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Unhealthy suspense In Bihar’s badlands |
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Preparing for drought
Creating jobs in Haryana
Legacy of two gentlemen
New Mizoram govt on slippery ground Delhi Durbar
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Unhealthy suspense STABILITY is essential for governance. This is all the more so for Punjab which has a lot of catching up to do following the setback caused by terrorism in the nineties. The ongoing uncertainty is holding the State back. On the one hand, it is suffering a stalemate thanks to the Amarinder-Badal fight. And on the other, the ruling Congress itself is a house divided. The Amarinder-Bhattal sparring is even more debilitating than the one between the Chief Minister and Mr Parkash Singh Badal. With both factions looking Delhi-wards, hardly any constructive work is being done in the State. The sooner the party high command resolves the issue, the better it will be. Earlier, it had asked the two factions to hold the fire till the Assembly elections were over. But it is still not showing urgency about ending the deadlock. The claims and counterclaims by the two sides are confusing. The Amarinder group insists it has the backing of about 40 legislators. The rivals pooh-pooh this “boast”, saying that it is they who happen to be 40 in number. That adds up to something like 80, despite the fact that the party has an actual strength of 65 in the Legislative Assembly. Since both groups have several ministers in them, the battle is causing a lot of bad blood. The Chief Minister’s group has been saying that the dissidence will die down once Capt Amarinder Singh carries out the long-delayed Cabinet expansion. That can be another self-goal, given that if this really happens, it will present the Congress in a bad light as a party of legislators hankering for spoils of office. The suggestion goes against the proposed law to limit the size of the ministries and also requires permission of the Congress High Command. After the court pronouncement to frame charges against Mrs Rajinder Kaur Bhattal in a corruption case, the group has floated the name of Mrs Sukhbans Kaur Bhinder. But persons are not important. The high command should decide one way or the other immediately. The suspense is hurting not only the State but also the party, which is having to fight on two fronts. |
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In Bihar’s badlands IT is in the fitness of things that the National Human Rights Commission has sought an explanation from the Bihar Police and the National Highway Authority of India for their lapses that led to the murder of Mr Satyendra Kumar Dubey. The same day the Patna High Court was also compelled to ask the Rabri Devi government to submit a "dedicated plan" pledging 24-hour foolproof security for the smooth completion of the Golden Quadrilateral project. Mr Dubey lost his life when he blew the whistle on the goings-on along the Aurangabad-Barachatti stretch of the ambitious road project. Despite all the media attention on Mr Dubey's case, there has been very little progress in bringing the murderers to book. The NHAI does not also seem to have taken any action to address the problems the young project manager had highlighted in his confidential letter to the Prime Minister's Office. What more can be expected when the Gaya Divisional Commissioner, Mr Hem Chand Sirohi, candidly admits that "no one is safe, the mafia will have its way"? If anything, it is a clear reflection on the state of affairs in Bihar where the politician-police-mafia nexus continues to be thick. The only silver lining on the otherwise dark horizon is the promise the Prime Minister has made to bring the killers of Mr Dubey to justice. It is quite apparent that the powers that be in Bihar are not interested in improving the law and order situation. They have their own axe to grind as was manifest in the recent no-holds-barred fight between Mr Laloo Prasad Yadav and Mr D.P. Ojha, who was sacked from the post of Director-General of Police. The DGP had to go because he had begun taking action against the notorious MP from Siwan, who had become a law unto himself. It is immaterial whether Mr Ojha had good relations with Mr Yadav in the past. But when the die was cast, the political leadership sacrificed the police chief to mollycoddle the criminal-turned politician. Sadly, in Bihar, it is the whim of one person that matters. Administrative norms are expendables if he feels that someone needs to be promoted or sacked. It is pointless to quote the rules to him when his word has become the rule. Small wonder that whistleblowers like Mr Dubey have to pay with their lives. |
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Preparing for drought THE Union Government’s decision to streamline drought management in the country at a conference of Agriculture Secretaries of all states has not come a day too soon. It is timely because nine states — Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat — were severely affected by drought this year. Punjab and Haryana too were the sufferers. Some of the recommendations made at the conference, if implemented properly, are bound to make an impact on the drought-prone states. These recommendations are not new. For instance, the Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) launched by the Centre in the eighties encapsulated most of these recommendations for tackling drought on a permanent basis. However, if the DPAP has not been pursued to its logical conclusion, the fault lies both with the Centre and the states. For example, confusion exists between drought relief works which are seasonal or temporary in nature and DPAP works which aim at permanent reversion of arid regions. The New Delhi conference is significant because there was consensus among the Agriculture Secretaries on some key suggestions like designing localised weather prediction models. The states have apparently agreed to fund this project to ensure an effective interface between the farmers and the Indian Metereological Department. The climate information mechanism at the local level needs to be institutionalised. This would particularly help states like Maharashtra where only half of the total area received normal rainfall. Making alternative employment available in drought-hit districts is another pressing need. This is possible if the Sivakasi experiment in Tamil Nadu, where people find employment in the matchbox industry in the case of drought, is replicated in other states. Clear the air! clean the sky! wash the wind! — T.S. Eliot |
Creating jobs in Haryana INDIAN democracy, after all, is fast acquiring maturity with issues of development and governance coming to the fore, pushing the divisive pulls of caste and religion into the background. This is the most powerful message from Delhi, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh which went to the polls on December 1. This is indicative of a fundamental shift in the perception of the electorate. The employment scene has become all the more bleak under the impact of globalisation and it is understandable that it should be uppermost in the minds of electorate. The global players in the field of manufactured goods have pushed a large number of small and medium scale industries out of business, swelling the ranks of the unemployed. Faced with the grim situation, the ruling elites tend to indulge in gimmicks and shortcircuit the process in order to keep the rising discontent among the unemployed youth under check. Haryana provides a telling illustration of this phenomenon. According to Press reports, the Haryana government has approved a novel scheme for the recruitment of “Suraksha Sathi” for maintaining peace and order in villages and checking social crimes like dowry deaths, drug abuse, crime against the old and the infirm and the weaker sections of society. Each village having a population of five thousand or less would have one “Suraksha Sathi” while the bigger villages would have two such “Sathis” each. A fixed monthly honorarium of Rs 2000 would be paid to this official guardian of public morality and peace. Besides the larger sociological question of dealing with mighty issues that have roots in the developmental paradigm and cultural matrix of the state, the remedy would prove worse than the malady. It is a poor tactic to provide crumbs from the government largesse to the clamouring youth brigade of the ruling party which has its base in the countryside. There is need to adopt a holistic approach to the problem of development which alone can take care of the complex issue of unemployment. All the successive governments in Haryana have been bereft of this perspective. This has landed the state in a situation which is acquiring chaotic dimensions. Haryana is primarily an agricultural state with about three-fourths of its population being, directly or indirectly, dependent on agriculture. Most of the land- holdings are small. It is the overwhelming number of marginal, small and middle peasants in the state who made the Green Revolution a grand success. However, the same has reached its plateau now. The reckless use of pesticides, weedicides and fertilisers has undermined the soil fertility. Numerous species of birds have perished under the toxic effect of various chemicals used in farming operations. Chirping of birds at dawn, a soothing gift of nature, is a rare event in the countryside now. All this is causing an ecological imbalance. The monoculture with perpetual dependence on crops like wheat, cotton and paddy is another destabilising factor. These crops, especially cotton, have become highly vulnerable to pests and other diseases. There is no attempt at diversification of agriculture and promoting subsidiary occupations of cattle breeding, dairying, food processing, etc. Take dairying, as an illustration. Haryana is known for its finest breeds of milch cattle and its “murrah” buffalo is the hot favourite in other states. The small land-holding can prove ideal in this respect and full advantage can be taken of Delhi, a big market in the vicinity of the state. The Amul of Gujarat can be replicated in Haryana. However, this opportunity has been missed and the well-known saying “deshon mein desh Haryana, jahan doodh dahi ka khana” (Haryana is a unique land where milk and curd is the staple diet) is a myth now. Dairying is a highly neglected sector in Haryana. The number of milk plants in the state has remained static at five for the last about three decades. Fast industrialisation could be one response to the growing unemployment problem in the state. However, all the successive governments have shown criminal indifference to it, perpetuating the myth that agriculture is the only passage to prosperity. Haryana has less than 9,000 registered factories employing about half a million persons. There is not a single industrial unit in the state that employs five thousand or more workers. There has been no attempt to set up big units in the public, private or joint sectors that could offer employment to a sizeable number of persons. The five largest public sector companies in Bangalore in Karnataka employed 81,000 workers in 1991. Rather, the pace of industrialisation has slackened in Haryana over the years. The number of industrial units has gone down in the period from 1993-94 to 2000-2001 in Ambala (165 to 84), Bhiwani (34 to 18), Hissar (247 to 242) and Jind (49 to 40) districts. Faridabad was conceived as an industrial estate after Partition to provide opportunities to entrepreneurs from West Punjab and it grew quickly. The pace slackened over the years and the number of units has shown a marginal increase from 1100 to 1181 between 1993-94 and 2000-2001. Gurgaon is the only showpiece now. Its close proximity to Delhi attracts industrialists to set up their offices there and it provides good ambience to the IT industry. The rapid rise in the land price has swelled the coffers of political operators, bureaucrats and colonisers. Administratively, it is a part of Haryana but for all practical purposes it is a suburb of the national Capital. The employment scene has become explosive in Haryana on account of the crisis in agriculture and the pathetic industrial growth in the state. Neither the land can absorb the growing mass of the unemployed nor does the industrial sector offer any hope. The number of unemployed persons on the live registers in Haryana increased from 36,522 in 1966 to 8,11,359 in 1999. This is a gross underestimate as many find approaching employment exchanges an exercise in futility. The majority of the unemployed youth comes from the dominant agrarian communities. Any kind of lowly work is considered below their dignity. Moreover, they have become aware of better lifestyle, thanks to TV and the proximity to Delhi. The job of rickshaw-pulling, laying of bricks, road and building construction, etc, has become the exclusive preserve of “bhaiyas” from western UP and Bihar and the “gofas” from Rajasthan. There is a rare possibility of matrimonial alliance for the rural unemployed youth. The adverse sex ratio in the state (861:1000) has further compounded the problem. The unemployment coupled with the lack of biological fulfilment makes the youth fit material for crime. Crime is the only flourishing industry in Haryana today. Roads passing through the state are no longer safe. Incidents of car-snatching at gunpoint are common. The administrative structure of the state no longer offers any avenue of employment. Rather, there is downsizing. About 20,000 employees have been retrenched by closing down several corporations and another 30,000 jobs have been abolished. In this situation, the idea of providing employment to several thousand youths as “Suraksha Sathi” is ridiculous, to say the least. What kind of “suraksha” a youth getting pathetically low wage with no infrastructure can provide in a village of a state which is fast becoming a den of crime? As pointed out earlier, there is a need for a comprehensive and composite plan to deal with the crisis in agriculture, and develop industry and the tertiary sector with the active participation of the people. There is no such understanding in the case of the mainstream political parties in the state. All are waiting for the next election. The negative voting may put those in the opposition in power. However, the change would be notional. |
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Legacy of two gentlemen ONCE two gentlemen “graced” the land of five rivers (now two and a half only) with their presence. One belonged to the royal family while the other hailed from an aristocratic family of landlords. As the stars willed it, they happened to be staunch political rivals. Hence, both made politics their arena to display their might and pelf. The two were at home in the art of repartee missing not a single chance to expose each other. Let me nickname them A and B. The former nursed a grudge of being denied the party ticket by B. Lady luck smiled upon the latter and he happened to rule the state. Gossip circles spread the word around that more than B his wife and son commanded the world and swelled their treasure. TV viewers who have watched “Mahabharata” must be remembering that almost every episode of the serial referred to the power of “Kaal” (time in its eternity). In real life too we were witness to the power of “Kaal”. It was now A’s turn to grasp the “chair” and indulge in the sport of vendetta. The whole machinery of the state obviously was set at work to achieve the target. B, in turn, claimed that if corruption charges were proved against him he would quit politics forever. He outwitted A and slapped a defamation case against him and swore to make A appear in the court personally. It did happen A was summoned to appear in person in the court. On the appointed day the political foes stood face to face in the court (more like a scene from a Hindi movie), one with his huge “laam lashkar” of supporters and the other with his insignia of power i.e. the police and a beeline of official Ambassadors fitted with blinking red lights. With his tongue in cheek B averred exultingly “Hats off to me! How brainy I am? Made the ‘maharaja’ stand in the court! Ha———ha! An occasion to rejoice, indeed!” That day onwards A’s activities received an impetus. Perhaps he had been stung deep. But B again outsmarted him by presenting the vigilance report to the media. The secrecy of the government had been reduced to sheer mockery. Even the vigilance challan against the father and the son met with “rasta roko” all over the state. An easy way to mobilise mass opinion. Political vendetta showed its sharp claws on D Day when B and his dear son appeared in the court. Nothing less than and Indian fair — colourful and engaging. Thousands of their supporters, some even posing as “baraatis” (it being marriage season), converged on the court premises. The game of hide and seek between the so-called supporters and the police! More captivating than a juggler’s show. Media cashed in on the scene gleefully. Has the police been maintained for such odd purposes only, the poor taxpayers wonder. Amid high drama A finally closed in on his arch-rival and son sending them to jail. In his keenness to nail his enemy A didn’t realise that he had used the ironsmith’s hammer where goldsmith’s instrument would have worked better. Luckily for B, all this made him wear the robe of a martyr. All action and reaction led to an interesting display of wit, humour and satire too. The viewers feel themselves watching a comedy in the open theatre. Before the father and the son entered the jail they joked. “We have come to see the jail the CM will be lodged in”. A is quick to remark: “Our pre-poll promise to the people of Punjab stands fulfilled.” Curtain has fallen on the first scene. Let us have a break. But don’t forget to come to the open theatre to watch the next.
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New Mizoram govt on slippery ground
CHIEF Minister Zoramthanga, who has been sworn in for his second term in office, says his government will concentrate on development and peace. Mr Zoramthanga was sworn in along with his 14-member council of ministers by Mizoram Governor A.R. Kohli while a bandh was called by the three opposition parties — the Zoram Nationalist Party and the Mizoram People’s Conference party. The new CM was quite upbeat about the fact that his party had been given the mandate again by the people and said his government would now be able to complete unfinished development works. Asked what kind of timetable he had set for completion of the development works, Zoramthanga said it would depend on the nature of work. “Some development works could be completed by the end of this new term while others may take even a hundred years to complete,” he told a brief press meet. On the peace front, Zoramthanga is sure to pursue his goal of being remembered as a peace-maker in the region. Though he has not said it in so many words. With the Centre appointing him the unofficial negotiator between the Naga rebels and the Indian government, he is likely to pursue the same course he has been pursuing if the Centre lets him. However, on this matter, he has been on the receiving end of the flak. Tripura CM Manik Sarkar and Meghalaya CM D.D. Lapang have accused him of meddling in their affairs. The Tripura CM went even so far as to accuse Mr Zoramthanga of sheltering Tripura rebels inside Mizoram. On the home front, Mr Zoramthanga had faced much criticism from the opposition parties, specially from the Congress. The Opposition had accused the previous government of being over-friendly with insurgents so much so that different insurgent groups had a free rein in the state. In the just-concluded state elections, the Opposition had cried foul alleging that the Zomi Re-unification Organisation, an armed insurgent group from Manipur, had campaigned for the ruling Mizo National Front in the constituencies of Champhai, Ngopa and Khawbung. The Opposition also alleged that the Suangpuilawn constituency problem, which until now has not been resolved, stemmed from the fact that the government had suspended its operations against the outlawed Hmar People’s Convention (Democratic) insurgent group. A number of intimidation cases have been registered by the police because of threats by these armed militants just before the poll and counting of votes in this constituency. On the positive side, the MNF had indeed carried out development work which had stagnated during Congress rule from 1989 to 1998. At present, Mr Zoramthanga’s government has several development projects to follow up. Of these, the project to alleviate the rural population’s poverty as well as to preserve the forest and land, called the Mizoram Intodelh Project, if successful, could prove to be the turning point in the lives of rural folks. A bamboo project to make use of abundant bamboo available in the state is also on the burner. If this proves successful, the economic situation of the people may drastically improve. Mr Zoramthanga said the bamboo project would change the country’s source of building materials and most buildings would be utilising bamboo materials. Had these bamboo materials been available, the Gujarat earthquake would not have had left so many casualties. On the question of whether he would enlarge his ministry, Mr Zoramthanga said it would depend on the political situation of the state. At the moment, the combined strength of the Opposition, which is 18, does not equal that of the ruling party, which has got 21 seats. However, the problem lies in the fact that Mr Zoramthanga has won two seats and the MNF, in fact, has only 20 legislators, one short of a simple majority. With the Suangpuilawn constituency still in limbo, the MNF is, at the moment, a minority government. A concerted effort on the part of the opposition parties could see the MNF lose another seat. And if Suangpuilawn does not go to the MNF, a hung Assembly could still occur, with 20 seats for the Opposition and 20 seats for the ruling MNF party. In order to have a stable government, the MNF desperately needs to have another MLA, which it could do through the single Mara Democratic Front candidate elected from southern Mizoram. In a situation such as this Mr Zoramthanga may need to install another minister to get the desired number 21. As of now, until a by-election takes place and the outcome of the Suangpuilawn constituency becomes known the MNF party can rest on its laurels. How long they stay in power depends on whether they can get an MLA from another party to join them and whether the opposition parties can act in unison against the
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Delhi Durbar TRINAMOOL Congress leader Mamata Banerjee, who is a minister without portfolio in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government, is on pins for a portfolio. She has been assured by the Prime Minister over the telephone that the needful will be done earlier that later. Mamata is not averse to the coal portfolio which she had rejected in the first instance provided she gets to oversee another subject like urban development. Mamata’s cause has been taken up by Defence Minister George Fernandes, among others, which has been to no avail so far. As her first preference of the Railways is out of question, she does not want to be kept dangling on the portfolio issue as it is not doing her or the Trinamool Congress any good in her home state of West Bengal. And let’s not forget that the general election is less than a year away. It was just curd West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya’s rapport and personal equation with Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani has raised the hackles of the CPI (M). Bhattacharya visited Advani’s residence for breakfast when he was in the Capital some time back. Bhattacharya has had some uncomfortable time convincing the CPI (M) that he was not building bridges with the BJP. Further, the West Bengal Chief Minister went to the extent of telling his senior party colleagues that all he had at Advani’s residence over a breakfast meeting was a small bowl of “dahi” or curd. Not much
of a catch The Congress is trying to do everthing to get the better of Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and TDP supremo Nara Chandrababu Naidu in the coming assembly elections. Even though it is not much of a catch, the Chief Minister’s brother, Ramamurthy Naidu, has joined the Congress after having been part of the TDP since 1983 when it was floated by the late N T Rama Rao. On his part Chandrababu Naidu has sought to underplay his brother switching loyalties and directed his party to ignore what he describes as a non-event. A two time lelgislator, Ramamurthy Naidu cannot make much of dent in the TDP except for causing embarrassment to his Chief Minister brother. Powerless players If the recent assembly election results came as a shock to the Congress, these upset the calculations of other players who wanted the role of king-maker. The Indian National Lok Dal in Rajasthan, the Bahujan Samaj Party in Madhya Pradesh and the Nationalist Congress Party in Chhattisgarh hoped for a role in the power sweepstakes after the polls. The margin of the BJP victory in the three states has left them with little choice. But some of these parties can now hope that the drubbing which the Congress has received in the polls will improve their bargaining strength in any future tie-up with the country’s oldest party. Emotional about Bengalis? Pakistan High Commissioner Azia Ahmed Khan’s wife Ayesha Khan has her reasons for having a special affinity for West Bengal. Her mother hailed from Murshidabad but moved to Pakistan after marriage. Decades later, Ayesha is trying to retrace her maternal roots during a recent two-day visit to Kolkata. Her desire to visit Murshidabad was negatived due to security considerations. She bought Bengali music CDs, especially Rabindra sangeet. She also picked up Bengali folk music and socialities in Kolkata described her as being “highly emotional about Bengal and Bengalis.” Contributed by T.R. Ramachandran, Satish Misra and Prashant Sood. |
The foolish disregard Me, when clad in human semblance, ignorant of My supreme nature, the great Lord of beings. — Lord Shri Krishna India must listen to me. I shall shake India to her foundations. I shall send an electric thrill through her veins. — Swami Vivekananda He accepts everything and He reflects everything. Yet He keeps nothing... like a mirror. — Shri Adi Shankaracharya The Word is the essence of all meditation and austerity. — Guru Nanak |
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