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Sunday,
December 8, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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AN ASSESSMENT BASED ON FIELD REPORTS
The issue concerning Gujarati “asmita” : the real and the rhetoric |
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Harihar Swarup
The classic case of PTSD
Why can’t our
MPs be dignified?
Humra Quraishi
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AN ASSESSMENT BASED ON FIELD REPORTS BHABHAR is a small town near the India-Pakistan border district of Banaskantha. But it is a big centre for betting on all and sundry including sports and politics. The going rate for the victory of the Congress is 30 to 48 paise for a bet of 100 paise.
(i.e. one gets Rs.130 to 148 for every rupee of betting). The rate for the BJP is 60 to 75 paise. The rate for hung assembly is 300 paise. There is no betting on Chief Minister Narendra Modi who is contesting from Maninagar in Ahmedabad. He is called the “Monopoly Candidate”, according to Sattabazar. The BJP’s prospects for winning the elections are bleak.
Who will don the mantle? If the Congress wins, it would be despite the Indian National Congress.
Apart from wrong selection of candidates and overplaying of the Hindu Card like a la B team of the BJP, it has not even taken care to compare its English and Gujarati versions of the election manifesto! The BJP blames the Congress for drafting English manifestos — one for secularists at the national level and another in Gujarati for local Hindu votes. Though campaigning appears lackluster, various factors might lead to the defeat of BJP candidates in constituencies where they had won last time. Consider the Bhavnagar North constituency. Since 1990 elections, the BJP has been winning the seat defeating Congress and CPM candidates in triangular fights. The last two parties together polled 1,161 votes more in 1990 while in 1995 and 1998, they polled each time over 6,500 votes more than the BJP candidate who won. Thus, even without the current communal carnage, the BJP's stock in the constituency was going down. Now the Congress supports CPM candidate, Mr Arun Mehta, son of well-known State CPM leader, Mr Subodh Mehta. Similarly, in Jamnagar, the Congress supports the CPI. Both appear to be sure victories. And if they win, the new Assembly will witness Communists in its corridors after a gap of 30 years when only Mr Batuk Vora had won from Palitana in Bhavnagar district. Saurashtra Patel lobby It is said that the strong Saurashtra Patel lobby that catapulted Keshubhai Patel to power in 1995 and in 1998 with overwhelming support, is losing its hold on the Saurashtra seats. More than the communal issues, Saurashtra and Kutch people appear to be dissatisfied over the performance of the BJP government, particularly in water sector, power and development of infrastructure. In Kutch and Saurashtra, the issue is not poverty but the craving for a vibrant economy and striking regional balance. At the State level, in 1998, the Rashtriya Janata Party was in the fray in 164 seats. It lost deposit in 114 seats and won only four. The BJP won in 57 seats where there were triangular contests between it, the RJP, and the Congress, and where the Congress plus RJP total votes were more than the BJP. RJP supremo Shankarsinh Vaghela and party president Madhusudan Mistry are now in the Congress. The current situation is such that the Congress, with the RJP votes, will be able to consolidate its position in most of the 57 seats, even if the NCP, Samajwadi and other parties cut into some Congress votes. In the last Assembly elections, the Congress had polled 35 per cent of votes as against 45 per cent of the BJP with Mr Vaghela’s RJP trailing third with 11 per cent of votes polled. The ideologically committed non-BJP anti-Congress people in Gujarat have taken a clear stand to defeat the BJP at any cost and are actively campaigning. From Pro-Narmada Chuni(kaka)bhai Vaidya and anti-Narmada advocate Girish Patel to activists from Sarvodaya and Gandhians, are all active under the banner of the Gujarat Loksanghrsha Samiti. This influential group has been deeply disturbed by the communal carnage that they believe was enacted by the BJP government in full support to the Sangh Parivar organisations. It has mustered support from leaders such as former Prime Ministers V.P. Singh, I.K. Gujaral and former High Court Chief Justices. Leaders and volunteers have been campaigning against the BJP in the elections.
Muslims’ importance The Muslims in Gujarat hold the key in about 80 seats. In another 80 seats, they constitute at least 12 per cent of all voters. In the State as a whole, of 3 crore and 28 lakh total voters, they are 42 lakh i.e. 13.5 per cent. Recently, a State-level Muslims’ meeting was organised to discuss the poll strategy. About 300 representatives from various organisations attended it. The organisers were talking about supporting secular forces etc. Most participants interrupted the meeting and asked the organisers to resolve to vote for the Congress. The point is that the Muslims have decided to defeat the BJP by supporting the Congress. The ‘Panja’ gets the vote also of those who did not vote in past elections. Till the last Assembly elections, the BJP enjoyed an indirect support from the indifferent and inactive Muslim community. But this time, this seems to be lacking, thanks to the unprecedented communal savagery. The Chhipa community has also revolted. Though it ensured the supply of good campaign material, including saffron scarves and Hindutva-promoting banners to the BJP earlier, it is not helping this time. The Chippas have a monopoly over the cloth-printing business in Ahmedabad. The BJP government has a very poor track record . This has angered many groups in the service sector too. The government and public sector employees have almost resolved to vote against the BJP. For instance, the school teachers' associations have sent out over 70,000 letters to the voters to defeat the BJP.
Similarly, about 20 lakh depositors of co-operative banks (involved in fraud and closure) have given a call to trounce the BJP. True, there is rebellion in both the BJP and the Congress camps. Most of the rebels have filed nominations as independents. There are about 24 such rebel candidates from both the parties. However, BJP rebels such as former Urban Development Minster Parmanand Khattar from Jamnagar are quite vehement in their opposition to the party and, if elected, they will play spoilsport. In the case of the Congress, victorious rebels, if elected, are most likely to support the party in the Assembly. If they lose, they will disturb the caste balance of the BJP and indirectly help the Congress. This cannot be said about the BJP rebels.
Party dynamics Second, Mr Keshubhai Patel’s late acceptance and genial admission to work and campaign for party would bring in some positive results, but the charisma he had in 1995 and 1998 is somewhat eroded. The Patels have been split into Kadva and Leuas after Keshubhai came back to the partyfold in the real sense. Kehsubhai is a Kadva Patel. What will Leuas do is anybody's guess. The Congress has not done anything great. It tends to gain only from the present situation by default. Even though both the Congress and the BJP have realised that the Hindu card is no longer relevant in rural areas, both were able to nominate candidates on caste lines to counter the Hindu card.
Tailpiece Mr Suresh Mehta, Industries Minister in the last BJP government, led an official delegation to the Chief Election Commissioner and submitted a memorandum to postpone the election date of December 12 because that day, the highest number of marriages will be solemnised all over the State. According to “Savarn Sanskar”, marriages take place in daytime whereas in the case of lower castes, marriages take place in the night. (Thus the BJP leaders feel that their committed voters may be pre-occupied in marriages while pro-Congress voters may be free to reach ballot boxes). Sanskaras would come in the way of voting for the Swadeshi Savarn Hindus! The Gaurav of Gujarat. The writer is a veteran journalist and political commentator based in Ahmedabad. |
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BJP advantage:
TINA factor GUJARAT will go to polls on December 12 at a crucial moment of the State’s history. The outcome is bound to have serious
repercussions on the future of the Indian polity. Herein lies the importance and significance of these elections. Questions such as the persons behind the riots or the factors responsible for the same have become irrelevant today because the very foundation of trust has been shaken. Left to themselves, the people will reject both the BJP and the Congress. There was no government worth the name during the riots. While the trading community has suffered a lot after Godhra, the common people were left to fend for themselves. No party provided the much-needed healing touch as they were only interested in exploiting the situation for narrow partisan ends. Trial & tribulation After all the trial and tribulation, people can’t help but ask why was Mr Narendra Modi sent to Gujarat in the first place? What was basically wrong with Mr Keshubhai Patel, his predecessor? The latter may not have won the hearts of all Gujaratis, but he was able to govern the State in his own humble way. Apparently, the party’s Central leadership thought that Gujarat was gradually slipping away from the BJP under Keshubhai’s rule. Right or wrong, they felt that Mr Modi alone could help restore the party’s image. There is a general impression that had Mr Modi run the government with insight, vision and conviction, things would have been okay for him and for his party. But alas, he was gradually losing the grip over the party and the government because of his crude political calculations. His only goal appeared to be — “Win for BJP” at any cost. Consider, for instance, the selection of party candidates. At least in two cases, Mr Modi prevailed over the opinion of the Central leadership. The first casualty was Haren Pandya. He was a sure victor from the Ellisbridge constituency in Ahmedabad, but was denied the ticket on Mr Modi’s insistence. The second was the Jamnagar (city) seat in Saurashtra where sitting member Parmanand Khattar was denied the ticket, again on Mr Modi's instance. The ticket was instead given to Gujarat Tourism Development Corporation Chairman Vasuben Trivedi. Mr Khattar had won this seat thrice on the BJP ticket. He has now resigned from the BJP and unlike Mr Pandya, is contesting as an independent. Two coincidences One can’t help recall two interesting coincidences in this context. Since 1974, the BJP candidate winning from Gandhinagar has been forming the government. In 1972, though Mr Narendrasinh Zala was elected on a Congress ticket, Chimanbhai Patel formed the government. In 1975, Mr Jethabhai Patel was elected on the Janata Morcha (JM) ticket, but its leader Babubhai Patel became the Chief Minister. In 1980, Mr Kasam Bapu (Congress) won the seat and the party formed the government. In 1990, Mr Popatlal Patel (Janata Dal) won, but its leader Chimanbhai Patel was installed as the Chief Minister. Both in 1995 and 1998, Mr Vadibhai Patel (BJP) won the seat and the BJP formed the government. Here is the other coincidence. When a candidate from Gandhinagar got a berth in the Ministry, that Ministry has had to resign within a year. For instance, when Mr Narendra Zala got a berth in the Chimanbhai Patel’s ministry, within that year, Mr Patel had to resign. Similarly, when Mr Kasam Bapu was accommodated in the ministry in 1980, Mr Madhavlal Sollanki had to resign the same year. Recently, when Mr Vadibhai Patel joined the ministry, Mr Modi had to announce fresh elections. BJP record The people are by and large sore about the failures of the BJP during its five-year rule. Some of the issues on which they are deeply agitated against the Narendra Modi Government are:
Sonia
mantra What is, however, amazing is that the Congress has failed to cash in on these failures of the BJP government. It never took advantage of the Modi Government’s shortcomings. Having forgotten the lofty ideals of Gandhi and Nehru, the Congress is bereft of any formula to bounce back to power. Its only mantra is “Sonia” which may not be enough to win the hearts of the voters. More important, it seems unable to play the KHAM (Khatriya, Harijan, Adivasis and Muslims) card. One wonders whether the Congress has also lost sight of the Hindus. Nothing is said or done to win their confidence. Have they lost faith in them? Or, are they afraid to take on the RSS, the VHP or the Bajrang Dal? As a party, the Congress is not cohesive. According to the party sources, about 65 rebels are either contesting against the official nominees or have joined other parties. Four of them are in the fray as independents — former Speaker Chandubhai Dabhi (Karjan), Bachubhai Kishori (Limdi), Pratap Gamit (Vyara) and Ishwar Vahia (Mahuva). Mr Modi has emerged as a hardliner in the political firmament. It is said that his Gaurav Yatra did not bring any gaurav to him or to Gujarat. On the contrary, it has only inflated his “ego”. It is said that the Central leadership now treats him as a carte blanche to carry on his nefarious brand of politics. This will present a wrong picture of the BJP’s policies before the people of Gujarat and the country. No alternative Yet, as an old guard of Gujarat politics told this writer, the BJP is poised for victory because of the TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor. If the current mood is of any indication, the BJP will get a simple but not an absolute majority because of the people’s resentment against its policies. Even if the tide turns against the Congress, it should invoke the shared traditions, secularism and religious plurality for which Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru stood for. It will have to reach out to the people of Gujarat with the message of inter-community harmony. The smiling faces of charistmatic figures like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel may well serve as a soothing balm and instill confidence among the minorities and the majority community. The writer, a former Principal of Nav Gujarat Law College, Ahmedabad, is a keen observer of Gujarat politics. |
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The issue concerning Gujarati “asmita” : the real and the rhetoric WHAT is the Gujarati “asmita” (pride) in the real sense? Is it what Chief Minister Narendra Modi projects? Or is it something beyond the gaze of politicians? Mr Modi mixes it up with his Hindutva ideology. Congress leaders refuse to talk straight for fear of losing votes. As a result, the Gujarati pride is seriously threatened. But, then, what is it that distinguishes the Gujaratis from the rest of the Indians. There could be no better occasion than now to discuss the subject when the state is in the process of holding Assembly elections on December 12. The Gujaratis have been known for their entrepreneurial skills for ages. Visit any country and you will find Gujarati names in the telephone directory. One of the richest Indians admired the world over for his business acumen is Wipro’s Azim Premji. The Gujaratis gave the country, nay, the world the modern day Apostle of Peace, Mahatma Gandhi, who talked of “Ahimsa parmodharmah”. They could claim to be the most peace-loving community in the country. But it is a different story today. Whenever and wherever there is a discussion on peace and development Gujarat finds a mention in a negative context. Nobody talks of what the Gujaratis were once proud of. Their’s is the most communalised society. The two principal communities in the state — the Hindus and the Muslims — have little respect for the principle of peaceful co-existence. They greatly suspect each other’s intentions. Perhaps, it is the worst communal polarisation the state has ever experienced! Peace and progress are like a living being and his shadow. If one goes the other too disappears. Thus, peace is the most essential prerequisite for the all-round development of society. Gujarat has ceased to be India’s industrial hub. It’s economic loss runs into thousands of crores in the wake of what happened at Godhra and in the rest of the state this year. The communal disturbances have shaken the state’s economy by its very foundations. Thousands of people have been rendered jobless. There is little hope of these hapless men and women getting their jobs back. A majority of these workers have shifted to safer areas (which means other states). Employers too are scared. Some time ago the placement session of Ahmedabad’s prestigious Indian Institute of Management was held in Mumbai. The recruiting companies had refused to visit the famous campus because of the missing peace and security in the city. The state was the most sought after destination for foreign investors before Godhra and post-Godhra. Gujarat had as much as a 15 per cent share in the total foreign direct investment (FDI) in India. There is no hope of the situation remaining the same with the state having acquired the shameful reputation as the most insecure place in the country. Even Indian industrialists no longer consider Gujarat as a priority area for risking their capital. The historian will now record the Gujaratis as the most quarrelsome people in India. The tragedy has acquired another serious dimension. No political party appears to be sincere in working for the removal of communal distrust. While the BJP is trying to exploit the unhappy situation for political gains, the Congress is afraid of taking the ruling party head on for fear of annoying sections of voters. A close look at their election manifestos shows that they have little sympathy for the poor riot victims. The Congress manifesto in English promises a White Paper on the Godhra incident and justice for the riot victims if it came to power in the state. But the manifesto’s Hindi version is silent on these issues. The party prefers to speak in a very guarded language about “the awful riots of February-April” perhaps because of the atmospheric compulsions. The Congress does say that “Gujarat does not want a government that provokes communal outrages and seeks to take advantages of inflamed passions”, but it shows no courage of conviction to declare that it will initiate legal proceedings against those responsible for the communal killings after their proper identification. Thus, what the Congress manifesto focuses on amounts to only beating about the bush. It has nothing to say about the old pride of the Gujaratis — a peaceful and industrious community. Mr Modi’s BJP stresses on “security” and “terrorism” as also cross-border infiltration. These are serious issues facing the country as a whole. But these are sought to be used by Mr Modi to further sharpen the communal divide for electoral purposes. One gets a clear view of what the caretaker Chief Minister has in his mind while reading his party’s manifesto between the lines. Besides so many schemes for fulfilling its “resolve”, the ruling party’s manifesto promises to set up “Shakti Grams”, a resettlement project for retired soldiers in the border villages. This is being interpreted as a move to evacuate settlers of a particular community from the border areas. Is it not a fuel for fresh communal tension? The BJP’s 344-point manifesto also mentions that the “activities” of madarsas (Islamic schools) are a matter of “serious concern”. It promises to examine the “utility of such institutions” because in the BJP’s view madarsa students are not getting the “basic education as required”. One fails to understand what has happened to Mr Modi for getting so concerned about those studying in madarsas. Obviously, he has some questionable plans up his sleeve. Is this the way to safeguard the Gujarati pride? |
Jamali: More loyal to the king than all others Contrary to President Musharraf’s expectations, the election of Jamali, having the backing of the army, was not a smooth affair. In a surprise turn of events, Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) backed the candidate of the alliance of Islamic parties, Maulana Fazur Rehman, a diehard Maulvi who has called for throwing out of US forces from the military bases of Pakistan. The result: Jamali could just scrape through having secured 172 of the 329 votes cast in the Prime Ministerial contest. To ensure his protege’s victory, Musharraf waived the anti-defection rules to enable 10 PPP legislators to switch sides. In spite of being dubbed as Musharraf’s man, Jamali is a likeable man; having a jovial personality and easy going manners. An ethnic Baloch leader of long standing, Jamali, 58, is experienced, well-educated, sober and known to be a moderate Muslim. Even though modern in thinking and approach, Jamali, apparently, does not believe in small family norms; he fathered seven children. Stout and bearded, Jamali was in young age an ace hockey player and still has the status of patron of the Pakistan Hockey Federation and remains its chief selector. He wants to restore the pristine glory of hockey; a game Pakistan dominated for years. The PHF officials are very happy that their patron has become the Prime Minister and hope to meet him about their problems. Born in January 1944, Jamali began his political career as a provincial minister in Baluchistan. He also served for three short terms as Chief Minister of his native province, most recently in 1996. He was a deputy minister for local government and rural development in the military government of the late President Zia-ul-haq, who died in a plane crash in 1988. Also he was elected to the National Assembly in 1985 poll and became minister for water and power in the Junejo government. Hailing from an influential land-owning Baluch tribe, he belongs to a family which has been active in politics for last 50 years. The family rose to prominence when his uncle Nawab Mir Jafar Jamali played a key role in making Baluchistan part of Pakistan from Britain in 1947. At the time of Partition, Baluchistan, bordering Afghanistan, was ruled by different tribal chieftains and Jafar Jamali convinced the fiercely independent chiefs that it was in their best interests to join Pakistan. Prime Minister Jamali’s father, Mir Shahnawaz Khan Jamali, was not involved in active politics but commanded great respect as a member of a tribal council, and as an important local landlord. Jamali is fluent in English and well versed in local languages including Urdu, Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtu and Baluchi. Holding a masters degree in geography, he studied in some of Pakistan’s prestigious institutions such as Lawrence College in Murree and the Government College in Lahore. His friends and relatives call him “Jabal” (meaning mountain in Baluch language) because of his heavy frame. Also he earned the nickname because he did not cry even after being badly injured in a hockey match. |
The classic case of PTSD WITH the innocent face of an angel, she looks as fragile as a flower. Her eyes, like large, deep pools, wander slowly, her lean figure hunched as she sits quietly. Her mother does most of the talking, explaining to Dr Zaid that her daughter's symptoms showed up about a year after she witnessed the mother's only brother being killed by militants — apparently from among the groups that work in tandem with the armed forces. The girl, now in Class 9, has nightmares two or three times a week, does not sleep before 2.30 am on most nights, shivers and often tears her dress. She is not interested in games or even in watching television, says her mother sorrowfully. She goes to school but has to concentrate hard to study and hates fun, music, indeed any noise. She only wants to be alone. Dr Zaid asks a series of questions, ticking various points on a check list as he goes before he murmers: “Classic case of PTSD”. He is referring to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, his specialty at Srinagar's Psychiatric Diseases Hospital. This girl is a new case but Dr Zaid constantly deals with similar patterns. He is detached, almost cold, as he sits in a small room with a bare desk, wooden chairs and a bench, his sweater obviously bought for the cricket pitch. Yet, there must be a deeply sensitive chord inside him, for he chose to drop out of a far more prestigious — and lucrative — post-graduate stream at Srinagar's medical college a couple of years ago to study psychiatry instead. He practices at the valley's only institution for psychiatric ailments, run by the government, and is one of the few doctors who treat PTSD. He works under the supervision of a remarkable Consultant, Dr Mushtaq Ahmed Margoob, who obviously has the devotion of his junior colleagues. The reason becomes evident when one watches Dr Margoob lean over and listen with a soft, understanding smile, drawing out and then reassuring even the most terror-stricken patient. However, hardly surprisingly, PTDS has become a major affliction in Kashmir over the past few years. Among Dr Zaid's patients is another young woman, 16-year old Rukhsana (all patients' names changed) of Pampore. In 1996, she watched her father being shot by a similar group of counter-insurgency militants. They stormed into the house, set it on fire, dragged her father out and shot him in the yard even as he begged desperately for his life. Rukhsana, constantly filled with horror and helplessness, has attempted suicide several times. Irritable, she often gets angry and pummels those around her or pulls violently at her own hair. She too has no interest in any entertainment or group activity. Sharifa, a 45-year old woman of uptown Srinagar, has been in a similar state since the time she was told of her husband's death in a bomb explosion as he was loading goods onto a vehicle. There is a stream of such patients every week. Dr Margoob recalls that, more than a decade ago, this small hospital would see one or two PTSD patients in a year. Since the mid-1990s, however, the number has mushroomed to several thousand. Yet, these patients are only the tip of the depressive iceberg that has burgeoned across the valley through the past 13 years of horrifying violence. Dr Margoob points out the stigma attached to visiting an institution that is commonly referred to as pagalkhana (lunatic asylum), and to widespread ignorance that such patterns as sleeplessness, short temper and proneness to fright are symptoms of a medical ailment that can be treated. Doctors in other disciplines can seek satisfaction in preventive programmes such as innoculation drives or community hygiene training. These psychiatrists, however, are not only helpless to prevent this disease, they must consciously shut their minds to its causes. Both doctors refuse to discuss the behaviour patterns of the forces and the militants or the role of their patients in the insurgency or counter-insurgency. They make it a rule not to go into such issues in order to maintain their clinical impartiality. In fact, a member of the armed forces occasionally turns up among their patients. As doctors, says Dr Margoob with a soft smile, they must focus on curing whichever patient comes to them, without making judgements about the conflict that causes the ailment. The only satisfaction for him and his colleagues is to watch their patients' symptoms melt over several weeks, even months, of medication. “Ha, you are smiling today”, beams Dr Margoob as a patient he has treated for several months walks in and greets him shyly. “It is the first time I have seen you smile”.
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Why can’t our MPs be dignified?
Mantra For Nagas Former Union Home Secretary K Padmanabhaiah, who has been negotiating with the Naga underground leaders since his superannuation, was seen heaving a sigh of relief that his talks with Thuengaling Muivah and Isak Chisi Swu were coming to possibly a fruitful end. Upon being asked about the highs and lows of the over four years of talks at different venues outside the country, he said it appeared many a time that talks would break down but patience paid and September 11, 2001 came as a boon as the Naga leaders were made to realise that political power was no more flowing out of the barrel of gun. Compromise was the name of the new game and give and take was the new instrument, Padmanabhaiah is understood to have conveyed to the hard line leaders. Times have changed and Chairman Mao, under whose guidance these Naga leaders had learnt the tricks of guerrila warfare, was no more relevant. Padmanabhaiah succeeded in the new international environment as his words that fresh winds were blowing in not only in Beijing but also in the Indian capital made sense to the rebel leaders. Mufti’s Iftar Sheila’s Woes Bovine Company Opinion
Polls The three different opinion polls on the coming Gujarat elections are clear indications of the confusion that reigns over the outcome of the elections, which are a do or die battle for the BJP and in all probability dictate the future of the party at the national as well as state levels. But all said and done poll managers of the BJP are putting up a brave face about the party’s performance in the polls. The contradictions in their ‘posturing’ and their ‘real assessment’ comes only when one interacts with them in person. Although most of them believe that Narendra Modi has become a phenomenon in this election and there is a definite edge for the BJP, which is harping on the Hindutva agenda coupled with issues of national security and the fight against terrorism, they do concede that it won’t be a cakewalk for the party. One could easily make out the pessimism that has set in in the BJP camp when a top party leader quipped “why are you after the number of seats BJP will win in this elections. What really matters is we get enough seats to return to power”. Contributed by Tripti Nath, Satish Misra, Gaurav
Chaudhary, S. Satyanarayanan, Prashant Sood and Rajeev Sharma. |
Sahmat’s programme on communalism IN the last decade communalism has reached such heights that it seems to be getting beyond the control of those who unleashed it on us. SAHMAT begun a month-long programme aptly titled, “Ways of resisting” on December 5, with a symposium on “The Hindutva onslaught: Ayodhya to Gujarat”. Javed Akhtar, Prof Irfan Habib, Ela Gandhi, K.N.Panikkar and Ashok Vajpayee spoke on the Hindutva forces whom they described (in detail giving facts and figures and instances) as fascist forces. Interestingly, though Ashok Vajpayee is the Vice-Chancellor of a Hindi university in Maharashtra whilst Panikkar is the Vice-Chancellor of the Sanskrit University in Kerala, both leashed out at the communal slants in the NCERT textbooks and the blatant communalism being taught in the “25 ,000 schools run by the VHP, with 3,000 of these schools situated in a state like Gujarat itself...the Hindutva forces are at work trying to change the entire fabric / character of the country. In Germany, fascism had gained ground because the opposition was divided and unfortunately the same is happening in our country”. Javed Akhtar minced no words when he said that we're living in such times that people are scared of the establishment, are worried that if they react they could be put /dragged into trouble. SAHMAT is perhaps the only organisation in the country which has come up with this mammoth month-long programme. Each day of this month (till January 4) will be marked by a street play, film show, symposium, talks, plays highlighting the state in which we are living. Book on Sikhs The well known missionary turned author from New Zealand, Prof. WH McLeod was here for the release of his latest book on the Sikhs. Titled “Sikhs of the Khalsa: A history of the Khalsa Rahit” (OUP), it was released here by Khushwant Singh. Khushwant said though McLeod is not a Sikh, he knows more about Sikhism than anybody in the world. And whatever he has written in his latest book on the Rahits can cause a controversy. But then, he has done thorough research on the subject and has rightly pointed out that the Rahit evolved according to the conditions of the time, producing different patterns as the circumstances of the Sikh Panth changed”. And it came as a surprise to hear a young German lecturer, Alexander Fisher, from the Department of Political Sciences of the South Asia Institute (University of Heidelberg) to give a talk on Muslim Personal law in the background of the Shah Bano judgement. It seems interesting that in one corner of Europe, controversial judgement has gained such ground. In fact, Max Mueller Bhavan has been responsible for getting across young scholars who share some of their research projects. It came as a virtual treat to watch the photographs of John Burke and William Baker, who were the photographers of the Great Game, men whose work inspired Rudyard Kipling. These photographs have been put in book form — “From Kashmir to Kabul” (Mapin) by Omar Khan, who is the creator of the award-winning website -www.harappa.com to South Asian history.
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Within the BJP, some forces feel that if the party wins and forms the government, it will be a serious setback to Atalji's camp and the fellow liberals in the party in Gujarat and in the country. The way Mr Narendra Modi “blackmailed” the party, the RSS and the VHP high command to deny ticket to former minister Haren Pandya has annoyed hardcore BJP loyalists who feel that vote for hardliner “NAMO” is in voting Atalji and his liberals out.
Gujarat has always stood for peace and non-violence, the noble ideals for which Mahatma Gandhi won international
acclaim. But much water has flown down the Narmada. Godhra and subsequent developments have changed all the socio-political equations in the State. The massacre of thousands of people has not only changed the focus but also exemplifies the extent to which some of our politicians and their collaborators pursue their politics of hate.
WHY Pakistan Prime Minister Mir Jafarullah Jamali’s party is called the “King’s Party” ? Representing Army-backed Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), the new Prime Minister and his party are known to be more pro-Musharraf than any other political outfit. In no circumstance, Jamali is likely to challenge President Pervez Musharraf’s authority and, in the event of his doing so, the President has power to dismiss the PM and dissolve Parliament. Jamali is unlikely to create problems for Gen. Musharraf who effectively rules Pakistan like a monarch. Possibly, that was the reason that PML-Q has come to be known as the “King’s Party”. According to Rashid Rehman, editor of the “Frontier Post” (Peshwar), “Jamali has accepted the appointment as Prime Minister on the understanding that he will continue Pakistan’s alliance with the USA and its war on terror”. Significantly, Jamali, soon after swearing-in showered praise on Musharraf for his economic and foreign policies and lauded him for fulfilling his promise to restore democracy in the country”. This is what the General calls “guided democracy”.
UNION Minister for Information and Broadcasting and BJP’s star campaigner, Sushma Swaraj, will now have to remind her parliamentarian and Cabinet colleagues to mind their Ps and Qs in the House. This uncomfortable task was entrusted to her by school children during an interactive session at Delhi Doordarshan Kendra on Friday forenoon to mark the International Day of Children’s Broadcasting which is observed by UNICEF on the second Sunday of December every year. Over 50 students from various schools of Delhi participated. Mrs Swaraj faced a volley of questions from the young citizens on the role of the public service broadcaster. While a girl told the minister that the shouting MPs are not a good role model for the children, another wanted to know why only ten per cent of TV programming is for children when they constitute 60 per cent of the television viewership. To this, the minister said that DD Bharti could be a good window for developing programmes for children. Others suggested a programme on Youth Parliament and more cartoons.
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and senior NDA leaders were conspicous by their absence at the Iftar hosted by new Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed at a hotel in the capital last week. The Congress presence was strong with party president Sonia Gandhi, senior leaders Manmohan Singh and Arjun Singh, PCC chief Ghulam Nabi Azad and Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dixit coming to the event. Photographers, busy for most of the evening, were not satisfied till they had Sonia Gandhi, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and Mehbooba Mufti in one frame. Mehbooba Mufti was also the hostess urging the guests to partake Kashmiri delicacies served on the occasion. Union Minister of State for Defence Chaman Lal Gupta, MP from Doda-Udhampur, was the only senior BJP leader at the Iftar. Like the BJP, none of the high-profile National Conference leaders was present. Farooq Abdullah, who has taken oath as Rajya Sabha member, was not there nor was his son Omar Abdullah.
Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, who is in Gujarat for her party’s election campaign, was at a loss to comprehend as to how the AICC campaign managers had chalked out her five-day tour programme. During the Iftar party of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Sheila was heard complaining that Bhuj, where her Government had helped in reconstruction of homes and other facilities had not been included in her itinerary. She had ensured that her grievance reaches the right quarters as she became a little louder after seeing the presence of an AICC leader. Bhuj was included in her tour programme eventually.
The Maurya Sheraton hotel, where Vlaldimir Putin and the Russian contingent stayed during the Russian President’s three-day state visit, has been subjected to the strictest of security drills. Apart from the usual sanitising exercise of the hotel complex and the area in the periphery, the fauna of the region (stray cows) had been rounded up and put to graze within the Army Battle Honours Mess — a stone’s throw away from the hotel. While hotel authorities played down the issue saying that they had been subjected to similar drills during the Clinton visit as well, clearly, celebrated soldiers certainly could have done without the bovine company and the mess they would have created in the otherwise spic and span Mess.