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| Wednesday,
November 22, 2000, Chandigarh, India   
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Delhi’s pollution politics The STF farce once again Bad stars for Moris! |
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by Hari Jaisingh
Disappearing Marxist
constraints
Vichy
washy
BJP is country’s biggest enemy: Buddhadev
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Delhi’s pollution politics MONDAY'S violent protests in parts of Delhi by owners and workers of the industrial units affected by the November 19 Supreme Court order gave one clear and painful message: pollution may be the biggest problem the national Capital is faced with, for politicians and industrialist-traders it has no relevance. Since the order of the highest court of land is going to affect them as also lakhs of workers, they seem to be determined to give a new colour to the appreciable efforts of environmentalists and the court. They are trying to prove that the relocation of polluting units (no one knows what is their exact number, but they are believed to be around one lakh) from non-conforming areas — which means residential areas — will threaten the source of livelihood of a big army of workers as also of the owners. Many politicians in the process will get their vote-bank eroded. Therefore, they are working overtime for turning meaningless the order of the apex court, which wants a compliance report from the Delhi Chief Secretary, Mr P. S. Bhatnagar, on November 28. It is not their problem if the whole population of the Delhi---more than one crore---is being deprived of its right to fresh air and pollutant-free water. They are not bothered about the fact that a large number of children and other residents are suffering from serious diseases caused because of pollution. The basic problem of bringing the level of pollutants in Delhi's air and water to the minimum level possible is sought to be ignored, bringing into focus the question of saving the jobs of workers and source of income of the owners of the polluting units. Of course, it is a human crisis, but the alarming level of pollution in Delhi too has a human angle and concerns a far greater number. It has to be given primacy, in any case. In this fight for the protection of the interests of four groups — ordinary citizens, workers, industrialist-traders and politicians — much of the ire is being directed against the Union Urban Development Minister, Mr Jagmohan, and the Supreme Court judges, who are taking active interest in bring some kind of order in Delhi. The Congress government of Delhi is being blamed for dilly-dallying on the issue of relocation of polluting units — in fact, not taking it seriously to save the party's vote-bank. The Shiela Dixit regime has been putting pressure on the Central government — mainly Mr Jagmohan — to amend the Delhi Master Plan to declare as "industrial areas" the residential areas where more than 70 per cent units are located. Such a request has also been made through the Delhi Development Authority under the control of the Lieutenant-Governor. But the Union Urban Development Minister is unrelenting. Why should he when Mr Jagmohan is fighting for the cause of the big and silent majority? The tragedy is that Mr Jagmohan is also being criticised by his own party men for doing his duty honestly and responsibly. Local BJP leaders and businessmen's associations like the Laghu Udyog Bharati are accusing the Delhi government of not presenting the correct picture before the Supreme Court. Therefore, now when the Chief Secretary — who has to face the apex court on November 28 — has ordered the closure of all the polluting units not cooperating with the government in implementing the court's directive, politicians of both variety — the ruling and the Opposition — are sympathising with the industrialist-traders who are up in arms against the move. These people are not sparing even the highest court of the land. But the logic says that the court's wish must be respected under all circumstances. There are ways to take care of the interests of workers and businessmen. Taking to the streets and resorting to violence to prevent the implementation of the court order has danger ramifications. Such tactics should be ignored with the contempt they deserve. If these are given importance once, interested groups will take recourse to this crude method again and again. |
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The STF farce once again CALL it a hasty attempt to claim credit for ending the Rajkumar kidnap drama or a delayed show of courage and firmness, the after-effects refuse to subside. The DMK-ruled Tamil Nadu has suddenly woken up to the stinging rebuke of the Supreme Court and has strengthened the special task force (STF) by inducting four more senior officers. It has promised better weapons and an increased number of police camps. It is also coordinating with the neighbouring Karnataka. The flip side of the freedom for the filmstar is the halo separatist Tamil chauvinist P. Nedumaran donned for his allotted 15 minutes. Chief Minister Karunanidhi has set the record straight on several points. Nedumaran’s role in the negotiated release will not mean a licence for him or his weak outfit the right to go back to violence. Peaceful agitation, yes but no raids on police stations. There is no room for a people’s war group in the state. The Supreme Court which feared a government-stoked resurgence of separatist movement should feel reassured. No ransom has changed hands; this puts paid to the media speculation that the two state governments quietly slipped Rs 10 crore (no less) in the fugitive’s hut and carried away the superstar. Nor is there an understanding to grant him free passage to reach the LTTE-dominated Jaffna region. It thus becomes clear that worries about a possible deterioration in the actor’s health played a decisive role in securing his freedom. Why the relaunch of the STF now? For an answer one should listen to the
noises from a mansion in Poes Garden where a certain lady by the name of Jayalalitha reigns. She has read out a long list of misses and mistakes by the state government, in an attempt to block the Chief Minister from scoring brownie points. She wants a white paper on the kidnap and the happy ending, a sort of official confession with which to beat the government. If she cannot corner glory, she can at least try to deny it to her bitter rival. Karnataka is lukewarm to the STF reactivation. It says Veerappan is roaming in Tamil Nadu forests and it has no power to launch its police there. Anyway, it is going to be busy protecting the actor from the likes of Veerappan. It has thrown Y category security cover around him but Rajkumar is a free bird and loves his farm house which is in Veerappan land. If Tamil Nadu had problems debunking the ransom and free passage rumours, Karnataka had to face some embarrassment from a woman doctor. She claimed fame for thinking up a clever trick to prise open the actor from the grip of the outlaw. The actor did not fancy himself playacting to fool Veerappan and get away by malingering. He said so and the medical practitioner boosted her momentary importance by doing the disappearing act. The BJP, having gone totally with the Congress government all through Rajkumar’s captivity, now wants a slice of the action. It is demanding the state government to seek central help to neutralise Veerappan. The BJP is the leader of the alliance government and who knows, there may be a minor Kargil effect in Karnataka too! The Centre, on its part, keeps repeating that the brigand is the headache of the two states. This is being unduly coy. It can still send an advisory asking for prompt action against the lawless smuggler. It has several scripts for this demanding letter in a file marked Mamata’s demand. Veerappan is not unduly rattled. He knows his jungle, knows his neighbours not one of whom will betray him. Last time the STF failed because it did not know jungle life and had no stomach for life in the raw. A different ending this time is hoping over much. |
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Bad stars for Moris! MR
SHARAD PAWAR and others who are opposed to the idea of Mrs Sonia Gandhi becoming Prime Minister because of her Italian birth should follow the political developments in Peru with more than routine interest. According to last reports, Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori had gone "underground" during a visit to his ancestral homeland Japan. For nearly a decade he ruled Peru with the ruthlessness of a dictator. But nemesis seems to have caught up with him. He is under increased pressure to resign and face trial in a corruption case in which his former spy chief Vladimiro Montesinos is a co-accused. For the Sonia-baiters the point of interest should be the fact that Mr Fujimori went on to become the President of Peru, in South America, in spite of his Japanese origin. The embattled Peruvian President arrived in Tokyo on Friday after making a brief appearance at a meeting of Asia-Pacific leaders in Brunei. Ever since his arrival in the capital of what was once his home Mr Fujimori has not shown any sign of being in a hurry to return to Lima where his unscheduled overstay in Japan has understandably caused political mayhem. The unofficial word from his hotel room in Tokyo that he intends to submit his resignation within the next 48 hours has added to the confusion. Of the two Vice Presidents, who are in line to head an interim government in the event of Mr Fujimori's exit, one has resigned and the other does not have much popular backing. What has complicated the situation is the report of the en mass resignation of the ministers following reports of Mr Fujimori's decision to quit. Technically there is no government in Peru after Mr Fujimori leaked out the news that he would resign within the next two days. Of course, to predict a phase of political instability in Peru in the light of the dramatic development is to state the obvious. However, neither the opposition nor his shrunk circle of supporters is happy with the thought of Mr Fujimori's "flight" to Tokyo. They want him to return to Lima and resign in person and thereafter face the consequences of his ruthless rule for a decade. To be fair, immediately after taking over following a bitterly fought election Mr Fujimori earned the respect of the people by stamping out leftist violence and improving security with Peru's neighbours. However, in the process of consolidating his position, following an unsuccessful army attempt to take control in 1992, he ended up having the worst human rights abuse record in Latin America. The corruption scandal was the last straw on the camel's back. In Lima rumours are flying thick and fast about his next course of action. Among those having a ball at his expense is his former wife Susanna Higuchi Fujimori. She is leading the
opposition's campaign for his return so that "human rights crimes do not go unpunished". The opposition is also spreading the word that Mr Fujimori has transferred huge amount of money to overseas accounts and is planning never to return home. By a strange coincidence he is not the only "Mori" whose political stars seem to have turned hostile. Mr Fujimori's exit is now certain. But his "part namesake" Japanese Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori too is on the brink of being eased out. His survival depends on the outcome of the vote on the motion of no-confidence being currently debated by the Japanese parliament. The fall of two "Mori" stars, from different lands, within a short span would indeed be a rare political occurrence. |
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Press is more than “product” MR
ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE'S government has earned the people's appreciation for promptly closing the issue of foreign direct investment in the print media. Information and Broadcasting Minister Sushma Swaraj was both candid and forthright last Friday when she conveyed the government's decision after consulting the Prime Minister. True, a section of the media has different perspectives and varied calculations on the question of the play of foreign money in this highly sensitive zone. It is free to hold its views. This is the essence of democracy. Educated Indians love to thrive on controversies and confusion. In the process the basic issues sometimes get lost. This is the strength as well as the weakness of India's print media. There are various players actively involved in the news business for different reasons and for different gains, and not necessarily in public interest. There are wheels within wheels and no one can be sure which wheel operates for what purpose and for whose benefit. With the changing times, the parameters of information flow too have changed. What was a taboo till yesterday has ceased to be so today. Change is, of course, the law of nature. It is, however, necessary that every move or suggestion is logically assessed and tested on the touchstone of common sense. We have opposed the injection of foreign money in the press on principles while taking into account the ground realities as they exist. True, there is an explosion in the media. Everything is in a state of flux. The old order is crumbling but a new order is yet to emerge. In this confusion, a number of issues and non-issues have got mixed up. However, for the healthy growth of the media it is necessary that certain basic principles still relevant are not lost sight of or allowed to be overshadowed by personal and commercial interests. In our craze for things "phoren" a Lakshman rekha has to be drawn. This requires clarity on the fundamentals of democracy and press freedom. First, as stated earlier, the entry of foreign money in the print media has to be viewed as a matter of principle. We cannot make every sensitive segment of our democratic life a plaything of foreign capital. Second, we must stop somewhere. In any case, foreign money for what and for whose advantage? Is it meant to take care of the sickness of the media? Well, this sickness in certain areas is our own creation. And we ourselves must find answers to our poor house-keeping. Third, free flow of information should not be confused with editorial control which foreign money will surely bring. Ours is a liberal democracy. We allow all shades of opinion free expression in the media. No viewpoint is deliberately suppressed, provided it is logically argued. In fact, the print media in India is more liberal than its counterpart in any other democratic society, the USA included. Fourth, the distortions in the media are the result of poor management and the lack of serious efforts to invest in news gathering. Foreign money could, at best, replace swadeshi distortions by videshi distortions. Fifth, the problem with the media is not the shortage of money but because of the absence of fairplay and unscrupulous practices indulged in by some big players and new entrants in the market. Sixth, newspapers are not products like toothpaste. They represent the people's feelings and ethos and hence must remain tuned to the grassroots. We cannot improve the quality of newspapers by getting foreign players and their money. As for technology, it is freely available. Seventh, as it is, the Indian press has become highly competitive. Present indications are that it is going to be the survival of the fittest. Eighth, the ground rules operating now will have to be examined afresh in view of unscrupulous market-oriented practices indulged in by some newspaper houses. What is regrettable is that those in the thick of the sacred world of information dissemination try to gain commercially on the basis of disinformation and misinformation. The exact meaning of liberalisation is yet to sink in here. In any case, the media must find its own answers to the ills it is suffering from. It is for the professional bodies to address themselves to the problems and distortions that have crept in. Self-regulation provides an honourable way out and ensures the growth of the press on healthy lines — free from undesirable desi and videshi influences. There are no shortcuts to improving the quality of press freedom and its operations. Mrs Sushma Swaraj has played her part. She has blocked the entry of foreign money taking into account the current perception of professional bodies, knowledgeable individuals and national interests as viewed today. Of course, everything must be discussed with an open mind. And the discussion must not be turned into a debate on good and bad Indians. Voices of dissent must never be viewed with suspicion. It will also be a folly to see patriotism as a single kuccha tract. Still, it is necessary to draw a line between decency and indecency, honest approach and falsehood, fairplay and unfair practices and public morality and immorality. A section of the media has surely become an extension of politics with all its ills. What is required is the induction of a heavy dose of public interests detached from the politico-bureaucratic mindset and the Delhi-centric approach. As it is, despite serious communication gaps deliberately engineered and fostered, India is in the midst of an information revolution. The process of politicisation has triggered demands for instant revolution or revolution at the doorstep. In fact, new waves of human consciousness are sweeping over the hitherto untouched segments of society. What is regrettable is that the system has failed to adequately respond to the people's aspirations for a better deal. Amidst this challenging scenario, the Indian press can provide safety valves to defuse restlessness and discontent, whatever be the level of information, disinformation or misinformation. It also needs to be appreciated that there is "a close association" between literacy, media participation and modernisation. And beyond crass commercialisation, the media has still a lot of ground to cover in order to provide a qualitative thrust to the dissemination of information. India lives beyond Delhi. And Bharat lives beyond India. Equally relevant in the present scenario is the language press which matters — often more than the English language newspapers and it is doing well. Forget about unscrupulous elements. They will get exposed sooner or later. A bit of soul-searching can do us a lot of good. The habit of looking to the government or overseas to solve every bit of problem is not a healthy sign. Similarly, to see foreign money as a panacea for all our ills is neither good business nor good ethics. This approach smacks of mental slavery and reflects a dishonest approach to the basic questions facing the nation. What we need is the right atmosphere and better house-keeping with transparency and accountability. Of course, the battle of ideas and communication as well as the urge for sharing experience have to continue. Communication technology has to reach every nook and corner of the country. This is the only way to demolish mental barriers and past prejudices. The media needs to be strengthened not merely quantitatively but also qualitatively so that it decisively improves the quality of democratic life. The country is witnessing an information explosion as well as communication explosion. Another growing area is of human consciousness of what is right and what is wrong. In this changing scenario, more than foreign money, what can make a difference to the qualitative functioning of the media is if the ruling class, media personnel and intellectuals try to be more honest with themselves and the people. Democracy flourishes when those at the helm lead the people with responsibility and put the truth, and only unbiased truth, before the nation. |
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Disappearing Marxist
constraints THE ideological constraints that prevented the Marxists from allowing Mr Jyoti Basu to accept the Prime Ministership of the country in 1996 have been removed by an amendment to the party’s draft programme at the plenum held at Thiruvananthapuram in October. The lure of power has bitten that party too and it has decided to align even with the Congress to “checkmate the communal forces in the country”. The problem is that the party is engaged in head-on clashes with the Congress in all the three states where it runs the government — Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. In right earnest, 86-year old Jyoti Basu, now divested of his responsibilities as Chief Minister, has begun talking to other political leaders to form a People’s Democratic Front, into which the party does not mind admitting scam-tainted Laloo Prasad Yadav, the Samajwadi Party’s Mulayam Singh Yadav (whose politics in UP has been downright casteist) and the Congress. The Congress, of course, refers to the Sonia Congress. In 1996, the CPM Politburo refused permission to Mr Jyoti Basu to accept the invitation of the country to head a government, on the ground that it would not do so unless it had the numerical majority to lead a coalition government. That stipulation is no longer valid. Mr Sitaram Yechuri was in the forefront of the campaign to reject the offer four years ago. He now quibbles about a “deep churning” in Indian politics, which for all one knows may engulf the Marxist party more than many others. He sees serious problems in the National Democratic Alliance, little noticing the mole in his own eye. He promises a People’s Democratic Front (PDF) to “safeguard secularism and also preserve their mass base”. Not a word about fighting corruption, which, every sane observer of the political scene will aver, is attaining global proportions in the wake of the dictates of the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO. The other spokesman of the party, octogenarian leader Harkishan Singh Surjit, who has never been distinguished for the clarity of his thought or expression, has pontificated that his party would “allow foreign investment in science and technology and in core areas where it is really necessary.” Not a word about the rapid incursion of foreign capital in almost all our organised industries — from petroleum to food products and from pharmaceuticals to vegetables. The party is blissfully unaware of the frantic mergers, amalgamations, demergers and takeovers that are on everywhere in the industrial sphere. The party has departed from its age-old dictum of functioning in the name of the proletariat, regaining the rights of the workers and peasants. It is now prepared to offer compensation to landlords for their land when landlordism is abolished. The opportunism of the new line of action is revealed when Mr Surjeet asserts: “In 1996, there was no third front. It evolved at that time because of circumstances and need. This time, too, the situation will throw up another alternative soon.” This time, ostensibly, the Marxists are not going to throw up a lifetime chance to grab power, even if some of their partners are of highly dubious antecedents. A look back to the history of political adventures and misadventures of the CPM would be rewarding. This is necessary on the tenth anniversary of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the changes that have come over the hardline ideological stance of the Chinese Communist Party, where it has come to terms with globalisation as outlined in Washington. The Thiruvananthapuram line
adumbrates that the era of coalition governments has dawned with the collapse of the Congress monopoly hold over power. The Marxist party is willing to allow freedom of action within the new coalition it will lead for constituent parties. The Marxists at one time had owed allegiance to the Chinese ideology of uncompromising revolution of the proletariat. It was then sworn to demolish the feudal-bourgeois system. It has now forsaken that path for more peaceful methods of forming a coalition government with whoever is willing to jump on the Marxist bandwagon. There are large groups of organised political forces in the country that will never compromise with the Marxists for fear of being wiped out of existence. There are Mr Chandrababu Naidu, Ms Mamata Benerjee, Mr A.K. Antony and several others all over the country who will be wiped out of existence if they were to share power with the Marxists. They would be politically irrelevant if they are seen to share power with that party. The Marxist party is willing to try to usher in socialism through the existing parliamentary system and in the bargain accept the support of conservative, corrupt and discredited elements in politics (including the most notorious among them — Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav and Ms Jayalalitha) and Congressmen of all hues. In other words, gone are the theories of armed revolution, once so ardently expounded by B.T. Ranadive and his comrades. It is now prepared to work within the
bourgeois parliamentary system, without defining its ultimate objectives, except that it is opposed to the communalism of the BJP. The party had adopted the parliamentary system in the country since it abandoned its adventurism in Telengana in 1951. In 1957, it captured power in Kerala through the parliamentary system. The bourgeoisie was then too well organised to allow the Communists to continue in power for long in Kerala. Now, with the amended party programme, it has turned a full parliamentary party. It has not spelled out what it hopes to gain for itself or for the workers of this country through that system. The party’s record in office in Kerala has been dismal. Some of the biggest corruption cases have been openly talked about, regarding some of the important ministers in that government and its tallest party leaders. The association of party leaders with the worst vested interests, who are among the most exploitative in Kerala, is a known fact. The way that party collected crores of rupees to launch its own private TV channel is public knowledge. In Kerala, the open allegation is that the Marxist party has outdone the Congress in the matter of corruption and misuse of public office. It is no longer committed to the ideal of ushering in proletarian rule by the time it is able to gain support in more states or hold on to power at the Centre, it would have, by force of circumstances, become another “bourgeoisie parliamentary party,” a concept it had derided all along. It is prepared to accept power even in a People’s Democratic Front where it is not the main player. In 1977, when a PDF government had come into being in Maharashtra, nine different political groups came together under the leadership of Mr Sharad Pawar to usher in one of the earliest experiments in running a coalition government. The communists kept out of that coalition then, but lent the government “responsive cooperation”. The Marxists have clearly skipped the serious threat that the process of globalisation holds out for the Indian economy and the accentuation of social disparities and the increasing misery of the poor. Can any political party prove itself more irrelevant in the present situation in India? |
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Vichy
washy I
WAS in Tamil Nadu recently and while buying a bottle of mineral water, chanced to see a brand called “Pondicherry”. Being interested in France and things French, I bought a bottle and found the taste of the water to be quite nice. I discovered that it belongs to the category of natural mineral water and is exclusively packed from a single source. It reminded me of the “mother” of all mineral waters — the Vichy mineral water of France. Of course, France markets a number of other popular mineral waters also like Vittel, Volvic and Evian (which incidentally is world’s largest selling brand of bottled mineral water and is now available in India also), but somehow Vichy Mineral Water has a slot of its own. This reminded me of my visit to Vichy way back in 1982. Before departing for Paris, my father, a doughty disciplinarian and total teetotaller, who had reared up his family in a very strict way, advised me, in his usual stern style, not to be naughty during my stay in France. By then I was married and had a small kid, but the fashion in which this advice was imparted prevented me from reacting and I maintained a poker face. Then, as if to clear up the embarrassment in the air, he mentioned in a more friendly fashion that when I was in my mother’s womb, he had procured some crates of Vichy’s mineral water and my mother was given that water as a tonic for months. This was in 1943, when the guns were still booming loudly and World War II was at its height. The father to son talk ended and the next day I was on my way to Vichy. In fact, it was my first visit to France. After reaching Paris I was supposed to go the very next day to Vichy, a town that reminded me of my lessons of the world history and World War II. Vichy is, of course, world famous for its natural mineral water, which besides being good for health, is supposed to be having curative properties. A few weeks at Vichy were meant, not to fortify my health but to build up my knowledge of French commonly used in administration. The stay in Vichy for about six weeks was interesting and educative. We were a group of five officers from India. Along with learning the language, we gradually began to discover various facets of the rich culture of France. I decided that while returning to India I would take two bottles of Vichy’s mineral water as a souvenir for my father. From Vichy we moved to Paris and a year later, the fellowship ended in what appeared to be too soon and I was back in India. Unfortunately, there was no one to ask me whether I had been naughty or not as my father had expired a few months before my return. Thereafter, I have had the chance to visit France again a few times and with every visit my interest in France and its culture has been becoming deeper. Of course I remember that even as a young schoolboy when I used to collect postage stamps, one of my favourite stamps was of France — it depicted some jewellery wrapped around a lady’s lovely hand and long fingers. I started learning French when I was just out of the school and had entered the university. Some of my friends ask me the reasons for this love affair but I have no clear answer. No, I have not been able to pinpoint any reason for my interest in France and its culture, though at times I do think about the crates of Vichy water consumed by my mother.... |
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BJP is country’s biggest enemy: Buddhadev AFTER waiting for 18 long months as Chief Minister-designate, Buddhadev Bhattacharyya has finally stepped into Jyoti Basu’s chair. By nature a poet and a playwright and a politician by compulsion, Bengal’s youngest Chief Minister (with the exception of Siddhartha Shankar Ray who assumed office at the age of (52), Bhattacharyya (56) is quite aware about the heavy burden and responsibilities bestowed on him. Out and out an honest and upright man and an egoist temperamentally, the “dhoti and panjabi” clad Marxist Chief Minister — a typical symbol of Bengali culture, welcomes hi-tech and multinationals. In a face to face taped interview with our
Calcutta Correspondent, Subhransgshu Gupta at the Alimuddin Street party office, Mr Bhattacharyya says he has no hesitation in joining hands with Mr Laloo Yadav and Mrs Rabri Devi as well as Ms Jayalalitha to fight against the Vajpayee government on the states’ legitimate demands. He does not think the CPM took a wrong decision in supporting V.P. Singh to form a government in Delhi with the BJP as a partner in1989-90 as it was a necessity. But now the BJP is the country’s biggest enemy and he wants all the secular forces to come together to crush that communal party. Following are the excerpts of the new Chief Minister’s exclusive interview with The Tribune: Q: Do you dream? Have you ever dreamt of Jyoti Basu’s chair? A (frowns): Yes, I do dream and very often but never dreamt of the Chief Minister’s chair. My dream is more deep rooted and I do dream of society, our people and a better world... Q: After waiting for 18 months as Chief Minister-designate, you have now finally stepped into Chief Minister’s chair. How do you feel? Is the chair too heavy for you, too burdensome? A (smiles):
Yes, it’s a very heavy responsibility and I have to do a lot with all amount of seriousness and sincerity, which I can tell you, I am trying to do. But you should not forget Jyoti Basu was Jyoti Basu and I am a very small man to him. What could be possible for him to do alone, we will have to do it together and that is why, I have been seeking help and assistance of all of my colleagues and I do often take the advice from Jyoti Basu. Q: What did Jyoti Basu leave behind as legacy? Only responsibilities and burden? A: No, no not that, as you mean. I have already told you it is an uphill assignment which I have to do with the cooperation of all, I mean we will have to do jointly. Q: You have been offered Chief Minister’s job at a time when the next assembly elections are knocking at the door. You must be aware that your time is very short and still you will have to perform well. It’s something like giving the 12th man a chance to bat in the last over of a Test match.. Any comment? A (smiles again):
Yes, you call it like that. I know my time is short and I will have to work hard and expeditiously and I am trying to move in that manner. You should be knowing I have already put an emphasis on the expansion of hi-tech and information technology as it is the need of the day as well as development of small-scale and agro-based industries which will ease the state’s employment problem. I have also stressed on various poverty alleviation programmes and improvement of rural Bengal on a priority basis. But you know this cannot be done overnight.... Q: You are following Chandrababu Naidu as model? A: Oh, no, I am the last person to be after businessmen and big industrialists. They have their place in their own field and we have in ours. I cannot post myself as chief executive officer of the government. We want IT to help expand the social uplift, ...agriculture, small and cottage industries. We want IT to take us to the new millennium and like that. Q: You are a poet and playwright, the nephew of the renowned Bengali poet of yesteryear, Sukanta Bhattacharyya. You could have a better place to fit in, I mean, in the literary world. Why then did you choose to join the Communist Party? You must admit that mostly the educated unemployed youth, who do not find a job and find themselves deprived, join the Communist Party as a last resort. But in your case, it was something different. You studied in the Presidency College and you could have easily found a suitable job in those days. Still you took to politics and that too Communist Party? A (smiles): Yes, I deliberately joined the Communist movement and I have no regrets. I dream of socialism, I dream of a better world, I dream of a society where there will be no deprivation, no injustice, no exploitation. But still I have my own world also, I mean, my literary world. I write, I compose poems, I listen to Tagore songs, I attend cultural functions, film festivals and so on and that is my own world. Q: You have announced that you will not follow the line of confrontation against the Vajpayee government but for genuine cause and against deprivation, you would not hesitate to fight to the last against the Centre. Like you, Chief Ministers as well as leaders of various other political parties in other states have the same grievances against the Centre. Will you join hands with them in your fight against the Vajpayee government? Say, with Laloo and Rabri Yadav of Bihar, Jayalalitha of Tamil Nadu, Prafulla Mahanta of Assam, Chautala of Haryana and Badal of Punjab, with whom you differ politically and ideologically? A: That does not matter that we differ, but if the cause is genuine and reasonable and common to all, for the interest of the state, I will have no hesitation in joining hands with them. Q: The BJP is a communal party and you people often openly curse the BJP. But why then you supported V.P. Singh to form a united front government in Delhi with the BJP as partner in 1989-90? Wasn’t that a wrong decision on the part of your party? A: Yes, we did support V.P. Singh from outside, but you must note, we did not join the front. At that time it was necessary for us to support an anti-Congress government as the Congress posed to us as a much bigger enemy. But now the situation has changed. Q: Oh, it means, you change your stand as the situation changes and you do not have any basic principle and ideology? Then it can so happen one day that the BJP, to you, is no longer any danger and you are joining hands with that communal party? A:
No, not like that. It is true we have to change our stand as the situation changes and that is but natural. But you should see the BJP will never be a better party in the future and that party will not be free from clutches of the RSS and the Bajrang Dal, the two dangerous forces in the country, which have been destroying the entire nation. We will have to save the nation and that is why we are once again trying to revamp a third front with all the secular parties as partners. Jyoti Basu has been taking much interest and initiative in that connection. We have already had dialogue with V.P. Singh, Chandrasekhar, Laloo Yadav and Mulayam Singh and soon more talks will begin. We are determined to safeguard the country from the onslaught of the BJP. Q: You say you will remove corruption from the administration; but will that solve everything? Moreover, administrative corruption is always connected with political corruption of the party in power, I mean with the support of party in power, large-scale corruption is possible. You must agree being in power for the last 24 years, many of your party leaders, ministers, MLAs and MPs as well as their relatives, are often charged with corrupt activities, rightly or wrongly.... Some vested interests, businessmen’s names are often raised, say, about Chandan Basu. What would you do with all these? Are you ready to institute any inquiry as S.S. Ray did during his Chief Ministership. I mean, setting up of the Wanchoo Commission by Ray to probe charges against his Cabinet colleagues? Both Miss Mamata Banerjee and the Congress in the state demanded probe into the corruption charges of your partymen? Chandan
Basu? A:
You must note, there are two different spheres. Yes, sometime allegations are raised from certain quarters. When any allegation is raised against any political persons, say, ministers, MPs or MLAs or like that, our party takes care of that. We have a system to look into those charges and action is often taken against corrupt political persons that you must know. As regards government matter, we in the Cabinet take appropriate steps. I don’t think there is any need to set up any inquiry like S.S. Ray. His purpose was something else, something different. But I can assure you, no one will escape if there are genuine charges of corruption against them in the party, no matter, whatever and however big and important person he or she might be. Q: I remember distinctly, in the seventies, when World Bank President Macnamara came down to Calcutta with Calcutta’s development project, you people demonstrated and drove him down to Calcutta airport with “go back Macnamara” slogan. You yourself as a DYF activist participated in the demonstration. What would you do if the present World Bank President arrives in your city with the same purpose? A: Yes, I did take part in that anti-Macnamara demonstration at that time and I am proud of that. You ask me what I shall do now, if the present World Bank President visits? Yes, I cannot guarantee you that the same kind of demonstration will not be repeated. We will have to see if their purpose is to suck our blood or not. If it is against our interest we would certainly organise an anti-imperialist demonstration. We cannot allow the World Bank and the IMF etc to take us for a ride as if they can do whatever they want. We must see our interest first and then only seek their assistance. Q: How would you feel if you find Miss Mamata Banerjee in your chair after the next election? A (smiles):
That will be something unfortunate. We have faith and respect for the people and I am sure, they will not allow such a thing to happen. Q: Lastly a very personal question. You are from a conservative Hindu Brahmin family. Do you have that religious thread on your body that the Brahmins wear as a ritual? A (wide smile): Oh, no no. I don’t. I’m proud of not wearing that, I am an atheist. Q: Did you have your head tonsured in your childhood as every Brahmin family’s son has to as per the custom? A (smiles again):
Yes I did. I was innocent and in my childhood, I did not understand anything. I remember, I was offered a gift of a toy camera and enticed to allow my head to be shaven off and I was befouled. Oh, those are the old days. ... (continues smiling). |
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Having died when (the self) is born again in an animate body, this being born again constitutes the rebirth of that (self) which is born.... The recurrence of this process of birth and death should be regarded as without beginning, and ending only with final release. — The Naya Sutra, I.I:19 *** Sathya is what I teach Dharma is the way I live Shanti is the mark of my personality Prema is my very nature. *** See God in everyone you meet See God in everything you handle; Live together; Revere each other; Let not the seeds of envy and hate grow and choke The clear stream of love. *** See in Me yourself For I see Myself in you all. You are my life, my breath, my soul, You are my forms all. *** See with the eyes of love Hear with the ears of love, Work with the hands of love, Thinks thoughts of love Feel love in every nerve. *** Service broadens your vision widens your awareness. Deepens your compassion. Service is divine- It makes life worthwhile Service is greater than meditation Sacrifice is sweeter than engagement... Be good, be serviceable; Be useful, be kind and Be God-fearing. *** Shed just one tear. I shall wipe a hundred from your eyes. *** Sorrow is the temporary absence of joy; Joy is the temporary disappearance of sorrow. Both are not ever lasting Except when job is won by spiritual means. — From the discourses of Sathya Sai Baba |
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