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| Friday,
August 3, 2001, Chandigarh, India   
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Cheerless on economy VIPs compromise security
Hari Jaisingh |
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The demise of the letter
Dealing with Nepal, our neighbour
Caste politics at its worst in
UP
Obesity linked to early heart attack
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Cheerless on economy SERIOUS
political and diplomatic developments have blinded the nation to a crisis brewing in the economy. The stock market crash immediately after the presentation of the Union budget, the Tehelka tapes exposure, the Naga ceasefire, the UTI scandal and, more importantly, the Prime Minister’s offer to resign were all high voltage drama, making the nitty-gritty of economic fundamentals bland and unexciting. Political and administrative misjudgements have naturally a short shelf life and even a major election issue like the Bofors kickback is but a faded memory now. But economic issues have an all-pervasive effect and leave a long-term impact. Urgent policies and corrections in economy suffer when the political leadership is totally engaged in fire-fighting operations on other fronts as now. Urgent reforms have no father and Parliament has no time or stomach to discuss a mundane thing like government finances. This explains why Parliament did not take note of the report of the Controller-General of Accounts of the shrinking tax revenue in the first three months of the financial year. It is an authentic indicator of the state of the economy. Tax revenue has declined by 12.9 per cent compared to last year. This is a mere 14.3 per cent of the budgeted target. Then there is borrowing. So far the government has raised more than Rs 70,000 crore from the market, which is about 70 per cent of what the government proposes to borrow during the entire year. It is not as though the funds were mopped up for development work; every rupee was for what the government elegantly calls establishment expenditure. Excise duty collection is stagnating, attesting to the fact that industrial production is not improving. Customs duty has declined with a drop in imports, another sure sign of the continuing industrial slowdown. Surprisingly even income tax and corporate tax have shown a marked drop and this is inexplicable. Sagging revenue collection and rising establishment expenditure will force the government to borrow more, push up the interest rate and undo much of its reform policies of the past three years. Not that the policies were sound but they were the only ones to see the light of the day. The near total freeze of industrial and infrastructure investment comes during bulging cash reserves of nationalised banks. With all mutual funds reporting heavy losses, people have shifted their savings to fixed deposits in banks. And the banks are in a quandary since there are very few borrowers even at the reduced rate of interest. It is a situation as problematic as on the food front – huge stocks and no takers. |
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VIPs compromise security PHOOLAN
Devi's daylight murder at her Ashok Road residence has understandably provoked a debate on the many chinks in the security apparatus. If a member of Parliament can be killed in the high security zone, what can one say about the safety of the life and limb of ordinary citizens in the national capital? The reformed bandit-turned-politician had just entered her official residence, within striking distance from Parliament House, when the attack on her life was made. There are reports that a number of politicians with alleged underworld links have become more concerned about their personal safety than ever before. They privately admit that it was, perhaps, Phoolan Devi's past that caught up with her. To avoid meeting a similar fate most of them are said to have taken the decision to strengthen their personal security by hiring the services of private agencies. For obvious political reasons the reference to the nexus between politicians and criminals in the context of the Samajwadi Party MP's murder has been rather muted. With an eye on the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh leaders of most parties have instead chosen to highlight her role in the upliftment of the dalits. However, the fact remains that it is pointless to talk about the poor security arrangements even in the VVIP areas without taking into account the number of politicians with criminal backgrounds who get elected to the country's legislatures and their direct or indirect role in creating problems for the security personnel. As of today, there are at least 600 MPs and MLAs with criminal backgrounds. The possibility of most of those visiting them in their office or at their place of residence too having criminal backgrounds cannot be entirely ruled out. What are the security agencies expected to do when a known criminal, possibly armed to the teeth, walks into the high security zone on the strength of his or her proximity to the the elected representative of the people? And it is not just the politicians with criminal links who create problems for the security agencies. No vehicle without an authorised label is expected to enter the Parliament House complex. But what can the security staff do when a member comes in an unauthorised car of a friend or supporter? In developed societies the security staff would have no hesitation in politely refusing entry to an unauthorised vehicle in a high security area even if the Prime Minister was travelling in it. But not in India. It must be remembered that safety and security as habits begin at home for them to become acceptable public norms. Instead of putting all the blame for the lax security arrangements even in sensitive areas at the door of the security agencies, the elected representatives would do well to understand their own negative role in making the challenging task of providing security to VVIPs even more difficult. As a first and important step for improving security in sensitive zones the elected representative should henceforth willingly submit themselves to routine checks by the security staff in their own interest. They should be seen as helping the security personnel discharge their duty more efficiently. |
Managing scam-stuck polity PRIME
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has reasons to feel deeply hurt at the mounting criticism against him and his government from his partymen, especially those belonging to the Sangh Parivar, and some leaders of the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Some criticism is understandable, but much of it is politically motivated and malicious. That the BJP-led alliance is not cohesive is no secret. Some ministers follow their own political-cum-business agenda. They hardly care for the concept of collective responsibility which is the hallmark of the parliamentary system of government. There have also been some disturbing allegations of corruption against certain ministers. Allegations and counter-allegations and rumour-mongering in the corridors of power have actually vitiated the working atmosphere in North Block and South Block. The tehelka tapes have had their fallout on the Vajpayee government, leading to the exit of Mr George Fernandes as Defence Minister. The "Fernandes effect" has also set in its own chain reaction. He is, understandably, restless to get back into the Cabinet. But for the present he should be happy with his new role to "manage" Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray for Mr Vajpayee. More than the NDA partners, the loose talk by some members of the Sangh Parivar has apparently hurt the Prime Minister the most. It is also no secret that the hardliners within the BJP and its sister-outfits want Mr L.K. Advani to take over from Mr Vajpayee on the ground that the latter is both physically and mentally not tough enough to handle national affairs effectively. This is an unfair assessment. It does not speak well of the BJP as a disciplined party. One can understand the BJP's anxiety to regain its fast losing ground in Uttar Pradesh and hence its new stress on the Hindutva card. However, what its leaders seem to forget is that Mr Vajpayee is a national leader and he has to carry all sections with him and build national consensus on all sensitive issues. Perhaps, Mr Thackeray and the like never realised that if pushed against the wall, Mr Vajpayee could surprise them with his resignation card — the option for which they are not yet ready because this will lead to a realignment of political forces and may also result in a loss of power. Sharing of power, in fact, is a great unifier. It keeps the NDA flocks together. Having said this, it needs to be pointed out that the leader of Mr Vajpayee's reputation and stature is not expected to indulge in rhetoric and gimmick. The challenges before him are formidable. The people expect him to show guts and determination to take the country forward. Escapism is poor politics. The Prime Minister's resignation threat is neither in the country's interest nor in tune with the image he has built over long years in public life. The priorities for Mr Vajpayee are sharp and clear. He is expected to set the pace for national goals and targets rather than react to the whims and fancies of some of his colleagues in the party and the Cabinet. The need of the hour is effective coordinated governance, transparency, accountability and faster pace of economic reforms. This is not a tall order. He can do it provided he sets his own house in order. It is for him to ensure that there is no extra-constitutional authority around him which could be spoiling his image. Indian leaders, for that matter, need to constantly bear in mind that extra-constitutional power-wielders strike at the very root of our democratic institutions. They have to learn from other politicians' mistakes. Transparency must begin at home. So is the case with accountability. The Prime Minister is out to ensure that his ministerial colleagues conduct themselves within the established norms and not use their coveted positions for personal ends. Meanwhile, it will be worthwhile to have a critical look at certain goings-on. Facts are disquieting. Amidst multi-dimensional scams, mismanagement, non-performance and non-governance, the NDA government is losing its grip over the levers of power. The poor state of the economy, the UTI's high-profile scam politics, numerous mini and maxi scandals and growing unemployment are a pointer to the serious drift in the polity. Who is to blame? The present ruling clique, obviously. The national balance-sheet is, afterall, the sum total of the performance of all its working units. But there is not much to cheer up the common man as power is being used shamelessly for personal and sectarian interests. Take the US-64 scandal. The ousted chairman of the UTI openly points an accusing finger at the Union Finance Minister and other high-ups for misutilisation of the UTI investors' funds. Where does the truth lie? Ironically, our leaders hardly live up to the national motto, Satyameva jayate! As The Tribune survey (Aug 2) shows, the man-in-the street is angry. Even the educated urban middle class, which has traditionally been sympathetic to the BJP, has begun to doubt the present government's ability to deliver the goods. A senior BJP leader would not take it when conveyed this harsh truth. This underlines how power has distanced BJP leaders from the ground realities! We can't build the nation on scams and intrigues. Of course, power corrupts. But the BJP's a little more than half a share in power seems to have corrupted the ruling establishment absolutely! Some honourable exceptions are there. But exceptions do not make rules. We have to go by the end product. And as of today, "The product" is somewhat substandard, if not spurious! The only saving grace is that the people are not yet ready to embrace Ms Sonia Gandhi's Congress at the national level. There are numerous complexities. Mafia leaders and a political coterie have successfully subverted the system with the help of slush funds. Civil authority has come to be eroded by the combined onslaught of vested interests. What is worse, the state machinery is imperious to the voice of common citizenry. What a shame! With growing criminalisation and communalisation of politics, the new political culture derives its strength from local musclemen and gangs representing liquor kings, smugglers and fast-buck politicians. In this new game of power for money and money for power, the politics of sycophancy has gained ground at the cost of established norms and practices. What is regrettable is that the BJP and its NDA partners are no different from the earlier Congress they all once decried loudly for promoting personal, sectarian and short-term interests and priorities which generally go against national interests and the avowed principles of justice and egalitarianism. It does not require much research to say that this government has not been able to handle national problems seriously and effectively. It has been tumbling from one debacle to another. It began with the shameful handling of the hijacked Indian Airlines plane from Kathmandu to Kandahar. Prime Minister Vajpayee admitted then that the BJP lacked experience. One should have thought that the BJP leadership would learn. But they plunged the country into another journey to the unknown. Mr Vajpayee's bus ride to Lahore and the grandiose Lahore Declaration were followed by the gruesome story of the Kargil conflict in which India lost 500 of its soldiers. What did we learn from it? Perhaps nothing. But where is the time with politicians to learn anything, when they are constantly engaged in petty politics of survival or in guarding their shaky kursi? And look at the mess-up in the North-East. How could Mr L.K. Advani allow a major decision affecting three North-East states to extend the Naga ceasefire without consulting the Chief Ministers of Arunachal, Manipur and Assam? How could he ignore the fact that he was creating justification for the "Greater Nagaland" demand voiced by the Naga rebels? So, when the Naga ceasefire was extended to all the three states, the Manipur people revolted and that too violently. Now the government has gone back to square one and has promised to consult them in the future. We have also to wait and watch the magic of Mr PA Sangma who had once charmed the nation by his magnificent smiling profile on television as Speaker of the Lok Sabha. In the meantime, Pakistan's ISI has eyes on Assam and some of the adjacent territories. It is working closely with the various rebel groups operating in the area. The ISI is also threatening the North-East from Nepal. It is well-entrenched in east Nepal along the West Bengal border where the Maoists are active. They threaten to cut off the NE from India. Our Central leadership seems to be either blissfully ignorant or indifferent to these new threats to the polity. It is time India saved itself from its wayward and dirty politicians. I hope the commission which is reviewing India's Constitution will give adequate attention to the sad story of the North-East and other related problems which are tarnishing the country's image as a dynamic and forward-looking nation. Over to Mr Vajpayee. Shall we soon see a genuinely rejuvenated Prime Minister after the latest resignation drama? He has everything to gain by asserting himself and calling a spade a spade. |
The demise of the letter SOME great romantics in the 19th century regretted that scientific discoveries, based upon analysis and dissection, had robed the rainbow and the flowers of much of their mystery and beauty. Those romantically inclined in the current millennium may also regret that the latest marvels of telecommunication - phones, mobiles, e-mail etc. - are playing havoc with the enchanting art of writing sweet letters full of warmth, intimacy, affection, endearment, ardour, passion, romance and charm. A day may come - and it will be a sad day for the aesthetes - when letter-writing becomes confined to the circles of business, offices and safarish makers. Prior to the dominance of the machine over the man, people were keen on enquiring one another’s addresses so that letters could be exchanged between them. But now the nature of enquiry has radically changed, as in most of the cases, they want to know only your phone number and e-mail address. Gone are the days when you would easily sit in privacy, give a free rein to your dreams and fantasies and then commit them to a piece of paper, which would get the endearing name of a letter. It would be eagerly awaited by the intended receiver, who would also respond and reciprocate with a heart pulsating with overwhelming emotions. Star-spangled skies would turn magical as the lovers shared the ecstasy engendered by the promises of eternal love enshirned in their letters. Tears would flow profusely and inconsolably if the letter for the loved one printed to the agonising possibility of prolonged separations. These letters were read and re-read any number of times to savour fully the anticipated joys of union and reunion, or to brood over the anguish and pangs of dreaded separation. In moments of indolence and solitude these letters could truly become our own flesh and blood. This is something which can never be matched by the messages exchanged through the cold machine in a tearing hurry. O, the bane of modernity the sickning hurry and worry, the stress and strain, the de-humanising machines and the destruction of the noble raptures. Inevitably the postman formed a vital link in the chain of correspondence he was the most eagerly awaited figure in each home and establishment. Recognised by his uniform and voice, appreciated by his dedicated service during both sun and shower, he held an inexpressibly strong hold on our minds as the harbinger of glad tidings as well as sad but necessary news regarding our near and dear ones. To a large extent, his role has now been usurped by the electronic machines. When leisure was still cherished in a society not exposed to the all-consuming cares, letter-writing formed a sweet and integral part of our culture. Among the sculptural treasures of ancient India like Khajurao we find a pretty damsel writing on a stone slab what is obviously a love letter. Fewer sites can be more beautiful and touching than a pigeon being requested to carry a love letter. “Kabootar ja ja ja “Vasta ee Rab da tu jayeen ve kabutara.” Not even the most elegant telephone-set would hold comparison with such loving images or with those evoked in following songs:- “Yeh mera prem patar padh kar, ke tum naraz na hona........” “Likhey jo khat tujhe wo teri yaad mein.......” “Chitthi aaeye hai, aaeye hai.......” “Nee chithiye sajna diye, tenu ghut ghut seene nal laavan....” Mirza Galib wrote that after his demise the following might be found in his house: “Chand haseenon ke khatoot.........” Letter of various forms have deservedly found a prominent place in several literary works such as the novels of Jame Austen. In Hardy’s Tess, the heroines life is ruined by a letter being inadvertently pushed and hidden under a carpet. The timely or rather ill-timed discovery of a loveletter often proves a turning point in some of our Bollywood pictures. Nehru’s letter to his daughter, Indira, gave her knowledge and wisdom which no telephonic conversation could ever impart in the same affectionate manner. Letter written by many other famous persons have also been published and admired for various reasons. In short if the homosapians wish to preserve the grace and dignity of their rich culture, they should not allow the art of writing intimate personal letters to be relegated to the oblivion. |
Dealing with Nepal, our neighbour WE cannot do good to Nepal for it will suspect our goodwill. Nor can we be indifferent to that country for that will confirm what it has always thought of us — that we are not sincere. So how do we deal with this country? I have no answer. Nor do I think our Ministry of External Affairs has. The MEA has been dealing with Nepal since 1947, and it is a wonder that it (MEA) has not gone insane! Not all Nepalis are of Indian origin. Some are. They call their country a “Hindu” kingdom. But they have little to do with the Hindus in the rest of the world. Perhaps, history and geography, religion, and culture, language and race have brought the Nepalis close to us. Did I say “close”? Yes, that was by mistake, for being “close” is one thing, they assert, they are not. They believe that they are a very distinct people — as different from Indians as chalk from cheese. In these circumstances, it was a grave mistake on our part to treat the Nepalis as our cousins. Look at the mistakes that we committed as a result! We thought that we have a responsibility for the security of the Nepalis. More so, after the Chinese occupation of Tibet. It was a legacy of Britain. But we had no business to assume it. Nepal naturally resented the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which offered Indian protection to Nepal. But Nepal welcomed all other provisions of the Treaty - the economic ones in particular. It permitted an open border between India and Nepal, a rare privilege, and free entry into India for Nepalis. So they came in their thousands to study or to take up jobs (even government jobs). Or to acquire properties and do business. And they became Indian citizens, if they were not ashamed of it, just for the asking! Today out of the 24 million Nepalis in the world more than four million live in India. That is one out of every six! It is true, there are over three million Indians in Nepal too. But they are now being deprived of their citizenship. India made no distinction between an Indian and a Nepali. But this was a grievous error on India’s part. Was this not a subtle way to efface the distinctions and to create favourable conditions to annex Nepal as India had done with Sikkim? What was the hidden motive of India in putting up wireless operators along the Tibet border and in sending our soldiers to train Nepalese soldiers unless it was to penetrate Nepal? So what was wrong if the Nepalis finally asked us to pack up and leave? And was it not a grave error on the part of India to believe that the Nepalis wanted democracy? How can they? They revere their kings. Naturally, the king turned against India for supporting democracy. It was, therefore, no wonder that the king cast his lot and that of his country with China! It mattered little whether China was committed to the abolition of monarchies! Cutting one’s nose to spite the face — this is an old adage. But the Nepalis gave a practical demonstration of it. Of course, China offered temptations — $ 60 million and a promise to build a highway that can be used in war. The monarchy thus played the China card against India from 1955 to 1990 with consummate skill. And the more India took umbrage, the closer Nepal moved towards China. With what result? Soon the Nepalis began to worship Mao-pati instead of Pashu-pati! By calling of wolf for too often, the wolf made its appearance. Nepal has now enough Marx-vadis and Mao-vadis. They hate India. But why? For the simple reason that Indians love their religion. What is worse, Indians argue for both theism and atheism. Marxism has no such tradition. The Marx-vadis and Mao-vadis together constitute a formidable force in Nepal today. All because of the tilt to China. Which is why the bourgeois parties are not even eager to use the army against them. Let me be frank. We did not give all the economic privileges to Nepal for nothing. We did expect Nepal to have a due concern for our security. We did expect it not to befriend China or use China against us. This was not much. But Nepal thought otherwise. It feared that it had lost its independence. So it decided to play the China card against India. Two things rankled. Nepal purchased arms from China, including anti-aircraft guns in violation of the 1950 treaty. Think of it — for use against India! And King Birendra called for a “peace zone”, much to the embarrassment of India. And all the time, Nepal was asking for more concessions on the economic front! And one was a trade route to Pakistan! All these could have been ignored. But not the final blow — Nepal’s encouragement of Pakistan’s ISI. The ISI was responsible for (1) hijacking an IA plane from Kathmandu to Kandahar, (2) for distributing fake Indian currencies in Nepal and (3) for engaging subversive activities along the West Bengal border in order to cut off the North East from India. All these have encouraged the anti-India forces in Nepal, which explains why the youth of Nepal went into a killing spree on the Hrithik Roshan rumours and an Indian hand was suspected in the murder of the royal family! Maoists have now targeted Marvari traders and Indian businessmen, especially in Nepal’s Terai region. Perhaps the idea is to drive out the Indians from Nepal. The Maoists demand the scrapping of the 1950 Treaty with India and the Mahakali Treaty. And they no more want Nepal to be described as a “Hindu kingdom”. Mao may be dead in China, but he lives in all his glory in Nepal among its backward people. Irony of ironies — every Gorkha soldier, who served Britain, Singapore or Malaysia against the communists, now on retirement, serves the cause of communism! This leads to the conclusion: if the Maoists can hold a major rally in Kathmandu, they can as well seized power too. They are better armed then the Nepalese army. The Maoists have already captured the villages (in four districts they have set up “people’s governments”) and are now ready to “surround” the cities. A la Mao! Should India watch this tragedy helplessly? It should not. And it cannot. The Maoist force in Bihar and Andhra are in league with the Maoists of Nepal. Any coming together of these violent and anti-democratic forces spells danger to India. But this is what China would deeply welcome. China may not be involved in any of these Maoist movements. But the temptation to use a new front against Indian can become irresistible. Or course, India can handle this crisis alone. But, if necessary, India should ally itself with America. But before doing so, let us warn China of what we propose to do. And we must also tell it that we will not honour the India-China treaty on Tibet if China’s hidden hand is discovered in the Maoist adventure in Nepal. |
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Caste politics at its worst in
UP DEVELOPMENT in UP in the wake of bandit queen Phoolan Devi’s daylight murder at a little distance from Parliament have brought into sharp focus the worst kind of caste politics being played in the country’s most populous state. In fact, opposition leader Mulayam Singh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party (SP) was looking for an opportunity to take on the ruling BJP which had been using various tactics to weaken his position among the OBCs and dalits. Phoolan’s killing provided him the most effective weapon to blunt the MBC sword of the BJP and its Chief Minister, Mr Rajnath Singh. The statewide protests by the SP, leading to the death of one of its activists at Varanasi, should be seen against this backdrop. Since Mr Rajnath Singh’s party, the BJP, had been feeling insecure in view of the assembly elections approaching fast, it devised certain schemes to strengthen its position among different castes. First came the alliance with Mr Ajit Singh’s Rashtriya Lok Dal to strengthen the BJP’s position in the Jat-dominated areas of western Uttar Pradesh. It was a great morale-booster for the party’s rank and file but not enough to ensure the formation of the next government in Lucknow with the BJP in the driver’s seat. The saffron party managers, therefore, devised a scheme with an eye on the 12 per cent population of the most backward castes (MBCs). The Chief Minister has ordered a caste-based census, the first such exercise in 70 years, to identify the beneficiaries of the reservation policy among the Other Backward Castes (OBCs). The pretext is to “correct the inequalities in reservations”, but it is basically meant to drive a wedge among the various segments of the OBCs by bringing home the point that the reservation benefit has been cornered by the Yadavs and the Kurmis, depriving the MBCs of their due. Mr Rajnath Singh has announced that his government will correct this “imbalance” by introducing a system of reservation for the MBCs within the OBC quota. In the process his party will gain during the coming elections, with another Thakur—-after Mr V.P. Singh—— emerging as the new messiah of the dalits. Is this social engineering? Whatever it is, the UP scheme is giving a new turn to caste politics. As a result, Mr Mulayam Singh is more upset than anybody else because the caste-based exercise may ultimately damage his vote bank. Since the population of Yadavs (12 per cent) and Kurmis (8 per cent) is more than any other OBC (Jats 2 per cent, Pals-Baghels 3 per cent and Pasis 3 per cent), it is obvious that a major portion of the reservation cake should have gone to them. So, what is the harm if they have benefited the maximum? But the ordinary people do not think on these lines. They will start nursing a grudge against the dominant OBCs and show their anger at the hustings. Since Mr Mulayam Singh happens to be a Yadav, his party may suffer seriously. If everything goes according to this script, the SP’s (Mr Mulayam Singh’s party) loss will be the BJP’s gain. When the government finally comes out with a reservation scheme for the 26 MBCs (Mallahs, Nais. Telis, Badhais, Kumhars, Lohars, et al) the BJP, the principal ruling party in UP, may earn sympathies of this 12 per cent population. Ms Mayawati may also get cornered. She may find it difficult to answer the question why as Chief Minister she could not do what Mr Rajnath Singh has done now. The problem with the BJP, however, is that it does not have a leader with whom the MBCs and the dalits can identify themselves easily. In the caste-centric politics of UP Mr Rajnath Singh, a Thakur, cannot win their confidence as could have been the case with Mr Kalyan Singh, a Lodh. The former Chief Minister is no longer with the BJP. Besides this, certain BJP leaders like the UP Tourism Minister, Mr Ashok Yadav, are also not happy with Mr Rajnath Singh’s idea. Yet the reservation- within-reservation programme of the UP government is being implemented, and it threatens to bring about political convulsions in the state. Mr Mulayam Singh was at his wits’ end when the news came that Phoolan Devi had been shot dead. As a shrewd politician, he had helped the former dacoit to transform herself into a representative of the MBCs in Parliament as a member of the SP. He had ignored her criminal past on the pretext of a dalit (Mallah) daughter having been wronged by circumstances and society. In her Mr Mulayam Singh had the most effective card to create a credible following among the MBCs. Now when he needed her the most she is no more to help Mr Mulayam Singh to face the challenge posed by the BJP. Sometimes, however, a person is more effective in coming to the rescue of her/his benefactor after one’s death. This may be true in the case of Phoolan. But the Assembly elections are still a few months away, and, as the proverb goes, public memory is short. |
Amritsar A meeting of the Rural Community Council was held in the District Board office today, where a report about the propaganda work done in the district by the District Inspector of Schools and his staff was read. Among other things, it was decided that the duties of the members shall be to popularise the Rural Community Council among villagers, to make useful suggestions for widening the scope of its work and to persuade the people to contribute towards village libraries, either in the form of subscriptions or useful books.  |
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Obesity linked to early heart attack OVERWEIGHT people suffer heart attacks at a younger age than heart attack victims whose weight is considered normal, according to a decade-long study by the Mayo Clinic. Overweight heart attack victims were, on average, 3.6 years younger than their normal-weight counterparts when brought to the famed clinic’s emergency room. Obese patients were, on average, 8.2 years younger than normal-weight heart attack sufferers. “This study shows that even when other risk factors are taken into account, obesity is directly linked with early heart attack,” Mayo Clinic cardiologist Scott Wright said. “As we as a society are putting on excess weight, what looks ‘normal’ may not be healthy. Our study shows that carrying these extra pounds raises the risk of early heart attack,” Wright said. The authors of the study quoted the US Center for Disease Control and Prevention, which has called the epidemic of obesity in the USA “a critical public health concern’’ that has increased 60 per cent among adults since 1991. Obesity is defined as having a body mass index, which is calculated using a height-weight ratio, above 30. A person with a body mass index above 25 is classified as overweight. “The role of obesity in coronary artery disease has been controversial,’’ Wright said. “Obese patients also tend to have problems with high blood pressure, high cholesterol and diabetes, and many have believed that those factors are to blame for the increased heart attack risk among obese or overweight individuals.”
The study was published in the latest issue of the journal Clinical Cardiology.
Reuters
Fumes can hit non-smoker’s heart Inhaling other people’s tobacco smoke for just 30 minutes is enough to cause temporary damage to a non-smoker’s heart, according to new research carried out in Japan. Experiments showed that in non-smokers, the fumes from another person’s cigarette had an almost immediate negative effect on cells lining the heart chambers and coronary arteries. In the study, ultrasound was used to probe the heart chambers, valves and surrounding structures of 30 men with an average age of 27. Half were healthy non-smokers and half active smokers without symptoms of disease. Measurements were taken to assess the function of endothelial cells lining the heart cavities and arteries before and after 30 minutes exposure to second-hand tobacco smoke. Properly working endothelial cells widen arteries to allow greater blood flow, and inhibit blockages and clots. When the cell’s function is impaired it can contribute to narrowing blood vessels and heart disease. A measurement system called coronary flow velocity reserve (CFVR) was used to assess endothelial function in the blood circulation of the volunteers. Passive Smoking significantly reduce CFVR in non-smokers, but not in active smokers. Smokers already had lower CFVR measurements before tobacco smoke exposure, the Japanese researches found. The findings, from Ryo Otsuka and colleagues at Osaka City University Medical School, were reported in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA). In 1992, the American Heart Association concluded that the risk of death due to heart disease was raised by 30 per cent in people exposed to passive smoking at home.
DPA |
Do not find blame, find a solution *** Do not find fault, find a remedy. *** Good timber does not grow with ease; the stronger the wind the stronger the trees *** I do not expect anything from others, so their actions cannot be in opposition to wishes of mine. *** However many holy words you read, however many you speak, What good will they do you If you do not act upon them? *** Knowing is one thing and experiencing is a very different one. Nobody got over Malaria just by looking up the word vaccination in the dictionary. — From Purity, Vol. XIII, no. 12, September 1994 *** Our mind is a sponge; our heart is a stream Is it not strange that most of us choose sucking rather than running. *** The real in us is silent; the acquired is talkative. *** The voice of life in me cannot reach the ear of life in you but let us talk that we may not feel lonely. *** Only the dumb envy the talkative. *** If winter should say, "Spring is in my heart", who would believe winter? Trickery succeeds sometimes but it always commits suicide. *** Please do not whitewash your inherent faults with your acquired virtues. I would have the faults; they are like mine own. — Kahlil Gibran,
Sand and Foam *** O Holy Ganges, I offer myself to you A hundred times. I offer my bones and skin in place of flowers and sweets. The monkeys on your banks May take my lower mind, My higher intellect I cast into your central stream. May your fish chew up my memory While I rub out my ego In your mountain caves. — Rabia's morning prayer. From M. Smith, Rabia,
the Mystic |
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