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Focus on jobs and growth
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Congress party's many woes
Competitive marketing
Right to education and the marginalised
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Focus on jobs and growth Those
seeking immediate gains from the Modi government's first budget may be in for disappointment. The sops offered are small. The salaried class taxpayer may not be pleased with the hike in the income tax exemption limit from Rs 2 lakh to Rs 2.5 lakh. A similar benefit has been extended to senior citizens. The raising of the PPF saving limit from Rs 1.1 lakh to Rs 1.5 lakh is again a small concession. For those paying home loans the tax deduction limit on interest has been raised to Rs 2 lakh from Rs 1.5 lakh. Employees' disappointment is understandable since pre-budget media reports had raised hopes of the IT exemption limit being raised to Rs 5 lakh. BJP leaders had also contributed to this misplaced euphoria by talking about "tax terrorism" during the UPA regime. Even though it makes sense to leave more cash in the hands of people to boost consumption and growth, the Finance Minister's hands were tied since he had inherited a debilitated treasury. The BJP and the Congress essentially follow the same set of economic policies with a small difference of emphasis. The Congress plays entitlement politics and follows the Amartya Sen line of first empowering individuals with greater spending on the basics like food, education and health so that growth is inclusive, while the BJP is accused of being pro-business since it goes with the Jagdish Bhagwati model of boosting growth and revenue with people at large benefiting from the trickle-down effect. Growth and jobs come from industry and this budget is industry-friendly. Unlike the UPA, the NDA is focusing on sectors that create jobs: manufacturing, small and medium enterprises, textiles, tourism, housing and infrastructure. Some 12 million young people join the workforce in India every year. Unemployment is a major problem that can have social and violent consequences, as is seen in Jammu and Kashmir and Naxal-hit states. In this context the BJP budgetary focus is laudable. Another hot issue that contributed to the Congress defeat and a historic mandate for the BJP is price rise. Judged on this parameter, the budget score is not very high. There are two ways of tackling price rise. One is through the monetary policy, which is handled by the RBI. The other is through managing supplies of goods, particularly food items. The UPA failed on this front despite sitting over mountains of food grains. The BJP government has taken some initiatives to control prices, but a poor monsoon is set to aggravate the crisis. In the long run to meet the needs of a growing and prospering population food prices can be managed by increasing agricultural production and productivity. Arun Jaitley has announced two research institutes - one each for Assam and Jharkhand -- and set up an "Agri-Tech Infrastructure Fund". He has also proposed mobile soil-testing laboratories and soil health cards for farmers. But the agricultural crisis is too serious and government spending is inadequate. If the problem of high inflation persists, the BJP too would pay the price electorally. Industrial production can pick up only if there is cheaper capital available and the RBI would not cut its key rates unless inflation is tamed. The government can enable the RBI to cut interest rates for individual and corporate borrowers by reining in its expenditure. The Finance Minister knows he cannot maintain the fiscal deficit target set by his predecessor and this would keep inflation as well as interest rates high. This will test his leadership. There is a welcome attempt to streamline the tax administration. Though no deadline has been set for rolling out the goods and services tax (GST), Jaitley has assured the states of being "more than fair" in dealing with them. The FM did not drop the hated retrospective tax introduced in the 2012 budget. Instead he has set up a committee to examine disputes. This may not satisfy foreign investors even though the government has tried to woo them by opening up insurance and defence production with a 49 per cent cap. He has made commendable effort to cut tax litigation and secure at least part of the Rs 4 lakh crore locked up in tax disputes. All in all, the Union Budget unmistakably carries the Narendra Modi stamp. Apart from the over-all thrust of the budget on growth and employment generation there are mentions of, and financial allocations for, his pet projects - the Ganga cleanup, 100 smart cities, the statue of Sardar Patel, tax breaks for power generation, particularly renewable energy projects, and the establishment of an expenditure management commission. The BJP leadership should be congratulated for resisting the temptation for populist giveaways even though assembly elections are not far away.
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You may delay, but time will not. — Benjamin Franklin
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Gurdit Singh's failure THE decision of the Canadian Court of Appeal in the test case in connection with the "Komagata Maru" passengers, does not, we imagine, in the least depress Sirdar Gurdit Singh. It must be remembered he undertook this costly journey in order to see what after all British citizenship was worth in the self-governing Dominion of Canada. As soon as his ship reached the coast of Columbia he told a number of pressmen that he only wanted to test what actual rights he and his people possessed. Such a man must have been aware of the possible failure of his mission and of the rejection of his claims. Individual emigrants have been turned back, but that did not establish the fact that British Indians had no right of entry into Canada. If a whole body of 300 Hindus are turned back after a fair and impartial hearing of their claims, the position of the Hindus would be known definitely. It is after all something to know one's status and probably after the return of the Hindus they will consider whether they are satisfied with their lot and if not what they should do to deserve
better.
IT is not known whether the Bombay Chamber of Commerce is not satisfied with the lavish grant of £12 millions per annum for railways. On Wednesday when the Chamber met the Hon'ble Mr Gillan its Chairman appealed for more funds "for great railways leading into Bombay" and for the construction of the Mattra-Aligarh link. But Mr. Gillan seemed hardly responsive and said things which could not have pleased the railway advocates. He is reported to have stated that the claim of railways to more money was not universally admitted, that facts were wanted as well as enthusiasm and faith.
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Congress party's many woes The price rise was too tempting an issue for the Congress not to use it on the opening day of Parliament's session. And the new Bharatiya Janata Party-led government has shown lack of imagination by making petty points based on precedents, rather than take a broader view, in resisting the Congress demand — a mistake it repeated in the case of getting rid of Governors appointed by the previous regime. That the Union Home Secretary was given the responsibility of asking Governors to resign showed the esteem the new dispensation holds for the constitutional office. While the A.K. Antony commission plods on to fulfil its brief to discover the reasons for the Congress' poor showing, the real reasons for the party's defeat will not be pinpointed. Everyone knows that the dual power structure, with Ms Gandhi trumping the Prime Minister at will, was simply not working in the final years of the United Progressive Alliance’s second term. Second, the UPA-II government seemed to have lost the will to govern, with a proliferation of groups of ministers diluting the smack of firm governance. Third, the entire rationale for making Dr Manmohan Singh Prime Minister was negated by the heir apparent’s reluctance to assume office. Fourth, Mr Rahul Gandhi’s reign as the chief election campaigner for the party proved a damp squib. The entire hypothesis of the exercise therefore fell flat, leaving Sonia Gandhi with an insoluble problem. It is taken for granted that since the split in the parent party, Indira Gandhi stamped her authority on the Congress, which amounted to an endorsement of the Nehru/Gandhi family's hold on the party ever since. Sanjay Gandhi was grooming himself for inheriting his mother's crown. In view of his accidental death and Indira's later assassination, the crown was passed on to his brother Rajiv. In essence, therefore, the Congress and the family were not only made for each other but could not exist apart. Hence it was no surprise that despite the worst performance in its history in a general election, no one is asking for Sonia’s resignation. On the contrary, party men are asking the president to play a more vigorous leadership role, despite her physical infirmities. What is left unsaid is the unsuitability of Rahul to shoulder the burden even as cries go out for inducting his sister Priyanka into the thick of party politics. For the present, Ms Sonia Gandhi has decided that she will give a push to her party men and women to take the long road to recovery by highlighting the organisation's resilience. And the first session of Parliament with a new leader at the helm is as good a time as any to fly the party flag. It would indeed be a pity if the hoary Congress, so much a part of the country's Independence struggle and its subsequent decades of steering the country should bite the dust. Much will depend upon its capacity to rise from the ashes, as Indira Gandhi did by her resolve and leadership qualities after the disastrous Emergency regime and the quarrelsome leaders and parties that followed her defeat. Ms Sonia Gandhi proved to be her mother-in-law's star pupil in reviving the Congress leading to its return to power, but the future looks less rosy because leadership qualities seem to be missing in son Rahul. The stark problem therefore is that if the Congress cannot survive without the Nehru/Gandhi progeny, how can the party make a leader out of Rahul? By all accounts, mother Sonia is still trying because there is no option, her daughter Priyanka locked in a marriage to a controversial husband. What this extended trial run to make a politician out of Rahul will take remains to be seen, but she seems to be fighting against odds. Being out of power after a decade is a bitter medicine for the party. In any event, the smack of firm governance was missing from UPA-II in later years and it might be good for the country to try a new broom (not of the Aam Aadmi Party variety) to tackle old and new problems. These are early days yet for the BJP-led government and it would be unfair to come to any definite conclusions. For the present, Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems to know what he is doing and has won brownie points by being his own master, unlike his predecessor. However, Mrs Sonia Gandhi must perform an essential task if she is to preserve the Congress party's great legacy of nurturing a secular country on the path of development and modernisation. She and her party men must watch hawk-like over any attempt to take the country to a majoritarian agenda which would negate India's tryst with destiny, in Jawaharlal Nehru's famous words inaugurating an independent India. It is universally recognised that the BJP's mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has a somewhat medieval mindset and is inclined to beat the Hindutva drum. Mr Modi himself is, in a sense, a product of the RSS ideology, with the rider that during his long innings as Gujarat's Chief Minister, he was able to keep the Sangh Parivar's inconvenient elements at bay to give the state an efficient administration. The real question therefore boils down to Mr Modi’s ability to place the nation's interests above the RSS ideology to give the country a good and outward-looking set of policies. The jury remains to be convinced.
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Competitive marketing I visited a fruit market in an upbeat South Delhi colony. There were two fruit stalls located close together with only about 12 inches space between them. They were so close that it appeared they belonged to the same joint. While an elderly lady stood on the left side, there was a young boy at the right corner. I selected a piece from the left side. Since the lady was busy with a customer, I held it up to the boy to check the price. He said it belonged to the woman and he pointed at the melon pile in his own stall. Keeping the melon back I picked one from his stall when the woman objected. “You cannot do that sahib. You first selected the melon from my stall and you have to buy from me only.” The boy responded, “Of course you can buy from my stall since you have already started selecting.” The woman raised her voice, “He is an ugly vagabond. He keeps listening to songs the whole day,” she said gesticulating and pointing to the wires plugged into his ears, “and is good for nothing.” I was about to return the melon that I had picked from the boy's stall when he retorted: “Don't listen to this old hag, uncle. Her mind is not in the right place.” The old woman was now lividly shouting. “This tramp, he always steals my customers when I am not looking. But I will not let him do that today. Please buy the melons from my stall sahib; these are fresh and sugar sweet.” The boy was not to be outdone. Now addressing her directly, he shouted back. “You are simply jealous and out of your mind, you old useless woman. Of course, uncle has already made up his mind and he will buy melons
from me.” Infuriated, the woman shouted, “How dare you abuse me you ruffian? I will show you”. Saying this she picked up a heavy-weight measure and made a motion of throwing it at him. The boy instinctively ducked behind a basket of mangoes. There was an unpleasant scene and I too was drawing unwanted attention from nearby customers. Though I had no hand in starting their fight, somehow I started feeling self-conscious, if not actually guilty. After all they were poor people who were making their living the hard way and I should not add to their difficulties. On a sudden impulse I interjected and said in a mediatory tone, “All right, since you are quarreling on my account, I will buy from both of you.” The woman still grumbled that I should buy only from her stall but her vehemence was now not as rough. As I walked away carrying the two bags, a shoeshine in the close vicinity remarked, “So you also bought double?” Surprised, I asked, “What do you mean ‘also’?”. He said almost mockingly, “The boy is just a shill. They are actually mother and son. They always do this to sell more.” Our management institutes could learn a lot from Indian streets.
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Right to education and the marginalised
While appraising the Right To Education (RTE) Act’s implementation with marginalised communities, it is evidenced that several of the RTE provisions merely sit pretty on paper even as children of Dalits, tribal groups and Muslims suffer exclusion. The forms of discrimination vary; from insulting remarks hurled by fellow students and even teachers on caste, tribe, religion or community to children being asked to pick-up garbage and being denied leadership roles in class. Segregation takes place at mid-day meal servings too, when marginalised children are asked to sit separately or bring plates from home for the meal. Several such incidents of discrimination have been chronicled by Human Rights Watch, in its report, “They Say We’re Dirty,” after conducting a survey in schools of Delhi, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh. Special needs It must be noted that children of vulnerable communities, owing to the socio-economic challenges, need special attention to be able to attend school and continue with their elementary education. The RTE Act envisages child-friendly schools based on principles of an equitable environment. Section 8 (c) and Section 9(c) of the RTE Act imposes on the state government and the local authorities to ensure that a child belonging to a weaker section and disadvantaged group is not segregated or discriminated against in the classroom, during mid-day meals, in the play grounds, in the use of common drinking water and toilet facilities, and in the cleaning of toilets or classrooms. The RTE Act was formulated to achieve universalisation of elementary education. Sarv Siksha Abhiyan (SSA) was finetuned to align with the RTE Act. Unlike SSA, RTE is a legal framework and its provisions for free and compulsory elementary education are legally enforceable matters of law, based on principles of equity and non-discrimination. The RTE Act envisages that all children complete elementary education.
Lack of convergence in efforts The reasons of weak implementation of the RTE Act within the marginalised communities range from political apathy at the top to negligible community involvement at the ground level. At the upper echelons, inter-state and inter-department convergence is absent, which are a crucial component in the realisation of the national goal of education. Lack of convergence between states, ministries and departments as well as their various ongoing schemes prevent benefits to be passed on to vulnerable children. It is desirable that inter-department schemes such as National Rural Health Mission Programme (NRHM), National Rural Drinking Water Programme (NRDWP), Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), Tribal –Subplan etc, co-ordinate well to bring more children from the marginalised communities to schools. Inter-state coordination too doesn’t give much hope in addressing the needs of migrant children (most of whom belong to disadvantaged groups) as well of children from conflict regions who flee seeking refuge to safer states. There is no harmonisation of efforts at the ministry level too. National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), which has a RTE division, despite being an autonomous body of the Ministry of Women and Child Development (MWCD), is strongly controlled by MWCD. (NCPCR has been mandated under Section 31 of the RTE Act, 2009 to inquire into complaints relating to violation of child’s right to free and compulsory education and to take necessary steps as provided under Section 15 of the Commission for Protection of Child Rights, 2005). NCPCR’s RTE division has no independent source of funding and is funded by HRD Ministry even as it is tasked with monitoring the functioning of Ministry of Human Resources (MHRD).
Conflict of interest This contradiction poses conflict of interest and presents a weak cause for convergence. Absence of coordination is also seen in running of bridge courses designed to put children into age-appropriate classes. The task of running bridge schools for children released from child labour is given to the Labour Department, however, the Education and Labour departments don’t do a good job of coordinating their efforts. The Labour Department rues the lack of resources, logistics and capability to undertake the education requirements of child labors. Corruption and short-staffed departments and corruption remain an irony in the national vision of education. NCPCR is acutely short-staffed and is currently mired in controversy related to financial irregularities. Its promising Bal Bandhu Scheme (for protection of children in the areas of civil unrest) was recently rolled back inflicting setback to the tribal children at various levels of their protection, health and education. The Labour Department, due to shortage of officers is unable to make the mandated intervention. The absence of convergence, either through design or lack of effort, ultimately has a deeper adverse impact on the marginalised children who get don’t a chance break free from misery.
Empowering local-level authorities Moving from the top ranks to the local level, the RTE Act envisions local communities to participate in ensuring the Act’s provisions. The School Management Committee (SMC) requires at least three-fourth parent-members with adequate representation of parents of children from disadvantaged communities, as well as from women members. However, there are twin issues tied to this provision. The SMCs are non-existent, largely non-functional or ineffectual, if existing. The District Information System for Education ( DISE) data collected for 2011-2012 found that only 68 per cent of schools nationwide had constituted such Committees; in Uttar Pradesh, only 56 per cent had done so. In Bihar, the schools maintain ad hoc committees in lieu of SMCs. Many schools have yet to even establish SMCs. Now this present position of SMCs makes discrimination even pronounced. State governments have failed to support or empower the Committees to carry out their responsibilities. And thus, surfaces the second issue; related to the ignorance of RTE Act; most parent-members of vulnerable sections are not aware of RTE Act and its provisions. They have not been given any training either. Section 24(e) of RTE, envisages that at the community level, teachers will organise regular meetings with parents and apprise them of students progress and other issues. However, teachers themselves are unaware of all the provisions of the Act and fail to raise awareness among parents. Hence, most of the RTE provisions sit pretty on paper
Weak implementation A robust implementation of the Act rests not only on the will and intent of people responsible for achieving targets but also in clarity of RTE provisions itself. Several of RTE stipulations reside in ambiguous zone. For instance, RTE mandates all children to be admitted in age-appropriate classes, with the help of special bridge classes or training. But consider the education status of children of seasonal migrant workers — most of whom are Dalits, tribals or members of other vulnerable communities moving and working alongside their parents. Due to lack of continuity in schooling for work, most of them are not ready for age-appropriate classes. While the sending states don’t have seasonal hostels for children to stay back and continue education as parents migrate, even receiving states lack provision of schools at work sites. The vagueness of the RTE is also seen when it comes to stipulated inclusion of tribal children from civil strife regions and putting them in to ‘age-appropriate’ classes. In Naxal regions of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, for instance, a 14-year-old child, who lived as a child soldier or a child who never could attend school due to lack of schools would be ready for age-appropriate class of 6 or 7? The current RTE provisions don’t accommodate the education needs of tribal children from conflict regions who require a totally different approach to education given the violence in which they survive. The Act lacks a clear and effective grievance redress mechanism provisions. The School Management Committees and local authorities do not have the capacity to receive and address grievances; this in turn affects the efficacy of the Act itself, besides making disadvantaged groups more prone to exclusionary practices of dominant castes. As HRW report states, teachers discriminate too, however, the current RTE provisions doesn’t mandate any practice in the code of conduct for teachers with regard to their discriminatory practices in school.
Include all children Questions abound. Where is the mechanism to track children’s regularity in school, map exclusion, setup appropriate remedial action to bring ‘drop-out’ children back to school? What is the action plan for state governments to empower the SMCs to carry out their responsibilities? International law prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, ethnicity, social origin, or other status. India, being a party to Conventions such as on Convention on Child Rights (CRC), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, is obliged to respect and promote the international conventions being a party to them. The weak provisions and implementation have ramifications for future generations. Marginalised children are further pushed into labour markets, girls are forced into early marriages, conscripted tribal child soldiers don’t see any hope or reason to give up arms and attend schools; the cycle of misery continues without so much as being given a deserving chance to break free. The National Advisory Council’s Working Committee on RTE acknowledged in January 2013: “In most states there continues to be lack of an operational monitoring, accountability and grievance redress architecture and mechanisms with rules, norms and guidelines specifying how these mechanisms will function.” A year later since the acknowledgement, India stands pretty much where it was. If RTE Act is not implemented in spirit and intent in which it was framed, then the national goal of universalisation of elementary education would remain just that, a pretty dream. (The writer is an educationist and independent researcher)
High dropout rate The flaws
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The dropout rates for children of 6-14 age group from SC and ST are 51 per cent and 58 per cent, respectively, much higher than the 37 per cent rate for non-SC/ST children. UNICEF reports 80 million Indian children are dropping out of school before completing elementary education. While the government reports may boast of a high net enrolment (in primary schools to be nearly 100 per cent), retention, desired learning outcomes and regular attendance is a challenge within the disadvantaged groups.