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After Death Companion
Dynamism must in national policies Profile Diversities
— Delhi Letter
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Indo-Pak confederation desirable A strange thing took place in early October which has largely gone unnoticed. In remarks that appeared in the Pakistani paper The News, Pakistan’s Minister for Kashmir Affairs, Makhdoom Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat made the point that under solutions to the Jammu & Kashmir dispute, active consideration was being given in talks between Indian and Pakistan for joint control of the two Kashmirs and limited sovereignty to the state. In an interview to an Indian newspaper Mr Hayat said that under joint control both India and Pakistan would administer Kashmir, taking responsibility for defence, currency and foreign affairs, leaving the government in Srinagar powers of provincial administration. On this and other options, Mr Hayat said: “We must ensure that hardened positions do not prevail”. To no one’s surprise, the spokesperson of the External Affairs Ministry in Delhi issued a statement making it clear that the Government of India was not involved in any discussions with Pakistan on changing the status of Jammu & Kashmir, holding it as “an integral part” of India. Where does one go from here? Who, in this matter is telling the truth? Where was the need for Mr Hayat to make the statement he made if there was no basis for it? Let it be remembered that addressing the Organisation of Islamic countries in New York, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Khursheed Kasuri said Pakistan is willing to go “an extra mile” to achieve a just and lasting final settlement of the Kashmir dispute. As he put it: “We have repeatedly urged that rigidity and coercion must give way to accommodation and flexibility, if indeed we are to find a durable and peaceful solution to the problem”. One can understand the Indian point of view. When discussions are taking place it is not diplomatic to make public what is being debated, unless one party has an ulterior motive. But presuming that Mr Hayat is telling the truth, isn’t it time for Delhi to take it to its logical conclusion? If there is an agreement between India and Pakistan on joint control of Jammu & Kashmir with both countries handling the state’s defence, currency and foreign affairs, why should not Delhi and Islamabad go a step further and agree to a confederation that could include Jammu & Kashmir, the new State — Call it Indo-Pak Confederation (IPC) — having a common President and a common Commander-in-Chief of a Joint Army? Both the president of the IPC and the post of Commander-in-Chief could alternately be held by a Pakistani and an Indian. If the President of the Confederation is an Indian, the Commander-in-Chief could be a Pakistani and so all the way down the line. The currency — rupee or rupiya — would be the same, but the confederation will also have a common Parliament and will function as one body. Consider what this would mean: in the first place, peace in the sub-continent would be guaranteed for ever and ever. Jammu & Kashmir will cease to be a dispute. The two-Nation Theory would finally be given a decent burial. Communal harmony will prevail. In the second place both India and Pakistan can cut down drastically on defence expenditure so that more funds will be available for constructive activities like health, education and economic infrastructure. But most importantly both India and Pakistan would be freed from the clutches of the United States and can regain their self-respect and self-confidence. An Indo-Pak Confederation will not only be the most powerful political force this side of the Suez but will be a force to be reckoned with in any international forum. It can look in the eye the United States, the European Union or China. Neither Delhi nor Islamabad will need to seek any kind of support either from Washington or Beijing. The truth is that our sub-continental politicians have learnt nothing from history. In the eighteenth century, when British brigands — employees of the East Indian Company — were running riot and playing one Indian kingdom against another, it was India as a whole that the loser. Instead of making common cause with the Nizam and the Maharattas, Tipu Sultan was seeking the help of the French. It didn’t work. In the end, everyone — Maharattas, Tipu at Serigapatam (Srirangapattana) and the Nizam lost out to British and India was enslaved. This is being repeated ad nauseam even now. In working out a grudge against India, for all those years Pakistan sought the aid first of the United States and then of China. Now India, shameful as it sounds, has made nuclear peace with the United States, on the grounds that thereby it can edge out Pakistan from America’s favour. It is time that both Dr Manmohan Singh and General Musharraf took some elementary lessons in Indian history. They are selling out their national self-respect for paltry benefits. They should come together and function as one nation. They would then realise what a tremendous force they have in their hands and both India and Pakistan would be richer for coming under a confederation. Will Pakistan dare to go this “extra mile” for the sake of the over billion people of the Indian sub-continent who have been victims of the two-nation theory and have paid a very heavy price for their stupidity? The time to forge a confederation is near. The year 2007 marks the 150th anniversary of the First War of Independence fought in 1857 when both Hindus and Muslims joined hands to throw out an alien ruler. The year 2007 should mark a joint Indo-Pak effort to throw out another bully - the United States. We can do that if we have the courage. An Indo-Pak Confederation would not need the support of any power whether in the Americas, Europe or Asia. Within the space of one decade we can bring down the United States from its pedestal. The IPC will be not be just a World Power, but a Super Power in its own right, if Musharraf will stop being a Tipu and the peoples of Pakistan and India come together. That was the dream of C. Rajagopalchari when the issue of partition first came out around 1945-1946. That dream can be resurrected if Indian and Pakistani politicians show some statesmanship. When will we ever learn to get out of the white man’s clutches? If L.K. Advani has the time and the courage, he should go on a new rath yatra in May 2006 starting from Meerut — which has historic associations — covering important centres like Jhansi and cities all over India, demanding the formation of an Indo-Pak Confederation that no one can challenge: not the Congress, certainly not the Muslims and hopefully not even the RSS. It is an Idea whose time has come. Let Indians and Pakistanis clasp their hands and hearts for the greater good of the people. The 150th anniversary of the first war of Independence beckons us all to rise to the
occasion.
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On Record
DR Pushpa M Bhargava, a former director of the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology is the vice-chairman of the National Knowledge Commission (NKC) constituted by the Prime Minister. No such commission exists anywhere in the world, and with its unique and exciting mandate it is capable of “transforming society,” believes Dr Bhargava. We explored what the NKC is setting itself up to do. Q: Could you set out the NKC’s mandate? A: There are broadly three objectives. The first is to make India a leader in generation of new knowledge in all fields. We do generate new knowledge, with individual peaks, but as a nation we are not a leader. The second is to make India a knowledge based society. Affluence and a knowledge based society, or even being a knowledge leader, do not go together. The US is an example. The goal is to give people access to information, not to convert them to any point of view. The third is to make governance and industry knowledge based. The higher up you go the more the requirement for a knowledge base. But the higher up you go the less there is of it. That is the tragedy. Q: How will you translate this vision into action? A:
We shall present no reports. We shall only be presenting points of action. We have ensured that we are not tied to government rules. With this freedom comes great responsibility. There is a budget of Rs 4.6 crore this year. We will be releasing a statement of account, a utilisation certificate, and we will put everything on the net. Q: What are the elements of your action plan? A: The draft document has been finalised and will be ready for release, perhaps by February. Certain decisions have already been taken, and priority areas identified. This will also be on the web for feedback. The active recommendations are here as well — where an Act will be needed, where a ministerial decision, a cabinet decision etc. We will have meetings in at least 10 cities, with paid advertisements, inviting people to come. Q: The priority areas are obviously science, education and the like? A:
Yes, priority one areas are education at all levels (school, technical, university) science and technology, agriculture and the rural sector, traditional knowledge, and governance, including e-governance. The second tier comprises the social sciences, medical and health care, civil society, patents. Q: Can you elaborate on education? A:
The UGC is completely inadequate. My personal view, we have to discuss this in the NKC, is that we need to totally ban commercialisation of education, but encourage privatisation. Harvard, Cambridge are private but not commercial institutions. Money goes back into the university. It is not an investment, no individual makes money. Then there is this terrible pain of affiliated colleges. No country in the world has such institutions. We have made all the calculations and we are convinced that spending 6 per cent of GDP on education is an achievable goal. We need 400,000 schools. If we can do that, make sure that no child is refused education, even reservations won’t be needed in the future. Q: What about science and technology, basic science? A: If we create a large base, excellence will emerge. In the short term, and the PM is very keen we do something in the short term, we have some ideas. One way is to get senior scientists from India and abroad, and talented youngsters, with a vision and an ability to excite people, to get together for brain-storming sessions in various fields. We will identify major unsolved problems in those areas. Then we say, who wants to work on it? Tell me what you need, you will get it. Q: At some point, you are going to run into ideological debates. A: Our recommendations will be based on reason, with the largest interests of the country in mind. People are not fools. They will see through anything else. We would like to give our recommendations to farmers unions, all the trade unions; it will be on the net. Let us have feedback. Many of our recommendations will have serious opposition. If they are genuine, based on knowledge and reason, we will take it into account. If they are from vested interests, we will reject them. Q: What about the relationship knowledge has with questions of spirituality, religion, identity, heritage and so on? A:
Values are never in conflict, but vague ill-defined concepts of spirituality will definitely be. Education about religion is fine, but not propagating religion. The mixing up of religion and history is not on either. As for identity, if we really want to act as a responsible knowledge commission, the first identity is the human identity. We owe something to the entire human race. The second identity is the national identity. The nation-state is a reality. If the system of imparting knowledge is correct then these issues are resolved for every individual. There is a whole section on what kind of citizens we want to have, what the desirable values are. Simple things like not to make oneself an exception for rules. We want to go through a red light, but no one else should. Q: What about language issues? A: We are very clear on this, with a fair amount of consensus. The fact is that every child, every parent, in every town and village wants English, to be proficient in it. It is the politicians who don’t want them to have it. Our languages are important, certainly, but in the world of tomorrow, please do not create, and this may yet turn out to be the most significant divide, two classes — those who are proficient in English, and those who are not. It is the disadvantaged who will
suffer.
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After Death Companion
BUT for West Bengal Governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi, I would not have known about the tragic death of Major Gopendra Singh Rathore or, simply, Gopi, who was aide-de-camp (ADC) to then President K.R. Narayanan. It might have been a mere coincidence that the officer, who was attached to Narayanan throughout his Presidency, died the day his “Sir” was cremated. But that is not what struck me most about the martyr. Gandhi who was Secretary to the President during much of his tenure till he was posted as High Commissioner to Sri Lanka has given a pen portrait of the young officer he knew from the day he landed up at Rashtrapati Bhavan for an interview for the post of ADC. Having read Gandhi’s novel Saranam based on his experiences as an IFS officer in Sri Lanka, I knew that he could create wonders with words. But what stood out in his tribute to Gopi was the officer’s personality. He was a rare soldier who found time for browsing through tomes and writing poems. In his professional life, he set exacting standards for himself, which he constantly improved. Gandhi found in the Major from Garhwal Rifles, who passed out with distinction from the National Defence Academy, the best in Indian soldiering. In due course, Narayanan moved out from Rashtrapati Bhavan while Gandhi moved into Raj Bhavan at Kolkata and Rathore took up regular soldiering. That the Governor and the Major continued to exchange letters is in itself a commentary on their unusual friendship. In one of his letters that Gandhi quotes, Gopi was on a Sabbatical at the staff college at Wellington from where he longed to return to active field duty, preferably in trouble-torn Kashmir. He did not want a soft posting. Instead, he wanted to be at the happening place. And that is how he was at Bandipore on Thursday fighting insurgency when his “Narayanan Sir’s” mortal remains were consigned to the flames in distant Delhi. Gandhi quotes from the last letter he got from Rathore. It was written in chaste Hindi. No, he did not write about the harshness of the winter or the problems of fighting the invisible enemy. Instead of inventing expletives against the enemy as in the film LoC, Gopi busied himself reading the Koran to understand the psyche that worked there. From the studies he made, he came to the conclusion that the war has to be fought on a different plane — “I feel that enlightened thinking (roshan khyali) and the spirit of accommodation will have to emerge as a powerful ideological initiative”. Gopi did not borrow idioms from Western philosophical thought to express his genuine concern. From the little that I have gleaned from Gandhi’s write-up, Gopi was a remarkable soldier who gave his all to the country. He proved a worthy ADC to Narayanan. What a coincidence, he will be his After Death Companion
too!
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Dynamism must in national policies TWO important developments have taken place in recent weeks that reflect India’s newfound confidence in international relations. It was on October 25 that India, for the first time ever, perhaps, formally expressed its concern over the deteriorating law and order situation in the Northern Areas of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. India did not mince words whilst urging the Pak army and the Rangers to exercise restraint in dealing with people’s “legitimate protests” there. Just a day prior to this, on October 24, India’s foreign secretary Mr Shyam Saran, during the course of a lecture in Delhi, spelt out with rare clarity India’s approach towards non-proliferation and the principles governing it. The articulation in a way marks an important milestone in the evolution of India’s nuclear diplomacy. These utterances together reflect a fresh and independent thinking by a country that is coming into its own. India was perhaps the first country to ever propose a comprehensive test ban on nuclear weapons, as far back as in 1954. The idea was to stop development and deployment of all nuclear weapons. India’s policy of disarmament later led it to cosponsor the NPT. The aim behind this initiative was to get nuclear weapons states to give up their weapons in return for the non-nuclear weapon states committing to remain non-nuclear. But vested interests frustrated all efforts. It was a war between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’, resulting in totally skewed treaties, like the CTBT and the NPT. These treaties have failed to discourage vested interests from proliferating freely. China, Korea, and Iran have all to a varying degrees violated the NPT. While swearing by non-proliferation, these countries have been following double standards in pursuing their nuclear policies. China’s nuclear support to Pakistan and the latter’s to Korea, Iran and Libya in exchange for military and commercial benefits has been going on unchecked. And yet India, despite its impeccable proliferation record, stands victimised. It has been denied access to latest nuclear technologies, which has been supplied to countries like China and others whose violation of the norms are well known. India’s current approach towards its nuclear concerns is reflective of a shift from the past when it’s policies were mostly guided by ideology or political morality rather than pragmatism or cold national interest. India’s vote against Iran for the controversial resolution sponsored by UK, France and Germany at the September 24 meeting of the IAEA in Vienna or for that matter India’s decision to separate civilian and military nuclear programmes under the Indo-US pact, though misconstrued in domestic quarters as submission to the US will, are steps essentially based on national security criteria. The vote against Iran was in harmony with India’s policy of promoting the cause of non-proliferation. India can no longer afford to sit out as a rising power and not take hard decisions one way or the other. Knowing fully well Iran’s clandestine nuclear programme even if being carried out in the guise of “peaceful purposes”, India could hardly be expected to support it. India cannot ignore its vital national interests. After the May ‘98 nuclear tests, Iran went on to back US Resolution 1172 that asked India to sigh the CTBT and NPT and also cap it’s nuclear capabilities. Iran also opposed India’s entry into the Security Council by refusing to support the expansion of the Council on the grounds that it does not want new “Centres of Privilege” in the form of new permanent members. In fact, Iran was virtually towing the Pak line. In the OIC too, Iran worked against India’s interest. It always supports Pakistan on Kashmir. It backed the OIC resolution that termed Kashmir a ‘core dispute’. If Iran is not comfortable with rising nuclear India, India could hardly be expected to condone Iran’s illlegitimate nuclear proliferation. India’s decision despite the opposition at home was a welcome departure from the past line of thinking. Coming to the other foreign policy initiative, MEA upped the ante when it expressed formally India’s concerns on the deteriorating situation in Gilgit which is in the grip of renewed sectarian violence since October 11. This perhaps is the first time in decades that India expressed its concern for the people living in parts of Kashmir under POK’s administrative control. Pak ISI and the Rangers are primarily responsible for repression in the Northern Areas. The local population’s legitimate protests and the demonstrations are suppressed with a heavy hand. The continuous alienation of the region’s Shia population by Sunni Pakistan leads to sectarian clashes every now and then. The people are a deprived lot with all the money going into infrastructure in this strategically important region. Taking a cue from Pakistan’s often repeated remarks against Indian army’s alleged violation of human rights in the valley and demand for its reduction in specified areas, India apparently decided to give it back. India cautioned Pak Rangers to show utmost restraint in keeping with the international human rights standards. After Mr Narasimha Rao’s assertion from the ramparts of Red Fort years ago that POK was a part of India, this perhaps is one more occasion when India’s foreign policy has demonstrated certain amounts of fresh thinking and dynamism. India has at last realised the need for a dynamic and pragmatic foreign policy that would meet the ends of India’s national interests first and
foremost.
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Profile Dhoni is just 24 and his family is very proud of him. The high and mighty, particularly in Jharkhand, which inherits the caste-ridden Bihari culture, would have never thought a year ago that they would want to marry their daughters into a middle-class family like that of Pan Singh. They are now queuing up at Dhoni’s modest residence in Ranchi, pleading for the up and coming wicket-keeper-batsman’s hand for their daughters. But Dhoni is in no mood to enter wedlock. Says Dhoni’s elder sister: “We are flooded with proposals but my brother does not want to marry. We can think about it after three years”. The sister, Jayati, has been quoted as saying “we will prefer a girl who fits in our family. At the moment, however, there is no girl in Dhoni’s life. His passion is only cricket”. Dhoni is indeed the latest find of Indian cricket. He is the type of sportsman who would have made a mark in any sport. In his school days his passion was football and he was a top-grade goalkeeper. Had he not met a cricket coach, he might have come up as an excellent soccer player. Seeing Dhoni’s quick reflexes as goalkeeper, the coach reckoned that he would make an excellent wicket-keeper and he was right. Dhoni donned gloves and what was soccer’s loss turned into cricket’s gain. His father Pan Singh has been quoted as saying “my son used to play as a goalkeeper in colony football matches. He switched over to cricket after he was asked by the coach”. Well-built, having neck-length hair, he was nicknamed “Mahi” by friends. Mahi is not a Bihari even though his family has settled down in Ranchi. He is a “Pahari”, hailing from picturesque Almora in Uttaranchal. He loves milk and his daily consumption is one litre. He also loves music, computer games, bikes and plays badminton when off cricket practice. Bikes continue to be his first love and he is often seen driving at breakneck speed. He made his debut for Jharkhand in the 1999-2000 season as an eighteen year old. His performance at the local level had been impressive but he came to the limelight after his showing in the Deohar Trophy and Duleep Trophy events. National selectors, looking for talents, zeroed in on Dhoni in 2004 and he was picked up to represent India. He made his one-day international debut against Bangladesh in Chittagong. Dhoni’s best performance was an unbeaten 183 off 145 balls against Sri Lanka at Jaipur on October 31, equalling the second best score by an Indian in ODIs. It was also the highest innings recorded by a wicket-keeper, and he had the highest number of sixes in an innings for the man in gloves behind the wicket. He also broke Saeed Anwar’s record of most runs scored off boundaries by scoring a total of 120 runs. He has broken the record for sixes in a match, overtaking the previous record holders, Sachin Tendulkar and Sarav Ganguly. A student of DAV college in Ranchi, Dhoni set ablaze the Visakhapatnam stadium in the series against Pakistan early this year. His dazzling 183 against Sri Lanka took him to greater heights as a batsman-wicket-keeper only next to the best in the world. He broke Adam Gilchrist’s record of 172 in an ODI, defeated Kumara Sangakkara in the battle of wicket-keeping and can now take pride in being counted among the best. Under Greg Chappell, he understands the importance of not letting his newly acquired star status take over his performance. Already considered a rising talent in the Indian team, commentators forecast, “this guy will be a resounding success in the near
future.”
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Diversities
— Delhi Letter WITH
the passing away of former President of India KR Narayanan some distinct
images float in the air. Around the summer of 1993, when he was the Vice
President of the country, I had to interview his spouse, Usha Narayanan nee Ma
Tint Tint (her Burmese name). And when she took me around the official
bungalow, I could see him working in his study. After a while he did come out to the verandah where we had settled down for the interview and he exchanged a few sentences with me after his wife introduced us. I asked him about the garden and the home décor and he said words to the effect that credit goes to Usha for she is a keen gardener. Little wonder that right at the beginning of the interview she had jokingly called herself “the second chowdhry or the assistant head gardener!”. Then, as the conversation flowed, she told me about the additions she had brought about - a small pond and a waterfall, the green house had been renovated and flowering plants from the different states and regions of the country had been planted. “It’s a good example of national integration” she said. And together with her younger daughter Amrita — who worked as a professional interior designer — Usha had worked hard on the house too. “The drawing room is the most important and has to be in the best form as this is where we receive a lot of foreign dignitaries”. And this room had three distinct seating arrangements in contrasting colours. The adjoining dining room, christened the Chinese room, flaunted a large collection from the Far East — an antique chest of drawers, paintings on silk screen with inlay work in semi-precious stones — perhaps a legacy of the years spent in China, when he was posted as the country’s envoy. One striking aspect was the flower arrangements and Usha is known for the Ikebana arrangements. In fact, there was what can be termed a great amount of personal touch to the décor together with aesthetic inputs by Amrita - the younger of the two daughters of the Narayanans. The older daughter Chitra is a career diplomat — presently posted as our ambassador to Turkey. And as the conversation moved on I had to ask Usha whether her being Burmese made things a little difficult for her and this is what she had to say: “No, for the cultures are not very different. Hindi is spoken in Rangoon and don’t forget that right from my university days I was here. I can call myself an old Delhiite!” And about her marriage to KR Narayanan in the early 50s — in the context of the first foreign service officer who dared to marry a foreigner, an “outsider” , she had told me — “when KPS Menon, the then foreign secretary, heard that Narayanan was marrying he presumed it was some girl from Kerala. So the first thing that he asked was which part of Kerala I came from. Imagine his surprise to hear that I was from Burma. Anyway, Menon had asked my husband to write a short note on me and give it to Jawaharlal Nehru. Panditji was, of course, so understanding and immediately he gave his approval, saying “Yes, Burma is a friendly country.” The minute my husband got the approval he wired to me “Will you marry me?”. My one word reply was “yes!” And as to how and when she had met him she had looked nostalgic and said that the first time she had met him was at a dinner and later at a series of lectures on political freedom. “What really attracted me to him was his immense knowledge and when I came to know that he was a favourite student of one of the greatest writers of political science, Professor Harold Laski, who had written Reflections of the Revolutions Of Our Times, I held him in complete awe”. As a joke she had added: “Of course my father had always told us to use our heads and not our hearts!” She had also spoken about her husband’s love for books “his greatest love is books.” And when I asked her whether he buys knickknacks for the house she had said “No, where is the time. Yes, earlier he liked to help me buy saris; he was very particular about it but now he has no time for even that.”
Yesterday one heard one of the best discussions at the IIC, on the destruction and terror that has been unleashed in Iraq by the US and its allies. Titled “Baghdad Burning: A perspective on Iraq today”, the key speakers included ambassador Hamid Ansari, Professor Shereen Ratnagar, journalist Siddharth Varadarajan and Praful Bidwai. The actual hitting force was a dance-cum-theatre presentation by two young women — Supriya Shukla and Anusha Lall — along with a running commentary from an Iraqi woman logger’s diary, written during 2003-2005. Most in the large audience sat in a complete daze, with tears flowing. Of course, we all know about American designs and motives but the destruction it has unleashed on the Iraqi people and an ancient civilization seems like the devil’s handiwork. Those images — in the slide show that went along this discussion — of American soldiers equipped with the latest weapons and barging into Iraqi homes, to loot and kill and abuse was so disturbing that it haunted me for hours. Nostalgically I thought of the various receptions I had attended hosted by the Iraqi ambassadors to our country and in my interaction with them found them not just cultured but highly educated and well versed. In fact the last Iraqi ambassador to India was a leading Iraqi journalist who had been appointed by Saddam Hussain to represent his country
here.
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Sweet words are like good medicine while harsh words are like arrows which enter through the doors of the ears and cause distress to the whole —Kabir The Ones who concentrate steadfastly on the goal are winners. Those who lose are the ones distracted by the happenings on the wayside. Just so, the earnest race past the thoughtless in life as the awake among sleepers. —The Buddha Their imprint on the mind that they become saints or sinners. —Guru Nanak
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A successful cricketer overnight becomes the most eligible bachelor in town if he is not already married. Since Mahendra Singh Dhoni hit sixers one after another and dazzled the audience with his powerful batting, his father, Pan Singh, has been receiving innumerable proposals for his son’s marriage.