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Friday,
July 26, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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Looking back and ahead The package for drought
HARI JAISINGH |
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Country wisdom
Why do men often die young ?
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Looking back and ahead Mr K. R. Narayanan deserves the nation's salutation for maintaining decorum and dignity of the country's highest office during his eventful five years as President. The countrymen will remember him for his scholarly traits as well as simplicity in his style and approach to men, matters and issues. He never conducted himself as a politician but tried to address even the most provocative matters with an honest and straightforward response and a degree of sobriety. Of course, he has had his moments of frustration and dejection. The Gujarat developments really upset him as they did to innumerable sensitive Indians throughout the country. For, at stake is the basic fabric of the Indian nation as a tolerant, understanding and secular entity. His agony was very much reflected in his farewell message to the nation on Wednesday. The strength of Mr Narayanan is his robust
commonsense. That is why he made it a point to remind the nation of its commitment to weaker sections of society, including the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes amidst the glittering atmosphere of liberalisation and globalisation. His regretful reference to the older generation's failure to set an example for the country's youth will be widely shared by all those Indians who detest the current drift in the polity. How to check this drift and help the nation to face new challenges in a determined manner is, indeed, a formidable task. Everything depends on how the ruling elite performs in the crucial months and years ahead. The incoming President, Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, is equally concerned about the state of the nation. He has put before the country a new blueprint to tackle the problems in a concerted manner. As a man of technology, Dr Kalam's stress is on developing "a vision" that should enable the country to face manifold challenges—cross-border terrorism, internal conflicts and economic growth. He has often talked about "India's Vision-2020", virtually proposing to bring about a silent socio-economic revolution. He has been cherishing a dream of making India a developed nation by 2020. This is not an impossible task, provided politicians conduct themselves with a degree of honesty, sincerity and dedication for the welfare of the poor, the downtrodden and the have-nots. The problem with our politicians is that they are
self-centered and party-oriented. They don't keep the nation's interests above those of the party and personal ones. This distorted thinking can be set right if the people assert themselves and demand fairplay and justice in the socio-economic arena. After all, democracy is meant to be of the people, by the people and for the people and not by the criminals, rogues and operators at the helm. The key to the nation's success actually lies in the hands of the people. They have to be vigilant. The system must not be allowed to be hijacked by a handful of vested interests. It needs to be acknowledged that a decline in the values has encouraged the grab mentality. No wonder, widespread corruption is a major challenge facing the nation. There is no reason why we cannot have a clean, fair and open system. The country needs better governance and honest politicians. This is not a tall order. All that is needed is revamping of the system to rebuild it on the basis of transparency and accountability at all levels of activity. The politics of expediency may make or unmake individuals but it cannot make a nation great. We hope Dr Kalam will not be a rubber-stamp President, but will help guide the nation to set the highest standards to uphold the dignity and honour of the Indian Republic. We wish him good luck and promise support for every right step that he will take in setting the pace for the India of our dreams. |
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The package for drought It is now official: there is a drought in 320 districts in the country. The worst in the past 15 years, the drought has struck heavily in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Karnataka, parts of Tamil Nadu, Haryana and Punjab. At a meeting with state agriculture ministers in Delhi on Wednesday, Union Agriculture Minister Ajit Singh took stock of the situation and announced an interim relief package. It is not clear on what basis some of the state ministers made claims for cash from the Centre. While Punjab demanded an immediate release of Rs 100 crore to deal with the situation at the macro level and Rs 400 crore more for drought relief, Haryana was content to seek only Rs 12 crore, although it has had 75 per cent deficient rain and, going by press reports, its southern parts have been severely affected. Himachal, with 40 per cent deficient rain, staked a claim for Rs 40 crore, though it does not figure in the official list of the worst-hit. The largest slice of the cake has been claimed, as expected, by Andhra Pradesh, which has pegged its demand at Rs 1,000 crore. Haryana is perhaps more realistic because getting compensation from the Centre’s Calamity Relief Fund (CRF) is not that easy. First, the state concerned has to declare the affected districts as drought-hit, which means the yield there must be less than 50 per cent of the average for that region. Second, the state must waive interest on loans. Third, it must forgo revenue from the district under drought. Fourth, a food-for-work programme should be carried out there. Finally, the state must contribute its share to the Calamity Relief Fund before asking for central help. A central team then visits the area to monitor the use of funds. So far Only UP and Karnataka have declared some of their districts as drought-hit. The Centre and the states contribute to the CRF kitty in the 75:25 ratio. The Punjab, Haryana and Himachal governments are yet to assess the extent of crop loss. Whatever picture of the drought emerges in the region is based on media reports. A few days ago the Punjab Government set up a committee to keep watch on the situation and the Deputy Commissioners were asked to assess the loss. And that is it. Obviously, the three states have been caught off guard and none is prepared to meet the natural calamity. The much talked about crop insurance scheme is remembered only at times like this and then forgotten. When a surprised Mr Ajit Singh asked the Punjab and Haryana representatives why their states had not implemented the crop insurance scheme, their reply was that the states did not need it as they had a sound irrigation system. Why the so-called farmer-friendly governments in these states have never given a thought to the scheme may be astonishing, but understandable, given the precarious state of their finances. A collective group insurance may not be a costly proposition and deserves a serious thought. All that farmers in these states will get from the central package is the likely postponement of bank loan recoveries and sugarcane growers may get their pending payments from the sugar mills, which have been asked to clear their dues amounting to some Rs 1,000 crore. Capt Amarinder Singh has already made it known that the state government has no funds for drought relief. The Punjab Government can at least delay the reimposition of power tariff in the farm sector, make available regular power, subsidised seed and fertilisers to the affected farmers. |
Examining the President’s role Whether we like it or not, it is a fact that the media has often a way of trivialising everything. Even the majesty of the Head of State. This was very much visible in regard to Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. How much do we know about him? Should we say: a great deal? We, of course, know about his sartorial habits and his hair style. Anything else? Well, we know that the new President is India’s Missile Man. He is a home-grown scientist and liberal in outlook with a commitment to a national vision (Vision 2020) and secular principles. He is at home with the Quran as well as with the Gita. He loves classical strings of the Rudra Veena. He fits in well with my concept of a forward-looking, modern mind that is rooted to the soil. That is why in my column (The Tribune, June 7, 2002) I fervently pleaded for selecting the right person to the country’s highest office not on the basis of caste, creed, community or religious labels but from among the tallest Indians who are above narrow parameters of today’s political mindset. I thought that Dr Abdul Kalam stands out on the touchstone of those characteristics we would like a modern Indian to inculcate. I do not know what finally prompted Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and his aides to go along with this thinking. They must have gone by wider calculations. The problem with our leaders is their mindset. They generally refuse to look beyond, to the disadvantage of national interests. This is the main reason why the nation has suffered all these years. Small minds, like little learning, can be really dangerous. Enlightened Indians need to constantly keep this in mind while deliberating on national issues. A President has to be judged for his qualities of heart and mind rather than for his hair style and sartorial turnout. What matters is the overall personality and ideology (dharma) of the ruler. We had Janaka, the scholar-statesman. Shibi was ready to sacrifice himself to uphold what was right. Then Yudhishthira was known to be the man of truth, and Rama the ideal man and ruler. Did the media recall on this occasion the ideals that we as a people once adored? Be that as it may. We ought to be addressing the larger issues that have a bearing on the Constitution, the system and the quality of governance. Equally relevant in today’s complex coalition politics is the role of our President. As things stand, his role is modelled on that of the British monarch He is a ceremonial figurehead. Does he reflect the majesty of the State? It needs to be appreciated that no rubber stamp can uphold the majesty of the Indian State. Nor can a person who is ready to sweep the floor at the behest of the Prime Minister. In short, we have devalued the highest job in this country to such an extent that it has virtually lost its aura. In his brilliant commentary on the Indian theory of government, Ananda Commarswami suggests the analogy of the marriage or union between the spiritual and the temporal. It is true that times have changed. Temporal power is with the government. Yet the President represents the spiritual authority of the State, that is, the majesty of the State. While the government is concerned with “what is”, the President is concerned (or should be) with “what ought to be”. Thus, the President should be seen as the “conscience-keeper” of the nation and the man intimately concerned with its destiny. Dr Kalam is a professional person — a scientist, a visionary with an optimistic outlook. Naturally, his style of functioning will be different from his predecessors. But the moot point is: is our Constitution flexible enough to accommodate different personality types? All these questions need re-examining. As also many other things. Our Constitution-makers did not anticipate many of the situations with which we are grappling today. For example, coalition politics, President’s rule, corruption at the government level and the criminalisation of politics, to mention a few. So, in the prevailing circumstances, isn’t the President expected to play a key role? It is clear from the way our Constitution is working that there is no one in the country entrusted with the long-term destiny of this nation. The President’s office is more decorative than of substance. Politicians have no interest beyond their terms, or their party’s interests. The Council of Ministers, first of all, represents the interests of the party in power and then only of the country. That is why the President must have powers to check whether the country’s interests are transgressed by politicians or not. We thought that the separation of powers will ensure good governance. But the rulers and the bureaucracy these days give the impression of being in league with each other to subvert the system. The judiciary has become active as a result. Should the President have no role in such a situation? Presidents are generally creations of the party in power. For in the game of numbers, only the ruling party can ensure the election of President. The only Presidents who were not rubber stamps were Dr Rajendra Prasad, Dr Radhakrishnan and Mr K.R. Narayanan. So, the question is: how do we make the President more effective and fearless to assert himself if the situation so warrants? It needs to be acknowledged that regardless of the personalities involved, the relationship between the Head of State and the Head of Government has never been easy. A number of examples can be cited for the purpose, starting with Dr Rajendra Prasad and Jawaharlal Nehru. They differed sharply on the interpretation of their respective constitutional roles. But despite their varied viewpoints, Nehru being a true liberal showed due respect to Dr Prasad. They never crossed the limits of decency. It is also no secret that Dr Radhakrishnan once dubbed Nehru’s policy towards China as “a matter of sorrow, a shame and humiliation because of two blunders — credulity and negligence on the government’s part”. In another move, Dr Radhakrishnan allowed the Swatantra Party to parade its MLAs at Rashtrapati Bhavan to prove its majority in the Rajasthan Assembly. The ruling Congress party did not relish this, but Indira Gandhi, who was at the helm at the Centre, did not politicise the issue. There were also some problems between Sanjiva Reddy as President and Morarji Desai as Prime Minister during the Janata days. However, it needs to be noted though Mrs Gandhi favoured a rubber-stamp President, she never provoked a President — not even the Janata-elected Sanjiva Reddy — to a point where he would feel humiliated. Rajiv Gandhi, however, failed to draw the appropriate lessons from his mother’s experience. He showed that it was possible for a wilful Prime Minister to ignore the President. This not only hurt him but gave a blow or two to the office of President as well. Interestingly, Dr V.V. Giri, who was elected President in 1969 by defeating the official Congress candidate and the consequent split in the Congress party, pointed out that the President “has many limitations under the Constitution. If he wants to have a confrontation with the Prime Minister, he should be prepared for a revolution”. Giani Zail Singh as President stopped short of confrontation. He was certainly not for a radical upheaval in the system. He had his own calculations. He wanted to teach Rajiv Gandhi a lesson or two on how not to treat the President. The Giani always maintained that he did not take the extreme step of dismissing the Rajiv government because he did not want the country’s democratic structure to be subverted. “I didn’t want to create laalach (temptation) for the military to take advantage of any political tussle and impose its will”, Giani Zail Singh told me at his Circular Road bungalow on October 10, 1989. I am recalling the controversies of the past as these might help us to see the relationship between the President and the Prime Minister afresh keeping in view the new situation and the challenges facing the Indian polity. In the fifties, the same party ruled over the Centre and the states. There was no problem then. Today the states are ruled by different parties. For example, the Congress rules over 14 states. Should the President be guided by the advice of the Council of Ministers with regard to such states? Remember that when Mr Inder Kumar Gujral wanted to dismiss the Kalyan Singh government of UP, Mr K.R. Narayanan did not agree. Such sensitive matters demand the courage of conviction even on the part of a ceremonial Head of State. The Lok Pal Bill is now 30 years old. The election reform proposal is 12 years old. The question of women’s representation in Parliament is about a decade old. Here are instances where politicians are unwilling to clean up the system. Should we still suggest that the President has no role in such situations? Let us have a dispassionate national debate on the President’s role in view of the changed realities. |
Country wisdom Besides offering garma garam tandoori rotis and dal excellently made, the numerous dhabas on the Shershah Suri Marg, still called on GT, are the meeting ground, or rather the club house of truck drivers from different parts of the country and provide the
unobtrusive, friendly observer a glimpse into some remarkable vignettes. You will find burly sardars from the land of the five (now only two) rivers lacing their dal with a dollop of home-made ghee, Haryanvis smoking contentedly after a satisfying meal and occasionally, slimly built but smart individuals who have brought Marutis, a dozen to a carrier or devil-may-care drivers ferrying unbuilt trucks to destinations in the north chatting in a medley of dialects about affairs of state with complete authority and more often than not making good sense. The other day I stopped at one such joint, one that I had tried earlier and saw a city-slicker, complete with beevi and bachchas stepping out of an elegant limousine with a fancy number plate and making for the only table and chairs and telling the mundu who came to take their order that the plates and glasses better be clean if he wanted a good tip. I moved over to a vacant charpai where several truck drivers were sitting and asked if the dal was good. There was a chorus of approval and I immediately became a member of the group. Someone had picked up a grease-stained Hindi newspaper and was remarking on the headline ascribing some rubbery statement to Musharraf. “Ib main niyu poochhoon”, spoke one, “What does Pakistan hope to achieve by troubling India ever since it came into being? Ke wo Bharat nai jeet lega?” “O chhaddo ji”, said the practical man from the Majha area. “Har doosre din, a new statement. He is only trying to wriggle out of a tricky situation”. It was the turn of the man from Pune to speak up. His Hindi was passable and left no one in doubt about his solid views. What has Pakistan achieved in half a century, he was saying in essence. Is it ever going to be a first rate, or even a second rate, nation the way it is going? And look at us; what don’t we make in our country now? Democracy may be a bundle of contradictions but it is the best form of government anybody has devised. I got up to go and expressed hearty thanks to the company with a cheery message for happy and safe driving and noticed from the corner of my eye that the family with the limo was still fussing over lack of cleanliness while digging into their palak-paneer, mixed vegetables, dal and stuffed
parathas. |
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The capture of Tiger Hill: a first-hand account The writer, who is a former Chief of the Army Staff and Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee, during the Kargil war, remembers Operation Vijay on its third anniversary which falls today. Three years ago, on July 26, 1999, we declared successful completion of Operation Vijay, India's fourth war with Pakistan. The Pak army's initiative in the Kargil sector, taking advantage of the terrain, climatic conditions and the 'militancy' cover plan , achieved a tactical surprise. But when the Indian military juggernaut got moving, it took little time to expose Pakistan's lies, operational and strategic weaknesses, and its wrong assumptions about the Indian military. The Pak army could not cope up with the Indian military reaction. It failed at the operational and strategic levels, and thus ended up with adverse politico-military consequences for Pakistan. Operation Vijay was a military and diplomatic victory made possible by selfless courage, unshakable devotion to duty and high professionalism of Indian soldiers and their leaders under adverse terrain, climatic and tactical conditions. There were two turning points during the Kargil war: capture of Tololing that started the 'turn in the tide', and the capture of Tiger Hill, which was a physical and psychological blow to Pakistan and 'end in sight' for us. What follows is the story of the capture of Tiger Hill on July 4-5, 1999. Tiger Hill is 5062 metre high with sharp conical features, which stands majestically among the mountaintops a few kilometres north of Dras. One cannot miss it, or help admire it, as one drives along National Highway 1A (NH 1A) from Zojila to Kargil. During the Kargil war, it was a delight for photojournalists as it provided some of the best pictures of that war. Tiger Hill was picturesque, dominating and difficult, and soon became a war symbol to every one in India! From Tiger Hill, the enemy (Pak troops of 12 Northern Light Infantry, supported by Special Services Group, artillery and engineers) had a clear view of NH 1A from the Dras transit camp to Bhimbat, and the road leading to Marpola on the Line of Control (LoC). They could effectively interdict vehicular movement on these roads with observed artillery fire. It was clear to us from the beginning that unless Tiger Hill and Point 4875, which is located 2 km to its South-West, were secured, movement along NH 1A will never be safe. Although Point 4875 was closer and dominated a larger stretch of NH 1A, Tiger Hill occupied by the enemy was a lot more difficult to attack. In the second week of May, 1999, 8 Sikh moving from Udhampur to the Kashmir valley was diverted to Dras. On arrival, the Brigade Commander launched the unit into battle without acclimatisation and snow clothing to clear Tiger Hill. The unit suffered heavy casualties in its attempt to get close to the objective. It was then ordered to occupy dominating heights on the South-Eastern part of Tiger Hill, and to the North in the area called 'Parion ka Talab'. We did not make any further attempts to capture Tiger Hill for the next six weeks till we had cleared the approaches and were fully ready for it. On 27 June 1999, I visited Headquarters 8 Mountain Division and 56 Mountain Brigade at Dras. That evening, 2 Rajputana Rifle was preparing to attack Three Pimples, another very difficult feature west of Tololing. To encourage the unit and to wish it good luck, I asked the Divisional Commander, Major-Gen Mohinder Puri, if I could be connected on the telephone to Col Ravindranath, its Commanding Officer. The Commanding Officer with his small party was then located near the Forming Up Place (FUP) for the assault. Ravindranath was taken aback when he learnt about the telephone call from the Chief. He spoke to me in whispers, probably due to close proximity of the enemy. I enquired about the battalion and wished him and his men good luck in their mission. After speaking to Ravindranath, I asked Major General Puri what his next objective would be. As expected, he said that 192 Mountain Brigade was preparing to attack Tiger Hill and Point 4875 after a few days. In India, a COAS does not get involved at the tactical level unless a very serious situation requires his intervention. To do the latter, he has to go through or override the laid down command and control channel of Command, Corps, and Divisional Headquarters. The COAS keeps an eye at the tactical level, assists and advises at the operational level, and works at the military strategic and politico military levels. I deliberately did not ask Major General Puri about the D Day because after committing a date, he and his Corps Commander would feel it necessary to keep me informed about changes, if any. (Next day, to my horror, a TV network journalist announced to the world that the Army planned to attack Tiger Hill over the weekend!). I enquired if he had adequate information, artillery and logistic support. Did he need anything? He said that in order to concentrate artillery fire support, he would tackle these objectives one by one, which I thought was a sound decision. Tiger Hill extends about 2200 metres from West to East and about 1000 metres North to South. The main extension is towards West on which there are two prominent protrusions. The first, approximately 500 metres West of Tiger Hill, had been named 'India Gate', and the second, another 300 metres to the West, was called 'Helmet'. Approximately one company of Pakistan 12 Northern Light Infantry held the whole feature. 18 Grenadiers along with 8 Sikh, which were already in the area, were tasked to capture Tiger Hill on the night of 3/4 July, 1999. They were provided a team of the High Altitude Warfare School, adequate artillery, engineer and other support. The Air Force too engaged Tiger Hill on 2/3 July 1999 and had several bull's eyes on its missions. The assault began at 1900 hours on 3 July 1999 with direct and indirect firing by artillery. It was a multi-directional infantry assault. 8 Sikh provided the firm base and engaged the enemy from 'obvious' approaches as part of a deception plan. 18 Grenadiers moved towards the objective from the South and North East. The weather assisted the battalions in achieving surprise. Lt. Balwan Singh led the Ghatak Platoon (Commando) of 18 Grenadiers on the most difficult, North-Eastern Approach. His Platoon make use of the rope to reach the top of the Tiger Hill at 4.30 hours and totally surprised the enemy that had already suffered due to heavy artillery shelling and air attacks. In t he ensuring hand-to-hand fighting, the enemy lost 10-12 personnel. 18 Grenadiers suffered six fatal casualties. Grenadier Yogendar Singh Yadav, who was in the lead on the rope, and wounded badly, earned India's highest gallantry award of Param Vir Chakra. The Ghatak Platoon with some reinforcements firmed in on the Tiger Hill top, but throughout the day came under enemy fire from the Western Spur. This position (Western Spur) was cleared by a very gallant and highly motivated action by 8 Sikh on the night of 4-5 July, 1999. They beat back a fierce counter-attack led by two Pak officers on the early morning of 15 July 1999 and also captured 'India Gate’ and 'Helmet’. In New Delhi, I remained anxious all night till Lt. Gen Krishan Pal, GOC 15 Corps rang up at 0600 hours on July 4, 1999 to inform me that 18 Grenadiers had reached the Tiger Hill top and heavy fighting was going on. After consulting him and the Director General Military Operations, we decided to wait for confirmation from General Puri. At 0730 hours, General Puri spoke to me and confirmed that the enemy would not be able to dislodge 18 Grenadiers from the Tiger Hill top. By then the Defence Minister was on his way to Amritsar. When he landed at Amritsar airport, I gave him this exciting news. I also informed the Prime Minister, who was going to address a public meeting in Haryana at 10 am. July 4, 1999, was an important date because the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr Nawaz Sharif, was to meet President Clinton later in the day. We made sure that the whole world came to know about the capture of Tiger Hill, and thus the likely outcome of the Kargil war. It was a hard psychological blow to the enemy who, to start with on July 4, denied even the existence of such a feature and labeled the entire operations as a figment of the imagination. Whereas this victory broke the back of the entire Pak resistance. In India, a wave of jubilation and relief overtook the mood of the people. This was the greatest victory of the Kargil war. A war is the ultimate test for the armies and their soldiers. Victory in a war is achieved because battles are won. At the cutting edge of every battle, it is the military skills of the troops, camaraderie, regimental spirit, and above all, the will power and resolve which determine victory. |
Sikh leaders' condemnation Master Tara Singh, President, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, sent the following to the Press on May 5:— As soon as I came to know of the Lahore riot, I at once left Amritsar to see with my own eyes what was happening there. I reached Lahore at 3 p.m. on the 4th. The very first impression that I had was that the police arrangements were quite inefficient. On account of the previous night murders, Muslims were much excited and police had no control over them. So far more than half a dozen Hindus and Sikhs have been murdered by Muslim mobs. |
Why do men often die young ? Men are more likely to die younger than women at any age but particularly between 20 and 24 when their fondness for thrills, spills and risk-taking is at its peak. Researchers, who studied the risk of premature death among men in 20 countries, discovered that in the USA in 1998 men up to the age of 50 were twice as likely to die as women. The increased risk continued beyond the age of 80. “Being male is now the single largest demographic factor for early death,” Randolph Nesse told New Scientist magazine on Thursday. The researcher from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor believes his findings could have important implications for public health. “If you could make male mortality rates the same as female rates, you would do more good than curing cancer,” Nesse added. His research shows that in Colombia, men in their early 20s are five times more likely to die than women the same age. The higher risk is supported by figures from Ireland, Australia, Russia, Singapore and the USA, where an estimated 375,000 lives or more a year could be saved if the male risk of dying was the same as a female’s. Whether it is death from heart disease, cancer, car crashes or homicide, the difference between the sexes remains. The disparity is the greatest in the 20s and again in the 60s, when men are more likely to succumb to
disease. The researchers believe a variety of factors, including population growth, the spread of infectious diseases and improvements in public health, which may have benefited women more than men, are responsible for the disparity. “Technological advances may have played a part, too, by supplying men with more powerful guns and faster cars,’’ the magazine said.
Reuters Women don’t like bad manners Women definitely do not appreciate bad manners, according to a recent German survey. A representative survey of 1,000 women carried out by the information service Stil & Etikette (Style and Etiquette) in Bonn revealed that 84 per cent of women, for example, found it “very disturbing’’ to see somebody picking his/her nose or fumbling around with a finger in his/her ear in public. The corresponding figure for men was just 66 per cent. An unwillingness by others to help elderly people seriously bothered 61 per cent of the women questioned - but only 52 per cent of the men.
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Teach me, dear Master, how to pray that I may win answers. Put me in the right spirit to receive answers. Let nothing come between Thee and me that will make it difficult for me to pray. Let this habit of prayer so grow upon me that every waking moment of my life I shall involuntarily turn to Thee when in any difficulty. — Charlotte Skinner, The Marks of the Master
*** Action is paramount in the world. As you sow so shall you reap. — Sri Ramacharitamanasa, Ayodhya Kanda
*** Lakshmana said to Nishada chief: No man is the cause of another’s joy or sorrow; all reap the fruit, brother, of their own actions. — Sri Ramacharitamanasa, Ayodhya Kanda
*** The messengers of Yama are dreadful. Chitra and Gupta, know all your actions and bear witness to them day and night. Therefore I seek Thy refuge, O Lord. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Bilawal
*** The jiva or soul sometimes is born in devaloka (the world of gods), sometimes in hell. Sometimes it acquires the body of an asura (demon) all this happens due to karma. — The Uttaradhyayana Sutra
*** Verily, the soul which is in samsara (world) has impure evolution. From evolution comes karma and from karma the state of existence. — Panchastikaya
*** One’s suffering is not due to one’s own actions but due to fate. — Sutrakritanga *** Neither his kinsmen nor his friends, nor his sons, nor his relations will share his sufferings; he has alone to bear it; for the karman follows the doer. — The Uttaradhyayana Sutra |
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