E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

Giving farmers a new deal
YOU can tell a farmer about the disastrous consequences of the falling underground watertable caused by growing paddy in vast areas or explain to him the huge cost of procuring and storing foodgrains, but you cannot stop him from growing paddy and wheat as long as the returns from these crops are more lucrative than those from other crops. 

Punjab panchayats
PUNJAB Chief Minister Amarinder Singh somewhat gained instant applause without a hard day’s work on the strength of the cash-for-job scam. The euphoria of having delivered on the promise of combating corruption in high places can make anyone blind to the real tasks ahead. 

After resignation what?
IN politics, nothing can be considered surprising or unexpected. Suffice it to say that the resignation of Maharashtra Governor P. C. Alexander is, well, sudden. Since it has come without any premonition, it has started a wave of speculation about the likely sequel to it.

OPINION

Woes of President ‘Busharraf’
Caught in two cleft-sticks
Inder Malhotra
NEARLY three years after his coup that was generally welcomed by his countrymen and a year after Agra, where he appeared to be riding the crest of a wave, Pakistan’s military ruler, President Pervez Musharraf, is clearly in deep trouble. Since the USA is still putting its money on him, the best indicator of his plight is the American media.

IN THE NEWS

Bimal Jalan at RBI for continuity in reforms
EXTENDING Mr Bimal Jalan’s term as the Governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) for two years is perhaps the reflection of the fact that the government is looking for continuity in the reforms process — especially banking reforms where scams and embezzlement have milked so many investors of their hard-earned money. For the brilliant academic-turned- bureaucrat, the RBI Governorship is among the many feathers in his cap.

• PCRA’s first woman Director

• Recognition for scribe

Remembering first Defence Minister
Tarlochan Singh
NOT many people living in Chandigarh are aware how this city came into being. This area was represented by the late Sardar Baldev Singh, who first became an MLA in the Punjab Assembly at Lahore in 1937. At that time it was part of Ambala district and was considered one of the most backward areas since dozens of hill streams and nullahs were flowing in the area creating havoc.

OF LIFE SUBLIME

On road to happiness
V.K. Kapoor
THE 21st century will see radical changes in power, speed and magnitude. We will have to cope more quickly with problems that are much larger and complex than before. More changes will take place in the next few years than those in the last few decades. People and products not in tune with the changes are fast becoming obsolete. In fact, many of us become obsolete without knowing it.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

EDITORIALS

Giving farmers a new deal

YOU can tell a farmer about the disastrous consequences of the falling underground watertable caused by growing paddy in vast areas or explain to him the huge cost of procuring and storing foodgrains, but you cannot stop him from growing paddy and wheat as long as the returns from these crops are more lucrative than those from other crops. That is why the Punjab farmer has not been able to get out of the paddy-wheat cycle. No other crop provides better returns and assured marketing. Now the Johl committee has suggested to the Punjab Government a “crop adjustment programme” under which a farmer who agrees not to sow paddy and wheat should be paid Rs 5,000 per acre as compensation. This way at least one million hectares of the state’s cultivable area can be diverted to crops like oilseeds and pulses for which the committee suggests minimum support prices should be introduced. That is good enough. But there is the cash problem. Will the Congress government in Punjab be able to persuade the BJP-led NDA government at the Centre to cough up Rs 1,280 crore for the purpose? The Centre, the committee believes, will agree because it can save up to Rs 5,000 crore spent annually on the procurement and storage of foodgrains. The second problem will be in the distribution of cash among farmers. Can it be done without inviting allegations of foul play and misuse? The involvement of faction-ridden panchayats may lead to unnecessary disputes. An alternative can be to raise suitably the minimum support prices for pulses, oilseeds and other cash crops that need to be promoted after studying their viability along with providing the farmers an insurance cover.

The second daring recommendation of Dr S.S.Johl, a reputed agriculture scientist appointed to head the committee on agriculture policy by an enthusiastic Chief Minister keen to reverse Punjab’s economic slide, is regarding the partial withdrawal of free water and electricity to farmers and introduction of user-charges. This suggestion makes economic sense for the cash-depleted state government, but Capt Amarinder Singh may hesitate to implement it, given its possible negative political fallout. The imposition of user-charges is expected to generate Rs 1,000 crore which, the committee hopes, would be ploughed back into the crop adjustment programme. So, the success of the crop adjustment programme depends on the implementation of this recommendation. The political implications of free power and water supplies to farmers are often exaggerated. That Mr Parkash Singh Badal lost power despite such policies is one pointer. No reliable survey has been done to get farmers’ feedback on this vital issue. Indications are that not many farmers may oppose the levy of user-charges provided a regular supply of electricity and water is assured. Besides, the state cannot get cheap aid from the World Bank if it persists with such populist policies. Committees come and go and their recommendations often gather dust for want of implementation. It requires tremendous political will and courage on the part of the Chief Minister to act on the Johl committee’s report. The Captain, as also the state, cannot afford to delay action. Will he be able to muster courage to give the ailing state economy the much-needed treatment?

Punjab panchayats

PUNJAB Chief Minister Amarinder Singh somewhat gained instant applause without a hard day’s work on the strength of the cash-for-job scam. The euphoria of having delivered on the promise of combating corruption in high places can make anyone blind to the real tasks ahead. That it happened to Capt Amarinder Singh will surprise only those who thought he was infallible. No one is. He is into his 200 days in office and there is still no sign of the poll promises of pulling Punjab out of virtual bankruptcy being implemented. Instead, he decided to play the politics of “getting even”. The raids on the premises of several former Akali ministers were part of this policy. He also decided to order fresh panchayat elections in the state. The Punjab and Haryana High Court order must have come as a rude shock to him. So confident was he of having his way without any legal justification that he had reportedly instructed the party cadres to be prepared for early panchayat elections. He thought that the petition seeking a stay on early panchayat elections was a judicial irritant that had to be endured. But the judgment must have made him realise that he had indeed been wrongly advised to seek early dissolution of the existing panchayats.

However, it would be unfair to dub Capt Amarinder Singh’s attempt to dissolve the panchayats — their five-year term is to end in August, 2003 — as part of the “Congress culture”. Yes, the present-day Congress culture may not represent the high ideals that it was once based on. But that is true of most political parties. The surprise victory of the Janata Party in 1977 had the same effect on the psyche of the top leadership then, made up of diverse elements, as it had now on the Congress in Punjab. The Janata Party interpreted the Lok Sabha verdict as a vote against state governments as well. At that point of time most states were ruled by the Congress. The Congress governments were dismissed without any constitutional or moral or political justification so that the “Janata wave” could help the new party capture power in the states also. Three years later when Indira Gandhi returned to power she paid back the Janata Party in the same coin. All non-Congress governments were dismissed. In Haryana, Mr Bhajan Lal survived by turning the entire Janata Party into the Congress Legislature Party! The Punjab and Haryana High Court verdict has saved the spirit of democracy being trampled over by the myopic Congress leadership in Punjab. On the one hand, the Chief Minister emphasises the need to strengthen the panchayati raj institutions and, on the other, he himself tried to weaken them. Mercifully, the judiciary called his bluff.

After resignation what?

IN politics, nothing can be considered surprising or unexpected. Suffice it to say that the resignation of Maharashtra Governor P. C. Alexander is, well, sudden. Since it has come without any premonition, it has started a wave of speculation about the likely sequel to it. A spectacular array of posts has been assigned to the man who almost became the country’s President. Among the jobs he is supposed to get are those of Vice-President, a Rajya Sabha nomination, National Security Adviser, a plum ambassadorial post, a Governorship and a UN assignment. Mr Alexander is eminently suited for any of these responsibilities. Since he has neither confirmed nor denied any of these conjectures — at least not forcefully enough — you can pick up your own favourite. The next few days will have the party cocktail circuits buzzing about the real reasons behind the “surprise” resignation. But it will be futile to put forward any theory unless and until he does occupy one of the posts. What must be kept in mind is that he did not have to resign at this stage to take up any of the assignments. Putting in his papers would have made sense only if he was keen to go to some other state as a Governor. If he were to be appointed a Governor while still in office, it would have amounted to a transfer and his tenure would have been of only a few months. But now that he has resigned, he can have a full term of five years. If that is not the real line of action, then the most obvious conclusion is that he is miffed that he was first offered Presidential nomination by the NDA and then dumped. His sullen silence has fuelled this speculation.

If that indeed is the cause, it is unfortunate. Mr Alexander has been in public life long enough to know that if he was denied Presidency, it was not a reflection on him as a person. The political situation was such that it was imperative to look for a nominee who was acceptable to the ruling party as well as the Opposition. Mr Alexander first became Governor during the tenure of the Narasimha Rao government in the mid-1990s. He later established good working relationship with the then Shiv Sena-BJP government in Maharashtra and got a second term. But his candidature as President did not evoke similar consensus. In fact, his name was strongly opposed by the Congress and several other Opposition parties when it was proposed by the NDA. This had happened despite the fact that he had served as Principal Secretary to Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. He should have taken the so-called “snub” in his stride. The reaction is all the more bizarre since he has taken a month to hit back. At least he should not have ignored protocol. He called on Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani ostensibly to explain the reasons behind his decision to quit but did not call on the President to tender his resignation.

OPINION

Woes of President ‘Busharraf’
Caught in two cleft-sticks
Inder Malhotra

NEARLY three years after his coup that was generally welcomed by his countrymen and a year after Agra, where he appeared to be riding the crest of a wave, Pakistan’s military ruler, President Pervez Musharraf, is clearly in deep trouble. Since the USA is still putting its money on him, the best indicator of his plight is the American media.

Its verdict, best summed up by The New York Times, is that the General, now nicknamed “Busharraf”, has become a “figure of fun and derision in his own country”. To this might be added the authoritative statement of this country’s Deputy Prime Minister, Mr L.K. Advani, that General Musharraf “cannot be trusted” any longer. The new Foreign Minister, Mr Yashwant Sinha, on his first day in South Block, had expressed the same view though somewhat mildly.

However, any temptation to jump to the conclusion that General Musharraf’s days are numbered should be resisted. In fact, according to the best available analysis of the Pakistani situation, his hold on the Army and at least the higher echelons of the ISI, the notorious Inter-Services Intelligence, is still intact. How long this state of affairs will last is anybody’s guess. But no one should underestimate the Army’s capacity to maintain its stranglehold on Pakistan.

The roots of President Musharraf’s mounting woes are deep. He is, in fact, caught in two cleft-sticks, not one. The first has to do with September 11 and its impact on the worldwide consciousness of and attitude towards terrorism. At first this became a great opportunity for him. He did have to make a 180-degree change in his policy on the Taliban as the ruler of Afghanistan. But by doing so, he was able to get over the isolation and opprobrium that had been his and his country’s fate since his overthrow of the duly elected government of Mr Nawaz Sharif whose own contribution to this development was not negligible.

Almost overnight, from a totally ignored dictator, President Musharraf became America’s “valued ally” in the fight against terrorism for which the USA continues to shower praise on him even though at times it is unhappy about his cooperation in apprehending Al-Qaida fugitives being less than whole-hearted. But the real problem arises from the fundamental contradiction between the Pakistani leader’s willingness to go quite a long way in combating terrorism in Afghanistan and his utter disinclination to extend the same policy to terrorism exported to Jammu and Kashmir from Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (POK).

After the dastardly jehadi attack on Indian Parliament on December 13 last, it became impossible for the USA to go on winking at General Musharraf’s duplicity. He took a month to promise action against Pakistani terrorist groups active in Kashmir. Great stress was put on his January 12 address to his nation, and the applause he received from the international community was deafening. But it soon became obvious that the measures he took were cosmetic and were largely reversed soon enough.

However, by this time the Indian military mobilisation and massing of troops on the border and the Line of Control (LoC) was complete. Its message was clear. If Islamabad would not end cross-border terrorism on its own or at the prodding of the international community (for which please read the United States of America), India would use “other means” to ensure that the desired result was achieved.

Alarmed over the probability of war, with the concomitant possibility of escalation to a nuclear exchange, the USA intensified its pressure on General Musharraf. Consequently, it was the USA, not this country, to which he pledged to end infiltration of jehadis into Kashmir “permanently” and “visibly”. Consequently, India, even while refusing to withdraw the troops from the border, took enough steps to dissipate the war clouds on the horizon.

True to type, General Musharraf then tried to backtrack from his commitment and even pretend that none had to be made. An exasperated USA was appalled and told him so. There was a visible dip in the infiltration of jihadis for about three weeks after which it has increased again. This then is the state of the play that surely cannot be called satisfactory or a guarantee that the use of the military action would not become necessary.

Ironically, however, the Pakistani view of the situation is that General Musharraf has “not only surrendered Pakistani sovereignty to the United States” — hence the nickname “Busharraf” — but also “submitted” to Indian demands “without necessarily satisfying New Delhi that is asking for more”. The words are those of the respected Pakistani commentator, Mr Ayaz Amir, and the sentiment they encapsulate is very widely shared in Pakistan. It is not generally realised here that, despite Pakistan having been America’s “most allied ally” over long years, the anti-American feeling there has always been much stronger than it has ever been in India or is likely to be.

And that is where the second cleft-stick or fundamental contradiction afflicting Pakistan’s President, who is also the Chief of Army Staff, comes in. Having contrived to secure a fig leaf of legitimacy for his five-year tenure as President through a referendum denounced by most Pakistanis as “fraudulent”, the General is determined to preserve his personal dictatorship, with power partially shared only with his Corps Commanders.

And yet, he has to obey the Supreme Court’s directive to hold, by October 12, elections to the national and provincial assemblies and thus “restore democracy”. To his simplistic military mind the way out of his dilemma is simple: deform the already mangled Constitution completely and enshrine in it the Army’s permanent supremacy. With the help of legal experts who have sold their souls to all military despots, he has even a detailed blueprint. Under it he wants far greater powers, as President, to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and/or dissolve Parliament than even General Zia had under the infamous Eighth Amendment that was repealed by Mr Nawaz Sharif in 1998. On top of it, he wants to impose on the power structure a National Security Council, headed by himself and including the three Service Chiefs, the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff, the Prime Minister and the four provincial Chief Ministers.

He can surely promulgate all these drastic and essentially undemocratic changes before the poll because to do so is within his powers until the restoration of the National Assembly. After that the changes would become inoperative unless approved by the assembly by a two-thirds majority. To put in place such a pliant and malleable National Assembly is proving excruciatingly difficult, if not impossible, even for the resourceful General trained as a star of the Special Forces.

All the mainstream political parties are totally opposed to him and want him to quit before the election. His elaborate and dubious ploys to altogether shut out the two former Prime Ministers, Ms Benazir Bhutto of the PPP and Mr Nawaz Sharif of the Muslim League, from the election process have begun to boomerang on him. The Tehrik-e-Insaaf party of Mr Imran Khan, the cricketer-turned-politician, has also withdrawn its support to him. Of the Muslim League (Q), the “king’s party”, it is being said across Pakistan that the alphabet in parenthesis “stands for Quisling”, not for Qaid-e-Azam, as intended by its organisers.

Although Ms Bhutto has denied having met Mr Nawaz Sharif during a brief visit to Saudi Arabia, the report that they did see each other has caused tremendous ferment in Pakistan. People expect that these two political leaders of consequence would soon start a civil disobedience movement against the General’s plans to lord it over his country for at least five more years. The crowning irony is that both the Islamic parties, to say nothing of the jehadi outfits, and the liberals are opposing General Musharraf with equal vehemence.

In this context it is difficult to dismiss out of hand reports from Islamabad that General Musharraf might take recourse to postponing the elections. What the USA and other Western countries do in such an event would be interesting to watch. In 1999 they had found some ruse or the other to overlook the strangulation of democracy in Pakistan.

For this country the best policy would be to deal with whoever effectively wields power in Pakistan. The mistake made earlier of first refusing to have any truck with the author of the military coup and then welcoming him in Delhi and Agra as an honoured Head of State must not be repeated.

IN THE NEWS

Bimal Jalan at RBI for continuity in reforms

EXTENDING Mr Bimal Jalan’s term as the Governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) for two years is perhaps the reflection of the fact that the government is looking for continuity in the reforms process — especially banking reforms where scams and embezzlement have milked so many investors of their hard-earned money. For the brilliant academic-turned- bureaucrat, the RBI Governorship is among the many feathers in his cap.

Dr Jalan, who belongs to the Calcutta Marwari community (known more for its entrepreneurial skills then academic brilliance), boasts of an impressive academic profile. He was educated at Kolkata’s Presidency College, Cambridge and Oxford.

During the peak of his career, Dr Jalan, whose peers say his predilections lie towards the Left, quit a plush job in the World Bank and returned to India to head the Economic Staff of ICICI in 1970.

Dr Jalan was among the first technocrats to advise the government in various capacities. Prior to becoming the Governor of the RBI, he held several high-level positions in the government, including those of the Banking Secretary, the Finance Secretary, the Chairman of the Economic Advisory Council of the Prime Minister and Member-Secretary of the Planning Commission.

He has also served as the Executive Director representing India on the boards of the IMF and the World Bank. An eminent author, Dr Jalan has written extensively on India and international economic issues.

Among his most prominent books are: “India’s Economic Crisis: The Way Ahead”; “The Indian Economy: Problems and Prospects”; and “India’s Economic Policy: Preparing for the Twenty-first Century”.

PCRA’s first woman Director

Ms Leena Mehendale, a 52-year-old Maharashtra cadre IAS officer of the 1974 batch, recently took over as the first woman Executive Director of the Petroleum Conservation Research Association (PCRA), Ministry of Petroleum. Although the compulsory wait period after a study leave stretched from October, 2001, to the fourth week of June, 2002, her patience finally bore fruit after the Appointments Committee of Cabinet cleared her name for the post.

This is the first time since PCRA’s inception in 1976 that a non technocrat outside the oil sector is holding the office of the ED. Ms Mehendale, therefore, enjoys the distinction of being the first woman IAS officer to be entrusted with this responsibility.

Known for her versatility, literary taste, writing skills and candour, she stepped into her new office in the Engineers India Limited building on Bhikaji Cama Place in the national Capital on June 25. Having spent three years (July, 1998, to May, 2001) in the National Commission for Women as Joint Secretary, Ms Mehendale is determined to advocate the entry of women in the oil sector.

“The number of women in this office is practically nil at the officers level. A lot of women pass out of the engineering colleges and IITs every year. We do not lack the women work force in the engineering sector. It is only a question of giving them representation in the oil sector. The only other bureaucrat in PCRA is Ms Vandana Singhal (from the Indian Railway Accounts Service) who heads the Oil Industry Development Board.”

Ms Mehendale comes from a family of bureaucrats. She is married to Pune-based engineer Parkash Mehendale and both her sons are engineers. She has held several key posts, including the Collector of Sangli district, Maharashtra (1984 to 1985), the Divisional Commissioner, Nasik, the Managing Director of the Western Maharashtra Development Corporation (1985 to 1988) and officiated as Vice-Chancellor of Open University (1994 to 1995). As Joint Secretary, NCW, she was entrusted with investigation of the Anjana Mishra case in Orissa besides cases of sexual harassment.

She has published three books in Marathi and two in Hindi.

Recognition for scribe

For the 45-year-old senior Hindi journalist, Urmilesh, awards and recognition are not new. But the latest honour conferred on him by the Madhya Pradesh Government holds special significance for him. The fourth Rajendra Mathur Memorial Journalism Fellow award for Urmilesh is special in the sense that it gives Urmilesh both money and honour to do what is close to his heart and mind: academics.

Urmilesh would be doing research on the separatist movement in the Kashmir valley. The award money is Rs 1 lakh. Besides, Urmilesh would be getting some Rs 40,000 to take care of his travel expenses. He would be visiting the valley next month to begin his work.

Going to Kashmir on an assignment would be like going back to his professional moorings for this intrepid professional. He was probably the only Hindi journalist who reported on the Kargil war from the Kargil, Drass and Battalik sectors for three weeks when the war was at its bloodiest. Kashmir is the subject matter of his forthcoming book entitled “Kashmir: Ek Asamaapt Kahani” — which will be his fifth in the past 12 years. The forthcoming book focuses on the socio-political genesis of unrest in Kashmir with special emphasis on its pre-and-post-Partition history and the slow but steady alienation of large sections of the people in the valley.

A specialist in political affairs and security matters, Urmilesh is no stranger to Punjab which he has covered extensively during his three-year stint in Chandigarh for a Delhi-based newspaper.

Remembering first Defence Minister
Tarlochan Singh

NOT many people living in Chandigarh are aware how this city came into being. This area was represented by the late Sardar Baldev Singh, who first became an MLA in the Punjab Assembly at Lahore in 1937. At that time it was part of Ambala district and was considered one of the most backward areas since dozens of hill streams and nullahs were flowing in the area creating havoc. After partition the capital of new Punjab was moved temporarily to Shimla. It was the influence of Sardar Baldev Singh on Pt Jawaharlal Nehru that the decision to build a new capital here was taken.

Sardar Baldev Singh, an industrialist, politician and the first Defence Minister of India, was born on July 11, 1902, at Dummna village, near Morinda. His father, Sir Inder Singh, was a contractor and rose to be a steel magnate at Jamshedpur in Bihar. The family was known for its philanthropic work in the district, especially in the field of education. Khalsa schools at Ambala, Kurali, Chamkaur Sahib, Morinda and Ropar are still being run by Sir Inder Singh Trust established by the family.

Baldev Singh, who graduated from Khalsa College, Amritsar, made early debut in politics and joined the Akali party, accepting Master Tara Singh as his life-long mentor. He made a major contribution in the establishment of Sikh National College at Lahore. He advocated the idea of maximum Sikh recruitment in the Army during World War II in spite of opposition from the Congress party.

The Cripps Mission was sent by the British War Cabinet to India in 1942 with special proposals for the country’s political future. Sardar Baldev Singh was part of the Sikh delegation, which included Master Tara Singh, Sir Jogendra Singh and Sardar Ujjal Singh to represent the Sikh community before that mission. The mission was not successful because no political party could agree on any proposal. The efforts to gain freedom were intensified but unfortunately the Muslim community accepted Mr Jinnah as their sole spokesman, who was adamant not to discuss any other proposal except getting a Muslim majority area under full control of the community.

Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan took over as Premier of the Punjab in June 1942. The Akalis reached an understanding with him and were invited to join the coalition Government headed by him as a result of what came to be known as the Sikandar-Baldev Pact. Sardar Baldev Singh was able to break the ice between the Akali leaders and the Unionist party which maintained bitter relations between themselves for a long time. Sardar Baldev Singh was sworn in Development Minister on June 26, 1942. He retained his position in the Punjab Cabinet even after the death of Sir Sikandar in December 1942 when a new Ministry was formed under Malik Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana. Sardar Baldev Singh remained a minister till 1946 when he was invited to join the first national government in India as Defence Minister on September 2, 1946.

The British Cabinet Mission visited India in 1946 to negotiate with Indian leaders the future Constitution of the country. Baldev Singh was chosen a member of the delegation to present to it the Sikh viewpoint. He also met the mission separately to seek special protection for the Sikhs. He favoured a united India with safeguards for the minorities, but if partition of the country as insisted on by the Muslim League became inevitable, he wanted re-demarcation of the boundaries of the Punjab, slicing off the Muslim-dominated divisions of Rawalpindi and Multan to secure for the Sikhs the balance of power in the remaining Punjab.

The Cabinet Mission proposal in May 1946, which conceded substantially the Muslim claim to autonomy, was rejected by the Sikhs who decided to boycott the entire move. On Jawaharlal Nehru’s appeal, the Panthic Pratinidhi Board, at a meeting on August 14, 1946, while reiterating that the Cabinet Mission scheme was unjust to the Sikhs, retracted its boycott of it. Baldev Singh joined the Cabinet headed by Jawaharlal Nehru as the Sikhs’ nominee on September 2, 1946. He took over the Defence portfolio which had, throughout British rule, been held by the British Commander-in-Chief, who had been, in order of precedence, next only to the Viceroy and the Governor-General of India.

After long negotiations with all political parties, the British Government, finally decided to quit India and divide the country. The British Government invited one representative each of the Congress party, the Muslim League and the Sikh community to come to London for a final decision. This delegation comprised Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Ali Jinnah and Sardar Baldev Singh. Certain British leaders tried their best to have some working formula where Sikhs could stay with Pakistan and they wanted Sardar Baldev Singh to negotiate with Mr Jinnah. It was a historic decision on the part of the Sikh community at that time led by Master Tara Singh when they openly announced their decision to go with India rejecting all allurements given by the Muslim League. It was due to the efforts of the Akali party that partition of Punjab could take place. A Boundary Commission was appointed, which gave its verdict on August 15, 1947, in which Sikhs remained the worst sufferers. It must be recorded that the leadership of the Sikh community comprising Master Tara Singh, Giani Kartar Singh and Sardar Baldev Singh made the best of the bargain for the community in the worst of circumstances.

Sardar Baldev Singh brought about the required change in the defence services. He was responsible for enunciating a truly national Army, which became the pride of India. He completely Indianised the services. The Indian Army faced new challenges, which came at that time with the Pakistan-aided invasion of Kashmir and police actions in Junagarh and Hyderabad. Everyone praised the role of the Defence Minister at that critical juncture.

Since Sardar Baldev Singh was representing the Sikh community, he was very much disappointed that he had failed to get the realisation of past promises and assurances given by the Congress party regarding constitutional guarantees for the protection of the rights of the Sikhs as a minority community. He had been pleading with Jawaharlal Nehru and other leaders to honour the commitments made during the freedom struggle. Sardar Baldev Singh was elected a Member of Parliament in 1952 but he was not taken in the Cabinet due to his strong links with Master Tara Singh and the Akali party. He was re-elected to Parliament in 1957. His health began to deteriorate and after a prolonged illness he died in Delhi on June 29, 1961. His body was flown to his native village where he was cremated with full military honours.

The writer is the Vice-Chairman, National Commission for Minorities.

OF LIFE SUBLIME

On road to happiness
V.K. Kapoor

THE 21st century will see radical changes in power, speed and magnitude. We will have to cope more quickly with problems that are much larger and complex than before. More changes will take place in the next few years than those in the last few decades. People and products not in tune with the changes are fast becoming obsolete. In fact, many of us become obsolete without knowing it.

A changing world demands redefinition of old concepts. We need to reinvent what we are up to. Happiness and silver lining are in short supply. We have conquered the outer space but the inner space remains empty. We buy more but enjoy less. These are the times of tall men and short character, of huge profits and shallow relationships, world peace and domestic violence, tall buildings and short tempers.

Man's happiness is entirely a subjective phenomenon. To some extent, happiness depends upon external conditions but chiefly upon mental attitudes. To be happy, one should have good health, a well-balanced mind, a prosperous life, the right work, a thankful heart and the wisdom or knowledge of god. To be happy, face life and its upheavals cheerfully. Be active and tirelessly dynamic. Fear not sweat. Hesitate not to fear disappointments. Love life as long as you are alive. Grow through work. Evolve in work. Expand while striving. We do not automatically incorporate good ideas in our lives. We grow by choosing to grow, by responding positively to what happens to us.

Be self-reliant. Self-reliance is not how you feel or how good you are. It is whether you have the “gumption” to take definite action to get things working in your life. It includes plain old will power and ability to set goals. Among other capabilities, will power encompasses to be a self-starter and persevere after a project has begun. You can be your best friend or your worst enemy. We tend to make things complex by searching outside of ourselves, when solutions to all our needs remain within us. The core part of our potential being is a source deep within, where resides 99 per cent of each one of us. Sir Ralph Emerson remarked, “What lies behind us and what lies before us are tiny matters as compared to what lies within us”.

A man is not so much the slave of his fellowmen as he is of his own consciousness, of his own inferiority. Believe you are greater than others and you will be greater. We have no destinies other than the ones we forge ourselves. The consequence of our good or bad actions silently pursues us through the darkness of our ignorance. Our character is basically a composite of habits. Habit is a mental state by which you automatically repeat actions or situations. Your habits represent your personality. You can achieve nothing unless you have understood that you must count on no one but yourself.

Be pro-active in your approach to life. You can't catch fish unless you put your line in the water. Many of our personal goals are stranded on an island called “Someday I'll”. Don't wait for your ideas to happen, make them happen. As Adman Carl Ally puts it, “Either you let your life slip away by not doing the things you want to do or you get up and do them”. Passion for doing something should be matched with your core capability. It starts with you. You have to be in control to create control. If you can't control yourself you can't control the situation. Once you have control inside you will have control outside. Control doesn't mean suppression. It means regulation. It means channelisation. Control adds tempo to performance, daring to vision and brilliance in performance.

The inner environment governs our lives. The brightest amongst us can flounder at the shores of unbridled passions and unruly impulses. Chaotic thinking and riotous living can lead to creative and spiritual arthritis. Realities should be accepted without self-pity or despair. Accept yourself as you are. Live in close proximity to actuality. Don't worry what other people are thinking about you. They are busy worrying what you are thinking about them. Re-programme your inner tapes.

Power comes from within or from nowhere. Control your appetite and emotions. Effort is everything. You should make efforts to improve all your abilities in all walks of life. You have to do much yourself. Reflect alone and act. Consult others but depend only upon your wisdom. There is no substitute of judgment and no end to results of discriminatory judgement. Believe in the policy of sustain and abstain. Sustain what needs to be done. Abstain what is detrimental. Passivity costs you in the long run.

No matter what your circumstances, the manner in which you think and react to them is an intangible area where you can exercise total control. There are incredible dormant creative energy forces within the sub-conscious. You must tap them. If we flinch from making an effort, the effort-making ability is gone. The ordinary human body has almost unlimited powers and wonderful potential. The overwhelming majority of humans don't realise what they possess and hence the power lies dormant.

Tap into the internal power to elevate life to a higher octave of happiness and productivity. Transformation of the world begins with the transformation of the self. If we aren't in harmony with ourselves how can we be in harmony with the world? We are at odds with the world because we are at odds with ourselves. All the archaic claptrap of the past should be discarded ruthlessly without regard to nostalgia or false sentiments. Don't remain handcuffed to the past. Past decomposes in the mind and stinks. It poisons the present and murders the future. Panchtantra says, “For the lost, dead and past the wise have no lament”. Start anew. Every dawn is a new dawn filled with myriad possibilities. Both mediocrity and greatness emanate from within. Happiness is a function of personal and internal and not impersonal and external.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

A wealthy man is walking back to his home on a cold windy, wintry night. On his way he meets a beggar who is clad in nothing but a thin cloth. The beggar beseeches the rich man "Please, sir, give me your shawl. Otherwise, I fear I will not make it through the cold tonight."

The rich man is a pious man... However, he still has a few blocks to walk to his home. He does not want to suffer during those few blocks without a shawl. ...So he decides that the best solution is to give half of his shawl to the poor man, and he will keep the other half. So he cuts the shawl in half, wraps himself in one half and gives the other to the homeless man.

That night as the wealthy man sleeps, Lord Krishna comes to him in a dream. In the dream, it is winter and Lord Krishna is shivering, wrapped only in half of a shawl. "Lord, why are you wearing only half a shawl?" Lord Krishna replies, "Because that is all you gave me."

— From Drops of Nectar by Swami Chidananda Saraswati (Muniji)

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— Shri Ramacharit manasa, Bala Kanda