Sonia’s crowning
BEFORE the formation of the new NDA-alliance government at the Centre under the leadership of Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, the Congress, which is to be the main Opposition group in Parliament, has done its primary duty.

5000, and still rising
AS was expected, share prices climbed steeply across the country on Monday with the Bombay Stock Exchange sensex crossing the magical mark of 5000.

Ban alone won’t do
THE Punjab and Haryana High Court's order against the use of cellphone while driving any motorised vehicle in its territorial jurisdiction deserves a qualified welcome.

BEYOND VAJPAYEE’S VICTORY
Hard decisions need consensus
by Inder Malhotra
AS Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee embarks on his second consecutive tenure as Prime Minister — the only one to do so since 1971 — he has every reason to be both pleased and perturbed. Pleased because the country has voted more for him than for either the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or the BJP and certainly more for the NDA than for the saffron party.

Tajikistan: rewriting its history
by K.N. Pandita
IN the presence of almost the entire population of the capital city, the Council of Ministers, government functionaries, scholars from more than 50 countries, foreign dignitaries and ambassadors, Mr Imomali Rahmanov, President of the Republic of Tajikistan, unveiled in the spacious Dosti (Friendship) Square in Dushanbe, the 20-foot tall statue of Ismail Samani and dedicated it to the nation as a symbol of unity.

Peace grid in South Asia needed
by Himmat Singh Gill
HERE in London as the south-westerlies from the Atlantic lash away at the windowpanes and the birch trees swing carelessly in the wind, it becomes somewhat easier for the Indian mind to comprehend, why for many in the West, India and all its security concerns, matter just a wee little bit and no more than that.

The cross-wired soldier
By Bimal Bhatia
POST-Kargil there is a heightened phase of violence in J&K. As compared to the media attention hogged by the Kargil operation, a feeling of neglect is gnawing the Rashtriya Rifles and other Army elements who continue battling insurgents with one hand tied to the back, because of the constraint of using ‘minimum force’ against militants who disappear into nowhere and then reappear to snipe at the soldier from unexpected directions.

Muslin dupatta
by Ramesh Luthra
I VISITED India this summer after five long winters and summers had lapsed into history. I was on my shopping spree the day the jetlag was over. Myriad variety of Indian textiles — ough! I couldn’t believe my eyes. So much and so many hues! There was, indeed, “God’s plenty”.

75 Years Ago

Britain and Egypt
THE present tension between Egypt and England may end. There is a statement in the White Paper, which has just been issued, that will be generally welcomed. “Mr. Macdonald assured Zaghlul Pasha”, says the Paper “that the British forces would in no way interfere with the functions of the Egyptian Government or encroach upon Egyptian sovereignty.

Sonia’s crowning

BEFORE the formation of the new NDA-alliance government at the Centre under the leadership of Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, the Congress, which is to be the main Opposition group in Parliament, has done its primary duty. It has unanimously re-elected Mrs Sonia Gandhi the chairperson of its Parliamentary Party. She led the election campaign of the Congress as president and supremo. In spite of her personal victory in two constituencies, in the North as well as in the South, the Congress witnessed its worst-ever defeat at the hustings. The victory of a party, or a group of parties fighting an election unitedly, is different from the success of individuals. Mrs Sonia Gandhi has succeeded but her organisation has failed. This fact has hurt her deeply — perhaps more deeply than it has wounded the "conscience" of elevated partymen — the General Secretaries, the resigning leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, Dr Manmohan Singh, et al. That a former Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Mr P.M. Sayeed, proposed her name and persons of stature like former Union Minister N.D. Tiwari seconded the proposal are such happenings as should go into the footnotes of the record of Tuesday's proceedings. The real text should begin with the fact that Mrs Sonia Gandhi has owned "moral responsibility" for the party's debacle in the Lok Sabha poll and taken the pledge to initiate appropriate corrective action to repair the now wrecked “battleship in action” of pre-Independence days. What she has said by way of criticism of earlier "failed" governments is at best compulsive rhetoric caused by an important occasion — her second crowning ceremony as the "undisputed" leader of the Congress. What is quintessential is her promise to spend more time to strengthen the organisation. The Congress needs a morale-booster and she may be the best person to enthuse the demoralised and mutually antagonistic leaders — both old and young. She will be on test once again.

The Congress had accomplished, with impressive irony, some of the objectives enshrined in its constitution of 1908, which was amended in 1912. The most important issues then were — as these now are — "promoting national unity, fostering public spirit and developing and organising the intellectual, moral, economic and industrial resources of the country". It is necessary to remind Mrs Sonia Gandhi of certain salient points of the history of the Congress because she says that she wants to look back at the legacy and look forth at the future after assessing the present. She once wrote off Mr Sitaram Kesri for a lapse which has become the theme of sharp verbal attacks on her own leadership. Mr Manmohan Singh will shine because of his intellectual brilliance and honesty. Mr Tiwari, Dr Karan Singh, Mr Rajesh Pilot and Mr Madhavrao Scindia will survive on the strength of their work in the past. But the Kamal Naths, who are demanding the infusion of new blood, need to be told that the freshness of rejuvenation is determined by the quality of the transfused substance. The Congress today stays at the gate of a great opportunity as a constructive Opposition party. If Mrs Sonia Gandhi does lead from the front with a sense of history without laying too much emphasis on her personal legacy, she will serve the organisation well. But this is to be remembered that even in its glorious days one felt that the Congress was greater than the Congressmen and the country was greater than the Congress.

5000, and still rising

AS was expected, share prices climbed steeply across the country on Monday with the Bombay Stock Exchange sensex crossing the magical mark of 5000. This is the first time in history that the index has closed this high. Even during those heady days of sustained and daily flare-up orchestrated by “Big Bull” Harshad Mehta, it hovered around 4800 points before collapsing once the securities scam became public knowledge. Last week, for a few brief minutes, the sensex pierced the barrier but almost immediately dipped to end the day just below 5000. The present euphoria stems from the promise of political stability and the incessant talk of the second generation of reforms. (CII chief Rahul Bajaj reflects the new perception best when he refers to Mr Yashwant Sinha as “hamara” Finance Minister.) The hope is that with a few more concessions and the dismantling of a few more regulatory frames foreign funds will flow in large volumes both to buy stocks and to invest in industries. That should further improve the sentiment of the market and this expectation has touched off the frenzied increase in the price of shares. The roller-coaster movement started with the start of trading on Monday; the sensex opened 169 points higher. Many speculators promptly unloaded shares to make a quick profit and thus brought down the index. Still it stayed above the 5000 mark thanks to the entry of foreign dealers who pumped in nearly Rs 250 crore, reversing the trend of last week of selling heavily.

With the spectacular jump, the sensex has gone up by an unbelievable 57 per cent in less than six months. What makes this highly significant is that the index was languishing around the 3000 mark for a long time, often swaying to the negative vibes of bear operators. During the same period the stock markets in East Asia were put through a wringer and the Dow Jones index of the New York Stock Market easily broke through the tantalising 10,000 mark (it is more than 10,500 points now). In terms of the value of shares, or what the professionals describe as market capitalisation, the difference is eye-popping — from Rs 1,79,872 crore to Rs 2,81,619 crore. In the case of Infosys Technologies, a software company, its total worth has zoomed from Rs 8,570 crore six months ago to Rs 27,222 crore now. This brings out the skewed nature of the price movement. The leaders are mostly software units and their strength lies in being immune to the ill-effects of any harsh government decision. Thriving manufacturing units have also benefited but not as handsomely as the software ones. The one-time favourite shares of fast moving consumer goods and multinational companies have recorded a lacklustre performance. If the present upbeat mood continues, there would be demand for the shares of profit-making firms and that would signal the return of the healthy impulse to the market.

Ban alone won’t do

THE Punjab and Haryana High Court's order against the use of cellphone while driving any motorised vehicle in its territorial jurisdiction deserves a qualified welcome. A similar ban is already in force in Delhi. In real terms the ban on the use of cellphone by drivers in Delhi has merely given the omnipresent traffic constable one more excuse to harass road-users. More laws mean more opportunities for the enforcers to extract money from those who inadvertently or deliberately violate the laws. Would the ban on the use of cellphone and smoking of tobacco while driving mean anything to the brat pack who mow down pedestrians with their BMWs (and for reasons not beyond comprehension as witnesses to such accidents change their testimony in court)? Judicial intervention alone cannot make roads reasonably safe for all categories of users. Mr Justice Swatanter Kumar, who delivered the order on road safety, said that the "the officers responsible to comply with the directions, as per the affidavits of the chief secretaries of the States (Punjab and Haryana) and the Advisor of UT Chandigarh, shall ensure compliance". These officers would presumably ensure that truck and bus drivers would henceforth not be allowed to smoke while performing their duty. It is evidently as simple as that. What was required was a judicial direction for making roads in the region safe for users. To test the efficiency of those entrusted with the job of carrying out the orders the Punjab and Haryana High court should ask the traffic wing of the Chandigarh Police to submit details of challans for violations during a specified period. It may show that most of the violators live in the southern sectors and that the sectors north of Madhya Marg are over-flowing with law-abiding citizens.

The ban on smoking and the use of cellphone may marginally reduce the number of road accidents. However, for getting at the root of the problem it may be necessary to order the revamping of the entire system of issuing driving licence. In Chandigarh at least the test for issuing driving licence is conducted at a disused plot of land near the bank square facing Sector 18. All that the applicant has to do is to drive up and down the length of the plot for clearing the test! Those who come through touts or have VIP connections need not take the trouble of taking the so-called test. It is not in Chandigarh alone that a driving licence can be had for the asking. In smaller towns the procedure is even less cumbersome. In developed countries a driving licence is given after a thorough test of the applicant's reflexes, eyesight, driving skills in different conditions and knowledge of the rules of the road and different types of signs for road-users. Few applicants clear the test in the first attempt. As the Americans would say, "they don't come easy because human life don't come easy". What is issued by the authorities in India is actually a licence to kill and maim other road-users. The Punjab and Haryana High Court would earn the gratitude of every law respecting citizen if it were to direct the Chandigarh Administration to invite qualified licensing authorities from either England or Australia for restructuring the current system of driving tests. It should not come as a surprise to anyone if the first to fail the test conducted by experts may be those who have the authority to issue the licence to drive!

BEYOND VAJPAYEE’S VICTORY
Hard decisions need consensus
by Inder Malhotra

AS Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee embarks on his second consecutive tenure as Prime Minister — the only one to do so since 1971 — he has every reason to be both pleased and perturbed. Pleased because the country has voted more for him than for either the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or the BJP and certainly more for the NDA than for the saffron party. This situation, paradoxically, strengthens, rather than weakens, his position as head of the government. It would help him rein in Hindutva hotheads within his own ranks.

Moreover, the ruling combination he presides over this time round is larger and inherently more stable than the assortment he had headed in 1998, rendered all the more immobile and tormenting by the all too frequent tantrums of Ms Jayalalitha, which eventually brought it down.

And Mr Vajpayee has reasons to be perturbed, or at least cautious, on several counts. In the first place his victory has not been as sweeping as was expected or is being made out to be by his spin doctors. The results do not bespeak of the much-touted “Vajpayee wave” across the country. The “Kargil effect” faded away after the first two of the five phases of the long drawn out voting.

Above all, the Prime Minister’s party suffered a massive setback in its bastion of UP from where it had won a third of all its seats in the 12th Lok Sabha. Not only did the BJP’s tally in the most populous state plummet but even Mr Vajpayee’s own majority in his constituency of Lucknow slumped by nearly a lakh of votes.

Were it not for the surge of the BJP and its ally, Samata, in Bihar where Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav has been meted out his just deserts by an electorate both betrayed and outraged, the Vajpayee-led combine would have been in deep trouble.

Amidst the euphoria among the Prime Minister’s followers some other significant facts are being overlooked but their consequences cannot be wished away for long. In most states, the BJP’s proliferating allies (their number is now 27, not 24, because three latecomer mini-parties have enabled the ruling combination to cross the magic 300-seat mark) did vote in Mr Vajpayee’s name. But the situation in Andhra Pradesh, which has contributed the most to the NDA’s triumph, is the other way round.

Here the main architect of victory is Mr Chandrababu Naidu who, in a sense, is the most important winner in the contest that has just ended. Next to him the conspicuous gainers are Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and Ms Mayawati.

However, to revert to the Andhra Chief Minister, he has deliberately chosen to stay out of the Vajpayee government. The whole country is wondering why he has deprived his 30 followers, who constitute the second largest component of the NDA, of plum posts in the Cabinet. Could it be that he feels that too close an embrace with the BJP would harm him in his own citadel? If so, what kind of message does this send to the people at large? It is in this context that one has to view the BJP’s repeated assertions that even in the past Mr Naidu has supported the government “from outside” and his support had been firm.

The self-abnegation of Mr Naidu’s party, the TDP, is in striking contrast to the frantic scramble for seats in the Vajpayee Cabinet by other allies as well as the BJP’s own aspirants. The difficulties it has caused, not excluding the bickering over reported plans to shift Mr George Fernandes from the sensitive Ministry of Defence, will not disappear easily.

Nor is this the end of the story. The far-seeing among the BJP strategists also realise that new allies such as Mr Sharad Yadav and Mr Ram Vilas Paswan can be unpredictable. The former is particularly capable of being a source of trouble and embarrassment, as Mr Inder Kumar Gujral can testify.

With all this, the NDA can draw much comfort from the shattering reverse the Congress party, constantly boasting of emerging as the largest single party in the Lok Sabha, has suffered. What must be gladdening the ruling coalition and dismaying those who do not want a healthy bipolar polity is the shocking spectacle the once grand old party is making of itself in the wake of defeat. It or its leadership at least seems to consist of Rip Van Winkles who have their eyes widely shut against the reality.

When, in 1996, the party strength had plummeted to its historic low of only 141 seats — even at her nadir in 1977 Indira Gandhi had won 150 seats and a third of the vote, considerably higher than the party has got this time — Mr P.V. Narasimha Rao was shown the door. His successor, Mr Sitaram Kesri, was thrown out even more roughly though in his time, thanks to Mrs Sonia Gandhi’s belated jump into the electoral fray, the party had managed to retain all its seats without being able to add to them.

This time around the Congress tally in the Lok Sabha has dropped to a humiliating 113 seats. Small fries, such as the party general secretaries, are sending in their resignations. The Chief Ministers of the Congress-ruled states where the party had won handsomely only last year but has lost heavily now are also being goaded to follow suit. But from 10 Janpath there has only been a call for “introspection”, whatever that might mean.

Congress “leaders” when asked why the Congress president was not being blamed for the party’s pathetic performance when, if the party’s seats had increased, she would have been showered with praise, react most curiously. Some take shelter behind sheepish silence. Unsilent lambs mumble something to the effect: “We are all to blame”. Some say, perhaps accurately, that but for Mrs Sonia Gandhi the party would have fared even worse.

None but none admits that unless the entire party buckles down to the job of rebuilding the base from the grassroots upwards, an arduous and painstaking task that cannot be performed from the comforts of the drawing rooms in Lutyen’s Delhi, the future of the Congress is bleak. The party may well be over.

And yet it is a measure of both the complexity of Indian politics and the lingering life in the Congress that the party is back in power in Karnataka and has emerged as the largest single party in the well and truly hung Maharashtra Assembly, despite the disastrous split in the state between the Congress mainstream and Mr Sharad Pawar, three times Chief Minister of the state under different banners. But, in both states, the corroded Congress culture has also been on display.

In Karnataka, before the rightful claimant to the leadership of the legislative party, Mr S.M. Krishna, could be elected, some old bandicoots tried old tricks of promoting themselves by mustering support from the “high command” through the notorious and discredited “coterie”.

The goings-on in Maharashtra are even more unsavoury. Ever since Mr Pawar joined the Sangh Parivar in raising the question of Mrs Sonia Gandhi’s “foreign origin” — an issue which should never have been raised and has since been rejected by the electorate even in Bellary where it had been made the be-all and end-all of the campaign of Mrs Sushma Swaraj — the abuse exchanged between the Congress and Mr Pawar had to be heard to be believed.

Now both sides are cosily discussing terms on which they might share power in the state. Mr Pawar’s retraction of his criticism of Mrs Gandhi’s Prime Ministerial ambitions is also double-edged. “The issue has become irrelevant”, he says, “because of the Congress party’s defeat”. At the same time, he is willing to ditch the Congress and form a government along with the BJP.

The BJP can preen as much as it likes. The Congress can lick its wounds as best it can. But the country has to move on. As Mr Vajpayee rightly says, hard decisions, much harder than the hike in diesel prices, have to be taken. This will require national consensus so cynically smashed to the smithereens during the election campaign. To rebuild it quickly is the prime challenge before the Prime Minister.

Tajikistan: rewriting its history
by K.N. Pandita

IN the presence of almost the entire population of the capital city, the Council of Ministers, government functionaries, scholars from more than 50 countries, foreign dignitaries and ambassadors, Mr Imomali Rahmanov, President of the Republic of Tajikistan, unveiled in the spacious Dosti (Friendship) Square in Dushanbe, the 20-foot tall statue of Ismail Samani and dedicated it to the nation as a symbol of unity. With this unveiling ceremony on September 6, began the week — long celebration of 1100th year of the Samanid state, the first ever state of the Tajiks in Central Asia extending from Balkh in modern Afghanistan to the fringes of Orenburg in the north with its capital in Bukhara. Addressing the cheering crowd, the President explained the need for reviving the past glory of the Tajiks as a catalyst for national unity.

The highlights of the week-long celebrations were seminars, symposia, concerts, operas, entertainment, exhibitions, outings etc, all meticulously planned and efficiently executed by the special task force committees constituted under the headship of a senior government functionary.

In 899-900 A.D. Ismail, a descendant of Saman, defeated in Balkh (Vedic Bhakri and Avestic Bahli) Ya’qub Laith, another potentate, and established for the first time after the Arab conquest the Samanid state encompassing the vast areas of the present-day Khurasan province and the Central Asian region with the capital at Bukhara. This was also the beginning of a revival of the ancient Irano-Central Asian culture, which the Arab onslaught had not been able to efface.

The Samanid state came to an end with the rise of Mahmud in Ghazni, who, tempted by the wealth of India, neglected the Transoxianian lands and concentrated on his Indian raids. Central Asia, thereafter, saw the eve of its glory, the Mongol hordes, the Timurid conquests, the barbaric Khanates, the Czarist expansionists and lately the Soviet power. After the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991, Tajikistan, like other Soviet Central Asian republics, declared its independence — somewhat reluctantly — and thus began a new and unprecedented chapter of its modern history.

Independence for Tajikistan was fraught with many difficulties, particularly economic. But the worst of all was the division among the people on an ideological basis. The radical Islamists, no doubt overtly encouraged by the neighbouring theocratic regimes, put up armed resistance to the secular, pluralistic and democratic forces in the country. Six years of civil war left Tajikistan deeply bruised and mutilated its economy, already very fragile, broke down, the civilian administration suffered destabilisation and peace and security were jeopardised. The radical Islamists activated the Tajik — Afghan border, and some of the neighbouring Islamic countries, feeling that there was a vacuum in Tajikistan, rushed in with their religious prescriptions.

This was a trying moment for the Tajik political leadership. But trained in the art of statecraft and supported by the CIS group, the Tajiks, under the leadership of President lmomali Rahmanov, overcame the difficult and disastrous period. The bringing about of reconciliation and accord with the dissenting groups within the country last year is a landmark of President Rahmanov’s statesmanship. It has yielded dividends far more than what was expected. To a great extent normalcy and peace have been restored, civil life is back on the rails, administrative machinery has become fully functional, the economy has been revived, relations with foreign countries have been established and trade and commerce have received a strong boost. Despondency and dejection have given place to hope, enthusiasm and new life, and Tajikistan is now poised for foreign investment in a big way in order to catch up with the other Central Asian republics.

The holding of great celebrations in the second week of September this year was in line with the future plans and programmes of the country. Having gone through a long period of suppression and deprivation the Tajiks and the world at large need to be made aware of the past glory of this ancient and historic land. Their great intellectuals in various branches of art and science like Ibne Sina (medicine), Al-Farabi (philosophy), al-Bala’mi (histography), Barbod (music), Rudaki (poetry), Nazir Khusraw (Ismail-faith), Al-Bukhari (tradition), Ismail Samani (patriot-warrior), Barmaks or Barmicides (keepers of the fire temple in Bamiyan) and scores of others need full exposure.

Avesta tells us that Zaratushtra (Zoroaster) was born in a very cold region to the east of Khurasan. Researches focus on the Pamirian region of Tajikistan. Today, the Tajiks are the only existing group among various branches of the Indo-Iranian and Indo-European Aryans that has to this day maintained most of its ancient traditions and cultural symbols. This has been done despite the fact that the nation had to go through most traumatic periods of history. That explains how tenaciously they held on to their rich culture and tradition. Today this very fund is being rightly handled and used to gorge lasting national unity if the country is to progress materially and spiritually.

The celebration of 1100th year of the Samanid state is, in fact, a healthy attempt of going back to the basics of the ancient civilisation and the fountainhead of Tajik traditions. It encompasses the entire gamut of Aryan and post-Islamic period down to the present day and re-establishes the identity and personality of the Tajiks.

This becomes all the more important in view of the strategic position of Tajikistan in the nascent Central Asian geopolitics. Civilisational fund is always the sheet anchor of a nation’s unity and continuity. Tajikistan is a state which is most likely to become the Switzerland of Asia — a neutral state without an army and with goodwill towards all. This state will, in all probability, influence the flow of events in the neighbouring strife-torn Afghanistan. It will also probably play a bridge between China and the West, and China and Russia. This is because Tajikistan is pursuing a policy of secularism, pluralism and democracy with goodwill towards all and ill will towards none. Even while two most important centres of Tajik civilisation, namely Samarkand and Bukhara, remain with Uzbekistan as a result of unimaginative cartographic engineering by the communists in the early 1930s, the Tajiks would like that justice is done to them by the international fraternity and more especially by their neighbour, Uzbekistan. The Tajiks have developed cordial relations with Iran, the only people with whom they have common language and share their cultural history. The revival of its ancient cultural traditions include paying proper attention to Zoroastrian civilisation of which traces in abundance are to be found in the Pamirian region, and the Ismaili traditions preserved by the Badakhshanians to the south.

The Dushanbe government has cooperated in these revivalist efforts which are welcome to the local populace. It is hoped that we Indians realise the historical, political and cultural importance of this emerging Central Asian state, and extend our hand of friendship and cooperation in its ventures to raise the standard of life of the people. The Government of India should come out of the state of complacency with regard to its role in the development of Tajikistan. The Tajiks expect much from us because they still call India as the repository of their civilisational fund, and rightly so.

(The author is a former Director, Central Asian Studies, Kashmir University. He recently returned after participating in special celebrations in Dushanbe.)

Muslin dupatta
by Ramesh Luthra

I VISITED India this summer after five long winters and summers had lapsed into history. I was on my shopping spree the day the jetlag was over. Myriad variety of Indian textiles — ough! I couldn’t believe my eyes. So much and so many hues! There was, indeed, “God’s plenty”. Muslin dupattas caught my fancy; some with small prints in the centre edged with bold borders, others plain in the centre with exquisite prints on the edge or some with marvellous embroidery work, a rich feast to the eyes. Indeed, Muslin could be that alluring and attractive I never knew.

It transports me to the far off times. Sweet nostalgic memories hold me in their sway and I swing back in time. That is the best journey I ever had. As Somerset Maugham puts it rightly, the best journey is the one “You take at your fireside....” I am richly rewarded with certain images and faces deeply ingrained in my memory. I find myself perched on a big stone in the street in Campbelpur (at present in Pakistan). Floodgates of memory open themselves before me. I must be barely five.

Notwithstanding freezing cold and chilly winds, three of us — Satbir, Julie and myself — played “Shatapu” in the street. We formed an inseparable group of playmates, hardly aware of the man-made barriers of caste and religion. Gradually, evening shadows lengthened. Still we were determined to play to the hilt in the dim and flickering light of the lone wind-swept electric bulb in the street.

I go down memory lane... the sound of “kirtan” from the nearby place of worship was heard. Why not go there? It struck our minds. It is still embedded in my memory how we managed to get hold of muslin dupattas of our mothers stealthily fearing that they would force us to stay indoors. Within minutes we were sitting in the place of worship listening to the “kirtan”, all immersed in the religious euphoria that prevailed over there.

I remember vividly that we heard somebody shout in the street with the beat of the drum. Satbir whispered into my ears, “Let us go out to watch the ‘tamasha.’” Julie too showed her keenness to see it, but I vetoed their proposal, covering my head with the dupatta.

Another scene surfaces before my eyes. Suddenly two elderly gentlemen got up from the front row of men and carried three of us in their arms. We protested beating our fragile hands against their chests but of no avail. Soon we approached our street. Lo! to our surprise a huge throng had gathered there. Our parents came rushing to us and hugged and kissed us like anything amidst tears. We were bewildered to see all this. Little did we know that we had been declared “missing”.

Good heavens! What we had presumed to be a mere “tamasha”, in fact, was an announcement about our being missing as the man with the drum too appeared on the scene. My grandfather fetched some “boondi ke laddoo” from the market to celebrate the occasion. While everyone relished “boondi ke ladoo”, my dad scolded his peon Sunder.

Poor fellow fumbled, “Sahib ji, what could poor me do? Twice I went to the religious place, but these little girls were sitting with their heads covered like “Beebi ji” (my mother). How could I figure out that my little ‘mem sahib’ too had grown up overnight?” Everyone had a hearty laugh.

Suddenly, I was jerked out of my reverie when my mother caught me by the shoulder. Back to the real world, I found another heap of “mulmul dupattas”, reminding me of this unforgettable episode of my childhood.

Peace grid in South Asia needed

Security & Strategy
by Major-Gen Himmat Singh Gill

HERE in London as the south-westerlies from the Atlantic lash away at the windowpanes and the birch trees swing carelessly in the wind, it becomes somewhat easier for the Indian mind to comprehend, why for many in the West, India and all its security concerns, matter just a wee little bit and no more than that.

The heat and dust of Kargil has long settled and the Indian elections are but another event that will keep recurring in a coalition government set up that now seems to bind India down. So what is so very special and perturbing on your doorstep, many here would ask?

The almost-daily depredations in the Kashmir valley and other parts in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the trans-border infiltrations and attacks across a well recognised and well-defined Line of Control and the mayhem and sabotage caused by the I.S.I.-supported groups from across the border, would be just some of the concerns that you could spell out for them very easily and convincingly. But their mind dwells more on Europe and other parts of Asia, but not its southern segment, where the sub-continent, with much of the vast population of this planet resides.

With this mindset and thrust, which governs much of their perceptions and actions, it is not difficult to see that policy planners in India would have to make their viewpoints and presentations more South Asia-centric than has been the case so far. An overall strategy to draw in world attention to this part of the world, should be one of India’s main geo-political and security concerns.

But before that, let’s take a quick look at what really concerns much of the West today and whether in co-relation to what is happening on our doorstep and neighbourhood, so much of the attention heaped on these events here is justified or not.

The “mad cow” disease and its effect on British beef exports to the European Union hogs the limelight.

On the security front, the Royal Gurkha Rifles has conducted a cordon and search operation in the port of Com in East Timor, and any number of backgrounders and fillers accompany the very minor and routine action by a body of soldiers.

The attacks from across the border into the Kashmir valley and the hit-and-run insurgency and acts of sabotage and terrorism in progress for nearly a decade in that unfortunate state, are not even a poor second or third runner to the East Timor peace-keeping operations. There is of course, no place on the TV or in the press for the heroic fight being put up every day by our paramilitary forces and the Army Jawans in Kashmir as they come to grips with the terrorism and low-grade insurgency.

The valorous deeds at Tiger Hill, Batalik and Kargil are dead and gone, as far as the media and the common man here is concerned. In addition to this, the Serb march on to the hiding place of President Milosevic, and China’s celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the People’s Republic with a long piece on the state of the People’s Liberation Army and its interface with its political leadership, constitute just about all that one can read on security and military matters in this part of the world.

A new strategic grid in South Asia, playing a predominant role, is both a necessity and an opportunity, for us today. But before that the definition of the South Asian landmass would need to be redefined. To my mind, it is the large territories extending from Iran in the north-west to Afghanistan, to all parts of the erstwhile Indian sub-continent extending to Myanmar, Thailand and all the way up to the ASEAN belt, which at present falls under the label of the Far East. The recently-born Commonwealth of Independent States because of its congruity and ethnic background, would also fit in into a “South-Asian thinking”, model quite easily. These then are the countries, which because of their common challenges (economic and social uplift, and peace and tranquillity) would need to stand up together and be counted, just as much as others like China, Japan and Korea, are commonly recognised today in the west. To make this concept into a reality, it must be recognised by some in our neighbourhood, that we recognise their existence and natural sovereignty as an established fact, and that there is no one out here setting out to reduce or downsize them politically or militarily. The restraint and maturity shown by the Vajpayee Government at Kargil, would surely vouchsafe for that. A spreading conflict was localised for the common good of the people of Asia, in particular, and the cause of world peace in general.

Despite India having become a nuclear power, there is no need for anyone in our neighbourhood or for our “far-off” friends in South Asia, to harbour concerns about India’s motives or “designs” in the conventional or the nuclear field. The whole of South Asia can become another economic giant like countries in West Europe, provided they can learn to trust each other and jointly put a moratorium to all conflicts and insurgencies (often aided by powerful external interests), for a quarter century till 2025, if not more. The bulk of this impoverished mankind that resides in our neighbourhood, surely needs to give itself at least a fighting chance for a better way of life in the coming century.

In all fairness, it must be mentioned here that many of India’s critics have pointed out persistently, that a meaningful peace in the region is only possible, if the Kashmir question and the India-China border dispute, are first resolved to everybody’s satisfaction. On both these fronts, I think there is a definite light at the end of the tunnel, and wiser counsel must prevail at the highest level of the political leadership all around, to make peace work, in spite opposition and vested interests to a solution, in all three countries. It is for the government and the party of the day to take care of the hiccups that are likely to occur internally within their sovereign jurisdictions, and come out with viable and durable suggestions, that they honestly mean to respect and carry out this drive.

In Jammu and Kashmir, a serious look to formalise the LoC into an international border, and at the same time safeguard, the democratic rights of the inhabitants there, is the only course that is now likely to work, considering that 50 years of strife and wars that India has suffered from since 1947. As regards the border dispute with China, I see no reason why the well-delineated McMahon Line, with a slight mutual adjustment in places, cannot form the basis of a sound, practical agreement. If both sides stick to their claims and counter-claims,north and southwards of the McMahon Line, then a marked rigidity will set in, making a peace settlement a very difficult proposition. Both India and China as two nuclear powers now owe it to themselves and the world to “bring peace upon themselves”, on their northern front. China’s 200 million unemployed and a much slower economic rate of growth, as also its standoff with Taiwan and its inner contradictions within the party and the PLA generals, should sow the right amount of caution in the wind that now blows across Tibet.

And as far as India is concerned, one sees no reason why the new government, going of course by the opinion and exit polls only as of date, should not be able to move purposefully and pragmatically, in bringing an era of peace and economic well-being to its people in the coming millennium. Surely, nothing would auger better for a South Asian grid, than this.

The cross-wired soldier
By Bimal Bhatia

POST-Kargil there is a heightened phase of violence in J&K. As compared to the media attention hogged by the Kargil operation, a feeling of neglect is gnawing the Rashtriya Rifles and other Army elements who continue battling insurgents with one hand tied to the back, because of the constraint of using ‘minimum force’ against militants who disappear into nowhere and then reappear to snipe at the soldier from unexpected directions. Or to simply blow him apart. Counter-insurgency is highly stressful because of prolonged operations in an environment which favours the insurgent and imposes severe restrictions on the soldier.

Alarmed at the debilitating trends and rising graph of violence by soldiers operating in low-intensity conflict (LIC) the Army Training Command conducted in-house studies to institute correctives at requisite levels. Also undertaken was a study by the Delhi-based Defence Institute of Psychological Research (DIPR) to ascertain the demotivating factors of prolonged operations in LIC. Incidents like the shooting of seniors and gunning down of peers in an unexplained frenzy were beginning to worry the Army brass for the effect on the organisation’s image and long-term consequences of deployment in LIC.

The LIC environment is not scary but it puts you on the edge. And once you are edgy, things begin to get scary. Officers and men are trained to fight an enemy and willingly go down combating a foe in battle. But in LIC the teaching is that the insurgent is not an “enemy”. He is just a “misguided” element of society who must be brought back to the mainstream. This doesn’t explain to the soldier the booby trap that can spring in his face, the tactically concealed land-mine that turns passing vehicles to a mass of twisted steel, or the craftily placed improvised-explosive device that maims beyond recognition. Or, even the bullet he can receive from behind his back, fired by the “invisible enemy”.

Doubtful is the accuracy of information received from myriad sources about a cache of arms and insurgents holed up in a certain village. It could even be a trap, but there is pressure to act and produce results.

Just back from a road-opening task, the column is pushed into action again. The fatigued men in camouflage fatigues are up against well-trained and armed ISI militants with good communication means. The Army’s “quick-reaction team” is whistled up to execute a cordon-and-search operation without inconveniencing the villagers and produce results by nabbing the militants and recovering the arms.

While there is every likelihood of the column walking into an ambush, it must be able to deal with human shields and face rigged-up human rights charges. But there is no discount if the militants slip away. ‘Body count’ remains the efficiency index which determines the unit’s performance rating, and indeed that of all key personnel.

The following day, the soldier is required to switch mode and operate in a different frequency. Winning the hearts and minds of the populace by civic actions like medical assistance, building bridges, upkeep of roads, and even the opening of schools. These are tasks undertaken by units with a manpower level of 60-70 per cent of authorised strength.

If the johny doesn’t collapse under the bundle of contradictory role models in such a messy environment, what follows will surely get him. His leave is restricted, and he can’t get to his family when he is needed most. He recalls that in his last peace tenure his stay with the family was just six months because of accommodation shortage and training commitments. You are now dealing with a man who is on a short fuse. Then he spots the militant nabbed by him the previous day, roaming the roads freely.

Here is a soldier pushed to the extreme, who doesn’t know where and when his next meal or bullet aimed at him will come from. Remotely aware of the politician-militant nexus, he feels let down by his superiors who haven’t been able to hold his hand. While the top brass maintain that the morale of the forces is in top order, you need only to converse with middle and junior level officers to get a feel of things. They don’t mind getting killed but what they fear is getting maimed and forgotten. “The real enemy is at the back,” said a junior officer alluding to the unreasonable demands and conditions imposed on them.

75 YEARS AGO

October 13, 1924
Britain and Egypt

THE present tension between Egypt and England may end. There is a statement in the White Paper, which has just been issued, that will be generally welcomed. “Mr. Macdonald assured Zaghlul Pasha”, says the Paper “that the British forces would in no way interfere with the functions of the Egyptian Government or encroach upon Egyptian sovereignty. The British Government, he added, did not intend to assume responsibility for the actions and conduct of the Egyptian Government or attempt to control or direct the Egyptian Government’s policy.”

This is undoubtedly satisfactory so far as it goes, and if this line is strictly adhered to, whatever may happen in the Soudan itself, there is every reason to hope that a satisfactory settlement will yet be arrived at though the way to it is not at all clear at this moment.