamil Nadu governments after his blood, the forest brigand’s end appears to be coming near. The murder of Nagappa may be the last nail in his coffin. |
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Celebrating Vijay Divas It was 4.30 pm, 16 December, 1971. The venue was the Raman Maidan, Dhaka. There were lakhs of people. The occasion was the surrender ceremony of the Pakistan army before the Indian troops. The ceremony was a simple affair; it was organised around a simple table and a couple of chairs. Our Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh Aurora and Lt. Gen. A.A.K. Niazi, the Pakistani Commander, were seated while Vice-Admiral N.Krishan (Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Naval Command), Air Marshal H.C. Dewan (an Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Eastern Air Command), Lt. Gen. Sagat Singh, (Troops Commander), Maj. Gen. J.F.R. Jacob (Chief of Staff, Eastern Command) and the Divisional Commanders stood behind them. The instrument of surrender was produced by General Aurora’s staff, Lt. Gen. Niazi signed at first. After this, General Aurora countersigned it. Niazi then handed over his revolver on demand to General Aurora, a symbol of the surrender. Once this was completed, a great cheer went up among the crowd: “Jai Bangla”, “Jai India”. A similar surrender ceremony though of not as the magnitude of Dhaka was held at Khulana where Maj. Gen. Dalbir Singh was in chair and I had the privilege to be actively associated with the ceremony. The surrender of around 93,000 Pakistani soldiers — a unique feat in the world war history and perhaps the greatest honour and privilege to Indian Army whose professionalism and deeds of valour were acknowledged the world over. When I was deputed to escort the Prisoners of War (PoWs) till Eastern Command Headquarters, I interacted with some of PoWs and asked them: “How do they feel after the surrender?” Their reply was: “It is highly disgraceful: it was better to die than to surrender. It is, however, a great honour to the Indian Army.” The nation in gratitude to its jawans now celebrates it in the form of “Vijay Divas” as an annual event on this day. Virtually, December 16, 1971, is itself a great history “History is the biography of great men,” said Carlyle. He was wedded to his theory of hero and heroworship. He was right in the sense that our heroes should not be forgotten. In the battlefields of Austerlitz, Waterloo, Gettysburg, Ypers, Verdun, Dograi, Jharphal etc the dead bodies of great soldiers and warriors were buried and the grass over them testifies to the fact that they had shed their blood to give their motherlands evergreen honour. I recollect the words of a dying soldier who had said to his war field companions: “Bid me farewell, my brothers! I have served my soil till my last breath. I received more than I could give to my native land. A summon has come and I am ready for my journey. But you must finish the work we are in ...” Such sentiments are also written on a war memorial at a place on the Kohima — Mynamar border: “When you go home, Tell them of us, That we gave our today, For your Tomorrow, Beyond Kohima” Therefore, those who fought and died for the country must not go to the grave — “unwept”, “unhonoured” and “unsung”. For not showing due regards towards the brave men who always lay down their lives for the sake of their motherland, I may also quote Francis Quarle’s poem on God and the soldiers: “Our God and Soldiers we alike adore Ev’n at the brink of danger, not before; After deliverance, both alike requited, Our God’s forgotten, and our soldiers slighted!” The Indian traditions never allow us to lack in gratitude, therefore, we should continue to pay great honour to our soldiers. The Indian borders always remain in ferment state and our jawans in extreme conditions remain vigil on these porous borders with valour. There is ignorance among people about the Army and its achievements, unlike, say England where almost every politician carries personal experiences of the two World Wars: In India, many politicians have no clue about the Army and the details of five wars it fought in the post-Independence era. When I look back upon my years in the Army, particularly the Indo-Pak war, 1971 when I was performing arduous duties in the Jassure-Khulana sector (now in Bangladesh), I am filled with a sense of nostalgia and pride at our Army’s achievements. Vijay Divas celebrations now inspire me to salute to the valiant soldiers who fought many battles for the honour of the nation. At present, we are passing through difficult and challenging times, which call for utmost vigilance and operational preparedness. Remember, there is no runner-up in the war and that should a war be forced upon us, we have got to win it. Therefore, a heavy responsibility rests on our jawans. I am confident that they would continue to uphold the glorious traditions of our Army and meet any challenge to the integrity and honour of the country, both from outside and within. However, in such missions, the onus lies on the civilian population too. It is pity that while people are stirred momentarily whom some patriotic songs are sung, they soon forget the vital role played by the soldiers, leave alone taking care of them or their bereaved families. The Indian Army is now fighting a proxy war against a fundamentalist country. Besides, it is also engaged to render aid to the civil authorities on innumerable occasions, it is also deployed in diverse types of terrain from the open plains of Punjab to the flaming deserts of Rajasthan and Gujarat, the snowy peaks of the Himalayas to the riverine terrain of Bangladesh and the dense jungles of the North-East. The climactic conditions it has fought under have been varied; the temperatures range from minus 50 degrees Centigrade in some high altitude areas and soar to plus 50 degrees in the deserts. There are indeed few armies in the world that can claim to have been faced with such daunting challenges or to have been blessed with such wonderful fighting material. Here, it is worth recollecting what Field Marshal Slim, a great commander of World War II, said: “India was our base, and three-quarters of everything we got from there. The best thing of all we got from India was the Indian Army.” And this international reputation of the Indian Army must be carried on in the light of present day requirements and regimentation. Modern wars are fought on technology. It is, therefore, time to strengthen our defence preparedness to boost the morale of our soldiers by equipping them with highly sophisticated armoury. Enhancing their pay and perks as per the policy of “the same rank, same pay” is also highly desirable. Above all, the spirit of “Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan” will have to be kept alive for protecting our motherland. The welfare of the armed forces and their dependants should also be given top priority. A few years back the nation had won the Kargil war. We must work sincerely to heal the nation’s wounds, to care for those who had borne the burden of the war, and for their widows and orphans. The nation must also encourage talented youth to join the Army as it needs badly young and technical officers to handle modern weapons. The Indian youth should, therefore, come forward to develop professional military competence of a high order, possess unimpeachable character, display courage, initiative and determination. Here lies the real purpose of celebrating Vijay Divas. The writer is the Director-General of Police, Haryana. |
He who sees the Dhamma sees Me; He who sees Me sees the Dhamma. — The SamyuttaNikaya, 22, 87
*** May the Dhamma become so clear to you that you may speak. — Vinaya Mahavagga, 5, 13, 9
*** Just as the ocean has only one taste, the taste of salt, Just so has this doctrine and discipline only one flavour, the flavour of deliverance. — Vinaya Cullavagga, 239
*** He purified my soul and made me Shivam! His signless Self disclosed Himself! He made me reach His feet alone. He adorned me with Holy Ash and showed the Truthful way! He called me and said: “Fear not”. He rid me of bonds and faints! He taught me the meaning of Almighty OM! He saved and graced me. He treated me as worthy and placed me in a palanquin. What is this wisdom which does not know Shivam? Achchoppathigham (The Hymns of Highest Bliss). *** Love your enemies, do good to them that hate you, bless them that curse you and pray for them which despitefully use you. And unto him that smiteth thee on the one cheek, offer also the other; and him that taketh away thy cloak forbid not to take thy coat also. — Bible, Luke 6. 27-29 and Mathew. 5. 39-40
*** If you love men and they are unfriendly, look into your love; if you rule men and they are unruly, look into your wisdom; if you are courteous to them and they do not respond, look into your respect. If what you do is vain, always seek within. — Mencius, 4, I, 4 |
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A
year ago, on December 13, 2001, five Pakistani terrorists struck at the heart of Indian nationhood and democracy, Parliament House in New Delhi. In the ensuing gun-battle, all five terrorists, seven Delhi policemen and a Parliament employee were killed. This attack, the second after the incident at the Jammu and Kashmir state legislature on October 1, greatly angered the nation. It also showed just how far Pakistan was prepared to go to further its terrorist activities.
Veerappan ranks as India’s most wanted criminal with a tally of 130 murders and yet remains elusive for almost four decades; has come to be known as “jungle lord”, “Jungle king” and a “Robin Hood”. His latest crime was the gruesome killing of Karnataka’s former Minister H. Nagappa. Why, after all, he has become so invincible?