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Friday,
November 29, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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Not by confrontationist path Avoidable
blaming game
HARI JAISINGH |
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The cycle of life in the parks of Delhi
Glimpses from India-China contacts
When does real life start?
Americans suffer from mental infirmity
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Not by confrontationist path THE most notable feature of the “jail bharo andolan,” organised by the Shiromani Akali Dal, is that the first day of the protest on Wednesday passed off peacefully. The Akali leaders, including Mr Parkash Singh Badal, and workers were detained for violating the prohibitory orders and then let off in the evening. Many of them had come prepared to spend the night in jail, but went back home disappointed. The state government had made elaborate preparations to meet the Akali challenge. The Akali leadership exercised its democratic right of protest within the acceptable limits. The police also exercised tremendous restraint. This show of strength and restraint is in sharp contrast to the atmosphere of confrontation that had prevailed in the run-up to the election of the SGPC President. However, this time Chief Minister Amarinder Singh’s mature handling of the Akali plan of filling the jails in the state has redeemed, to some extent, his sullied reputation. Although the Akali protest is said to be against the “anti-people” policies of the Congress government, particularly the reintroduction of the power tariff for the agriculture sector, the apparent involvement of a number of former Akali ministers in corruption cases by the state vigilance authorities is also a common grievance and a uniting factor. That was also perhaps the reason why the Akali protest did not evoke mass interest. The supply of power to farmers for long hours has also kept many of them away from the agitation launched for their benefit. Both parties have made claims of victory. The Akali leadership has called its state-wide protest a success, while the Chief Minister has dubbed it a “flop show”. Both are right and also
wrong. They might have scored a victory, but Punjab, whose interest they are supposed to advance and protect, has suffered a grievous loss. The politics of confrontation they are playing is not in the interest of the state. Such agitations, apart from causing
inconvenience to the general public, also divert government machinery from the pursuit of the development agenda. Such a volatile situation is bound to scare away private
investment. That Punjab, once the number one state in the country, is lagging behind in growth is a cause for serious concern. The enterprising Punjabis are forced to desert the state for lack of growth opportunities and development work, while unemployed youth are turning to drugs. There is discontent among almost all sections: farmers, traders, industrialists, the salaried class and the labour. The infrastructure and civic conditions are deteriorating because of the government’s empty treasury and lack of focus. It is time to sit together and undertake an acceptable development agenda. The Centre is being unhelpful. It has refused to pay any drought relief. Instead of fighting petty battles, the state’s political leaders should jointly plead Punjab’s case for Central aid and private investment. |
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Avoidable blaming game THE Mufti Mohammad Sayeed government is faced with a difficult and tricky situation. It is the target of attack from the Centre as well as Pakistan-sponsored militants. The Centre, particularly the BJP that leads the ruling coalition in Delhi, has held the new Chief Minister’s “healing touch” policy primarily responsible for the recent major terrorist strikes in Jammu and Kashmir. The BJP has questioned the release of six prisoners, including JKLF chief Yasin Malik, arrested on militancy-related charges, though the government has its own explanations to offer. Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani has taken the state government to task for the controversial decision “without consulting” the Centre or intelligence agencies. As against this, terrorists have responded to the change in the political dispensation with a second attack on the historic Raghunath Temple in Jammu, besides indulging in a few major acts of crime in the recent past. Initially, the BJP showed magnanimity by gracefully accepting the verdict of the electorate, describing it as the victory of India’s secular democracy. It kept itself away from the power game that began in the state after the elections. But the BJP leadership could not prevent itself from fishing in troubled waters once militants began to enact one gory incident after another. Many political pundits see in it a Gujarat angle as the western state is scheduled to go to the polls next month. It is believed that criticising the “soft approach” of the PDP-Congress government for handling the terrorist problem may help the ruling party in Gujarat in defeating the Congress in the coming battle of the ballot there. The Congress has its own game plan. It may try to encash the “healing touch” programme of the Mufti government not only in Gujarat but also in the other states where elections are due next year. This is unfortunate, to say the least. The Kashmir crisis is too sensitive a matter to be used for making political capital. The new state government, in fact, should be provided all kinds of assistance to enable it to work for peace undisturbed so long as it is found to be sincere in its approach. If the Chief Minister is to be believed, now “there is complete understanding on how to deal with the situation” between his government and the Centre. He is expected to be in Delhi soon to meet the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister. One hopes this will end the blaming game, which is not in the interest of the nation. There is need to expose the fresh terrorist infiltration from across the Line of Control. The world community, particularly the USA, should be reminded of Pakistan’s commitment in this regard. Reports suggest that certain terrorist training camps have been reactivated by the notorious ISI to keep the proxy war on. This alarming development after the installation of a new government in Islamabad proves that there is no change in Pakistan’s destructive Kashmir policy. Can our political leaders
afford to ignore the emerging horrifying reality? It is time to unite on the Kashmir issue. The blaming game may be disastrous. |
Testing time ahead for Gujarat THE die is cast. Gujarat is warming up to the challenge of an election that is expected to provide some answers to some questions that seemed to divide the polity in all its disquieting dimensions not only in the state but the country as a whole after the Godhra inferno. What happened in post-Godhra Gujarat is yet another shameful chapter of Independent India. I am not attempting at a post-mortem of the events which I have discussed from time to time in my earlier articles. What is more relevant is the urgency of looking beyond by drawing appropriate lessons from those unfortunate happenings. Equally crucial is a degree of restraint in the politico-administrative conduct of our leaders with a view to reshaping events for harmonious functioning of Gujarat, nay, national society. There are no shortcuts to nation-building from the grassroots upward. This is a highly painstaking task the success of which depends on the show of basic honesty at all levels. Unfortunately, honesty towards the people and the country is at a discount these days. This does not mean that we should give up the efforts and surrender meekly before the politico-administrative mafia nexus that has hijacked the system. In fact, the current drift can be reversed if we constantly keep in mind certain basic points of governance and democratic India's basic ingredients of the nationhood. First, democratic institutions as provided in the Constitution and those which are part of Indian civilisational roots must be respected and strengthened for the good of society. It is gratifying that better sense has prevailed and the honour and dignity of the autonomous institution of Election Commission has been redeemed in the face of the disturbing challenge posed to it by certain vested interests led by the VHP and its allies in the name of Hindutva. Full marks to Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee for asserting decisively once in favour of saner elements in Indian politics. Second, it needs to be appreciated that the crises that have often overtaken Indian society for varied reasons have thrown up some fundamental questions which have a direct bearing on the legitimacy and credibility of authority, institutional or otherwise. Three, the increasing personalisation factor in politics not only smacks of feudalism but has also greatly eroded established institutional authority. This tendency has to be ruthlessly checked. Four, the main challenge in the present lies in the evolution of the right type of political leadership, not as a personalised factor but as "an institution", both in the examples it sets and the model it creates for the rest. Five, it is equally necessary that democratic institutions are fair and seen to be fair. For, on this observance depends the credibility of the system of governance. Six, equally crucial is the standard of public morality. It is in this broad framework that we ought to assess developments in Gujarat. It is essential that we understand the people's problems rationally and dispassionately. The Gujaratis, by and large, are a peace-loving people. There are more vegetarians among them than among any other people on the earth. (Have we given some importance to this factor while considering the sensitivity of the Gujaratis to their religion?) They were probably taken for granted. It was presumed that they were not so sensitive to their tragedies. That they are like any other people of India. But that is a mistake. They have their own sensitivities and characteristics. This is, of course, true of any ethnic group in India. They are all different. All the same, they are all united by a rich civilisational bond that has proved to be stronger than religion. And yet the world thought — at least the western world — that India would break up, that its unity would not hold. We have proved the world wrong. If the nation has suffered certain setbacks from time to time this has been mainly due to the wrong or short-sighted policies of our rulers. Amidst the varied aberrations in the polity, including the growing tentacles of Islamic fundamentalism in certain areas, the response from the other side has been equally fainty. It is also a fact that amidst pulls and counter-pulls, Hindutva is also becoming a political agenda. This has encouraged excesses and hatred. In this counter-gameplan what is overlooked is the fact that Hinduism is a spiritual tradition which emphasises restraint and compassion. What happened in Godhra should not have happened. It is not characteristic of the Gujaratis. Naturally, they are angry. And the Central leadership had added to their anger by being least sensitive to their feelings. Gujarat has been going through traumatic times: continuous drought for years, the pestilence of the plague and then an earthquake. Anyone would lose his balance and equanimity after going through all these adversities. Godhra came to provide the ignition. It is against this backdrop that Mr Narendra Modi has suddenly become the man of the hour. He may or may not be liked. He may not be the best example of an Indian. He may not be a good leader either. All the same he does reflect the mood of the Gujaratis. It is a different
matter that once blinded by his obsessions, mistakes are bound to take place. Recent happenings and confrontationist mood are clear pointers to distortions in thinking and responses. The Gujaratis may not be unreceptive to any well-meaning advice at this time. The election results may reflect the mood of the people. And this is already clear. The people may or may not be voting for Mr Narendra Modi. Perhaps their anger against the Centre, which has been least sensitive to their plight, may get reflected in the voting. What can they say of a Prime Minister who advises Mr Modi to follow Raja dharma (King's dharma)? What is Raja dharma? On the coronation of a king, this is what the Raja's Purohit says to the king: "If thou shall be ruler, then from this day judge the strong and the weak with equal justice, resolve in doing good incessantly to the public and protect the country from calamities." Mr Modi's crime was to blame an entire community for the mischief of the few. But, then, that is not unusual. Don't we hold the entire Muslim community responsible for the wrongs done by Mohammed Jinnah and the Muslim League for India's partition? We do. So, let the people of Gujarat judge Mr Modi on merit and in totality of various developments. And the best way is to make sure that the people are given the atmosphere for a peaceful poll. This is what was being denied by the VHP and its leaders. By insisting on the yatra, they were trying to inflame passions and bring about a breakdown of the administration, especially the law and order machinery. Equally disturbing are reports of massive flow of money from mafia groups in Mumbai and West Asia to take on what they call the Hindutva forces. This is equally condemnable and needs to be checked firmly. We must not allow foreign money to decide the fate of Gujarat, nay, of the whole of India. Elections do not bring up the best men in the best of times. Naturally, there is anxiety about the Gujarat poll. The people are angry. The leaders are angry. Responses are distorted and misplaced. The atmosphere is anarchical. It is, therefore, time to cool the tempers. That is why the Central leadership must not appear to be taking sides. It must carry out the task of maintaining the law of the land impartially and ruthlessly. And it must appear to be doing so by backing the Election Commission fully. We are all familiar with the Mahabharata. Vyasa put dharma at the very heart of the epic. It is all about the state and society. In India the effort to create a peaceful state and society began long ago. The Ramayana is all about the creation of good society and the Mahabharata is all about the creation of a dharma-based state. Can we, of all people, fail our society and the state? We cannot. And we must not. |
The cycle of life in the parks of Delhi OF late I have taken to brisk walks in the various parks in New Delhi and have watched not only the seasons change, not only the flowers bloom and wither away, but also the different generations in action in their diverse ways, according to their stages in life. One comes across bubbling babies in prams being pushed by proud young mothers, little older ones taking their first stumbling steps and being encouraged to do so by doting parents and then the ones slightly old enough to play with balloons and balls. There is such a visible flow of love between parent and child and such instinctive bonding that leaves one with one’s own glow at this blooming of innocence. You have only to look further around and see the flowering of childhood into youth — some are into team games, converting their corner of the park into a cricket pitch or a football ground. Energy and enthusiasm radiate from these youngsters who appear to be fountains of spontaneous healthy joy. You see a few others — quiet young couples who probably would not even know that there were others around — they tread on air, drinking deep of each other’s eyes and dreaming dreams that only youth can dream — they walk on and on and on! I walk on at my usual clip and notice the dreams giving way to older couples tucked away in hidden nooks and corners, furtively and feverishly petting away. The dreams here have given way to the burning desire to make contact, as much as possible, even in a hidden nook of a park — the innocence, the energy and the dream have given way to the demands of flesh and blood. I have noted in the beginning the boundary between childhood and parenthood — some parents can be seen without their children also — maturing couples — contentment, love and understanding writ large on their faces as they trudge together in the park as they do in life. Along come the fitness freaks — young and aged, who streak past you, jogging and walking away to good health — steely determination in their eyes, with little joy on their faces — I do hope the benefits are in proportion to the mental and physical efforts. Finally, the strollers — older men and women who have weathered the storms of life and gone through scores of springs, summers, autumns and winters — quietly taking their evening stroll. There is little innocence, energy, or furtiveness in their body language. They seemingly gaze at a distant horizon, not very conscious of their immediate surroundings — they have been through it all and seen it all — some appear to have achieved some level of understanding, others seem to be still wondering what this is all about, and some seem to be just waiting for the final plunge, not knowing where it will take them. I have finished my walk — I notice a slight chill in the air — is it in the air or in my bones now?
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Glimpses from India-China contacts ARYAN India was aware of the world around it. But it cared little for it. The “Manusmriti” talks of the Yavanas, Dravidas, Pallavas, Cinas (Chinese) and other tribes as “fallen” Kshatriyas. We are told they failed to observe the Brahmanical rituals. The Chinese were no less contemptuous of their neighbours. They called them vassals. But while India absorbed its conquerors, China absorbed both the conquerors as also their homelands. That is how it became so large. It was Buddhism which gave India a sense of mission. Ashoka says: service to mankind is the greatest virtue. The Buddhists went out on this mission of service all over the world. China had no such sense of mission. It preferred to live alone. Conquest of neighbours was never in the mind of India. But others were engaged in conquests — for example, Greeks and Romans, Persians and Chinese. The Chinese put up the Great Wall of China to prevent attacks from nomadic tribes. But it did go out to conquer the neighbours. The only great empire India ever built was that of Ashoka, and it was devoted to the welfare of mankind. Which is why Ashoka is acclaimed the greatest emperor of the world. Need for contacts with neighbours arose for various reasons. Among them, three may be mentioned: (1) to be at peace with a neighbour (more so if he is powerful), (2) to prevent him from joining a third party and (3) to promote trade and culture. India-China contacts can be traced back to the 5th c BC. But they were desultory. China was neither anxious to make friends nor willing to let others in. Nevertheless, Buddhism entered China in the 2nd c BC. But the Taoists were up in arms against it. They characterised it as a debased Taoism. There was considerable polemics between Buddhists and Taoists. Moderation is not part of the Chinese character. (They called Gandhi and Nehru “running dogs of imperialism”!) Under the Han and T’ang dynasties, Buddhism was persecuted with utmost brutality. Why? Because Buddhism went against the spirit of militarism in China. Both the T’angs and Sungs were expansionist dynasties. They were more brutal. The Mongol conquest of China, however, changed the fortunes of Buddhism. Under Kublai Khan, an ardent Buddhist, who conquered China in 1264, Buddhism began to flourish, more so in the north of China. But, as it came to be associated with the conquerors, it suffered heavily at the hands of the Chinese when the Mongols were ousted. And because the Lama ruler of Tibet was the high priest of Mongol emperors, Tibet too suffered at the hands of the Chinese. The Chinese characterised Buddhism as a “foreign” religion. Shaving of head and burning of the dead were called “uncivilised”. And they objected to the celebacy of the monks as a bad example. To come back, in the 2nd c BC, the great Chinese general and envoy, Chang K’ien, came closest to India. He knew from the Bactrians how long away India was. This explains why he recommended the construction of a shorter route to India through Szchuen. The first embassy sent out by China (by emperor Wu Ti) was to buy the “heavenly horses” of Ferghana (Ist c AD). But as the envoy was killed by Moga, the first Indo-Parthian king, whose kingdom included Punjab, war followed, in which Moga was killed. The Chinese carried away many horses. By the Ist c AD, the Kusanas (a prominent branch of the Yuo-Chi) established themselves in the Punjab. The Kusana king kept contact with Chinese emperor Ming-Ti, but as equals. Kanishka (early 2nd c AD), the greatest emperor of the Kusanas, whose empire touched China, considered himself superior to the Chinese emperor — an unpardonable offence in the eyes of the Chinese. Perhaps Kanishka helped the western parts of China to revolt against Chinese domination and later conquered the region himself. This brought about an alliance between Rudradaman of Gujarat, a powerful figure, and China to curb the rise of Kanishka. In 221 AD, the Han dynasty came to an end and China broke up into two. One was Fu-Nah (Cambodia). There is evidence that the king of Fu was in contact with the Saka king of Mathura. Mathura was a major kingdom then. The first embassy (503 AD) from the south of India was that of king Senguttuvan, a Buddhist of the Cera (Kerala) kingdom, made famous by the great Tamil classic Silappadikaram. He was a great ruler, with his capital at Karur (near Trichy). He conquered much of peninsular India and had no need for a political alliance with China as he was supreme on the sea. Pliny writes of his seaport Musiris that it “abounds in ships.” Senguttuvan’s interest must have been trade, for his envoy carried with him spices and other products of Kerala as presents. The people of Kerala, writes a Chinese historian, were “particularly devoted Buddhists.” In 539 AD emperor Wu Ti sent an embassy to Magadha, a place considered by Chinese as sacred, to collect Mahayana texts and to obtain the services of Buddhist scholars. Yet another period of interest to us is of the rise of Arabs and Tibetans. King Harshavardhana of Kanauj and emperor Tai-Tsung, both contemporaries, exchanged embassies. During the reign of Kao-Tsun, son of Tai China pushed its frontiers close to India — to the Oxus river. But the Tibetans defeated the Chinese twice and continued to attack Chinese provinces. Thus the Tibetans saved India from Chinese invasion. China exchanged embassies with both Magadha and Kashmir at this time when Tibet began to consolidate its position(710-730 AD). In fact, this was to build up a league against Tibet. Chandrapada of Kashmir sought China’s help against Arabs. (Sind fell to Arabs in 712 AD). Lalitaditya Muktapada (695-732), the greatest king of Kashmir, is supposed to have sent an embassy to China for the same reason. With the advent of Islam in India the India-China contacts appear to have dried up. To sum up, although cultural contacts with China began from 5th c BC, state-to state relations began perhaps only a thousand years later. The Chinese were generally averse to contacts with foreign powers. In any case, they treated them as vassals. And any present taken to the emperor was taken as a “tribute”. Although Buddhism flourished in China, it was under the Mongol dynasty. This fact is not so well known in India. Indian and Chinese protocols were not much different. Both were marked by courtesy and consideration. While envoys prostrated before Indian kings, they kowtowed before the Chinese emperors. In Arthashastra of Kautilya, we got some idea of the protocol procedure. Bana Bhatta, the author of “Harshacharita”, also gives us valuable information on how Harsha received the envoy of the Assam who sought his alliance. |
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When does real life start? AT the risk of sounding snitty, I can’t help thinking that the Generation X, Y, Z thing has been seriously mismanaged. We’re going to run out of letters soon, and then what are we going to do? Go back to the beginning of the alphabet again, like they do with number plates? Or maybe go the way of A levels, and start talking about Generation X*. Or X premier league. How about X to the power of 10? It won’t wash, will it? It’ll be like Orwell’s 1984 all over again. All that build up and fanfare, all that sexy generational tension, and then, when we finally get there, everybody standing around with their hands in their pockets, whistling, trying not to feel short-changed that everything was still the same, and nobody was being dragged off, and tortured with rats in cages strapped around their heads. In the end, 1984 was just another year, and Room 101 became just another television show. All of which makes you wonder - are there such things as generations at all? Or are we just kidding ourselves that any kind of glue (time, culture, destiny) is going to be strong enough to hold this chaotic bunfight we call humanity together? Are we, in effect, indefinable? Or, even worse, can we be defined all too easily, but only in a bad way? I was thinking this as I read yet more excitable, self regarding clap-trap about how there’s this new generation of Young People coming up who aren’t going to allow themselves to be tied down like their forebears. They’re not going to fall into the birth-school-work-death trap, they’re going to have this groovy, flexi-lifestyle thing going on. A bit like an Alex Garland novel, only with a dash of Naomi Klein, and lots of money flying around. Again at the risk of sounding snitty, I think this new generation sound like arrogant snots, who’ll only start thinking and talking sensibly when they’ve been around the block a few times and had several lorryloads of poop kicked out of them. A bit like every generation of Young People in fact. That’s the rub with being a Young Person - the time limit. The ever-ticking genetic stopwatch that respects no man, woman, exercise regime, no phial of Botox. All too soon comes the hour, when, no longer young, you have to work out whether you’ve got a proper life, the life you want. Or whether (horror of horrors) you’ve been fobbed off with a placebo. Are we the placebo generation? Just as people on medical experiments unwittingly get fed sugar pills intended to have no effect and wait in vain for the drug to kick in, are there people out there who, without meaning or wanting to, lead lives to no discernible effect whatsoever, acting as mere human wallpaper for others? Do too many of us sit around, inside our lives, detached from reality, daydreaming the days away, wondering when the ‘real stuff’, the `life’ thing, is going to kick in? Not the relationship we’re in, but the relationship we’d love to be in. Not the jobs we’ve got, but the jobs we want. Not the people we are, the people, those wonderful exciting people, we intended to be. It seems to me that people are made unhappy by two things in life: the bad things that happen to them and the good things that don’t. Everything else is just one big placebo. That’s how you get people, people who might have expected their lives to be like an Alex Garland novel, walking around with puzzled, disgruntled looks on their faces. Like they’ve paid good money to sit on a fairground ride that hasn’t moved for years. They don’t want to stay on, but they’re too scared to get off in case it starts again. They don’t want to jump into nothing. And yet, poignantly, they remain eternally hopeful that one day life will just magically start moving. Which is probably the most heartbreaking thing about the placebo generation — at some point most of us have to wake up and realise that we’d been given the real thing all along. The Guardian
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Americans suffer from mental infirmity THE total package of good physical and mental health is elusive for most American adults, according to new research. Two-thirds of US adults participating in a 1995 survey reported some degree of physical or mental infirmity that kept them from being completely healthy. The remaining third of the survey group was split into nearly equal percentages of completely healthy and completely unhealthy individuals, said study authors Corey LM Keyes of Emory University and Joseph G Grzywacz of Wake Forest University School of Medicine. ANI Botox doesn’t lift drooping eyebrows Researchers at Indiana University have found that injections of botulinum toxin (botox) do not alter the age-related drooping of the eyebrows. Botulinum toxin, injected into the face, is popular as a way of smoothing frown lines, horizontal forehead wrinkles and crow’s feet. It works by paralysing the muscles that make these lines occur. The overall effect is to make someone look younger. For the study, the researchers studied a group of 29 people receiving botox injections to either the area between the eyebrows alone, or to this area plus the forehead. Two weeks after the injection, there was no significant change in eyebrow position in any patient. This may surprise those who are looking to botulinum toxin as a non-surgical eyebrow lift, they conclude.
ANI Full face transplants now possible Full face transplants are no longer science fiction fantasy, a leading surgeon has said. They are technically feasible but ethically complex. Peter Butler from London’s Royal Free Hospital called for a debate on the ethics of such an operation made possible by new drugs which stop the body’s immune system rejecting a transplanted face. “It is not ‘can we do it?’ but ‘should we do it?’,” he told the BBC. “The technical part is not complex, but I don’t think that’s going to be the very great difficulty...The ethical and moral debate is obviously going to have to take place before the first facial transplantation.”
Reuters Tomato vaccine against Hepatitis B Chinese scientists have announced that they are currently conducting trials of genetically modified tomatoes which can act as an oral vaccine against the deadly Hepatitis B virus. A Chinese research team has produced a genetically Modified (GM) tomato which is currently undergoing field trials in a suburb of Beijing, ‘China Daily’ reported. “If the trials, expected to last between one and two years, are successful and it can be proven that the tomato has neither an adverse impact on the environment, nor people’s health, they will pave a smooth path for commercial application, in the not too distant future,” the report said.
PTI |
The following six vices have to be got rid of by men who want prosperity in this world — sleep, sluggishness, fear, anger, laziness and procrastination. There is no doubt that these are great hindrances to work. *** One should not touch any man to the quick and should not say false things about anybody. One should not abuse anybody or make anybody indulge in madness. *** The merits of even enemies have to be recognised while the demerits of even preceptors have to be got rid of. *** Neither prosperity nor adversity is likely to be permanent. It is only the work of past lives that is the cause of permanent wealth or misery. *** The result of learning is wisdom and humility, that of wealth is sacrifice and charity, that of strength is known to be the protection of the good. *** The snake, the fire, the wicked man, the king, the son-in-law, the nephew the disease and the enemy — these are not to be disregarded as being too small. *** The miserable, the blind, the dwarf and the dumb are never to be laughed at. *** One should not apply one’s mind to wrong deeds but carry out one’s duties without delay. *** The mans should give up vanity (and do his duty) by perseverance, strength, intelligence, patience, rashness or prowess. *** One should not say undesirable things to and should not look to the defects of anybody. — The Shukraniti, Chapter III, 111-113, 128-129, 133, 134, 135, 188-189, 212-213, 230, 231, 232-233, 236. *** So potent is the power acquired through disciplined self denial that those who attain it may even delay the moment of death. — The Tirukural, 269 *** Shorn of hair, the yak will refuse to live. Such men do exist who prefer death to the loss of honour. — The Tirukural, 969 |
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