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Cementing ties A year after devastation |
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Less govt can’t be poor governance
Life’s lessons @ Sukhna lake
Sikh community’s self-inflicted wounds
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Cementing ties Prime Minister
Narendra Modi would have a reason to be satisfied with his first visit to Bhutan, during which he showed how continuity would be maintained through honouring commitments made earlier, while at the same time proposing new areas of cooperation between the two nations. By choosing Thimphu as the first foreign capital to visit, Modi has played a deft diplomatic card, giving Bhutan the importance it craves, while underlying the special relationship between the two nations. Naturally, this will also serve to counter the increasing Chinese influence there. The proposal to establish a Himalayan university, organise sports meets between Bhutan and North-Eastern states of India and to help Bhutan to establish e-libraries in its various districts is the kind of soft diplomacy that can make a major difference in the long term. Thimphu too rolled out the red carpet for the visit. Modi addressed a joint session of Bhutan’s Parliament. His extempore speech was well received, even as his gaffe, referring to Bhutan as Nepal, highlighted the perils of deviating from the written text. However, his “Bharat should stand for Bhutan and Bhutan for Bharat” slogan got a positive response. Modi’s interaction with various officials, judicial and executive, as well as legislators was warm and the two-day visit brought about freshness into the longstanding relationship. Modi also laid the foundation stone of the 600MW Kholongchu hydro-electric power project, and naturally the talks focused on hydroelectric power. Bhutan has a tremendous potential for hydroelectric generation, which power-hungry India is keen to tap into. India sees this field as a classic example of win-win cooperation which has yielded rich dividends from the power plants that are already operational. They produce 1,416 MW of electricity. More are in various stages of production. India and Bhutan have an intertwined history and economy. Modi’s visit will help to cement old ties, and build new bonds.
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A year after devastation It was a year ago that it rained hell in the higher hills of Uttarakhand, destroying nearly everything that defined life for residents of five districts straddling the mountains that collect the water for the sacred rivers of Ganga and Yamuna. Memories of the utter destruction in the Char Dham circuit of religious tourism would not allow much hope of restoration even a year later, and not without reason. Nearly 10,000 km of roads and more than 4,000 villages were damaged or totally destroyed. Most of it is still far from any sense of normality. Large amounts of money have been spent by the state and Central governments as well as provided by the Asian Development Bank, but a look at the devastation of what had been built over years would suggest that the money is only a drop in the ocean. The destruction of roads and tourism industry has meant not only the loss of public and private assets but also thwarted the restoration and rebuilding of lives, as serving tourists has been the only source of income in most of the affected areas. The number of tourists coming in this year is around one-tenth of what it had been in previous years. The state government and tour operators have been trying to build potential visitors’ confidence, but without much success, as roads still do not connect points of tourist interest end to end. Many locals blame the media for ‘negative publicity’ that is keeping tourists away. But the question remains whether the infrastructure available will be able to handle tourists in any greater number?In the aftermath of the disaster there was a lot of talk of studying the geological aspects of the fragile mountains before rebuilding or allowing fresh constructions. Studies have been done and recommendations made, but the work going on currently, both public and private, is virtually restoring the same structures where they stood earlier. It would do good to remember it was encroachment on nature’s exclusive territory that had led to the tragedy in the first place.
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Thought for the Day
This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality. — Spray-painted on the Berlin Wall before it’s fall
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IT is understood that the fly nuisance in the Punjab is due to the insanitary conditions of its towns. Accumulation of dirt and non-removal of matter giving offensive smell breed flies. In Delhi systematic removal of town sweepings and burning them abated the fly nuisance considerably. It is interesting to know that in the Chancery Division of King's Bench, London, on May 27 Mrs. J.B. Band of upper Haliford said Mr. Henry S. Yates, a market gardener was depositing manure of land adjoining the house causing offensive smell and breeding flies. Evidence was produced to show that the bad smell was a nuisance and the manure was the breeding place of flies. An injunction was obtained restraining the gardener from causing nuisance. Punjab municipalities will do well to note that in the absence of strictly sanitary conditions, the fly nuisance may lead the people to seek legal remedy against municipal neglect. A Punjabi lady M.A. IN our issue of the 13th instant we published a telegraphic summary of the Allahabad University results. In singling out for special mention the success achieved by female candidates, the report stated that an Indian Christian lady headed the list in M.A. in English. We are exceedingly glad to learn that this lady belongs to the Punjab and is the daughter of the late Rai Bahadur Maya Das of Ferozepore. She is now married and her husband Mr. P.N. Das is at present stationed at Nanpara. We warmly congratulate Mrs. Das on her brilliant success in the M.A. Examination and hope that it will stimulate the efforts of other Punjabi young ladies to gain academic distinction.
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Less govt can’t be poor governance This broadside followed a Ministry of Defence affidavit in the Supreme Court defending General Suhag’s promotion as the Eastern Army Commander, rejecting VK Singh’s disciplinary ban on him while he was Chief as “extraneous, illegal and premeditated”. The affidavit was in response to an appeal by Gen Ravi Dastane against an Armed Forces Tribunal order clearing General Suhag of the charges against him. It is after this stinging rebuke by the MoD that VK Singh tweeted his diatribe seeking to reopen a closed chapter. The public disquiet in this clear case of misconduct aroused in the public mind was only partly put to rest by the Finance-cum-Defence Minister, Arun Jaitley, who told the Lok Sabha that the government “fully defends” the appointment of General Suhag. Jaitley pleaded that the armed forces should be kept above politics and then argued that the tweet should not be raised by members “as it could prompt the minister to defend himself”. Translated, the advice of the government to the public is “shut up and sweep the matter under the carpet”. That is what the former Minister of Defence AK Anthony did and fanned the rot in the highest echelons of the armed services. And this is what Jaitley is now advocating, irrespective of its effect on the morale of the forces. In the midst of this controversy, the Prime Minister has chosen to remain stoically silent, thereby approving both VK Singh’s indefensible conduct and Jaitley’s questionable response. Is this consistent with Mr Modi’s slogan of less government with more governance? VK Singh should have been censured and dismissed for stepping far beyond his limits, politicising the armed forces and speaking with a forked tongue. How can he remain a minister for the Northeast after proclaiming General Suhag a defender of murderers in the very area over which both will have oversight? The man should go. He gave his solemn word of honour thrice to earn his next promotion and broke his word every time as the Supreme Court noted. And then he had the temerity to defy and sue the previous government while in uniform on a bogus age controversy, something he is attempting to do again as a minister, in clear contravention of his oath of office and collective Cabinet responsibility. On the entrance to the Chetwode Hall at the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun, is emblazoned the armed forces’ hallowed credo: “The safety, welfare and honour of your country comes first, always and every time. The honour, welfare and safety of the men you command come next. Your own comfort and safety come last, always and every time”. VK Singh forgot this and put his own petty “comfort” first and always, every time. Is this to be the mettle of India’s ministers? This is a serious a matter. The incident underlines the importance of appointing a full-time Defence Minister immediately. The Finance Minister is burdened, and is a stranger to Defence. Less government cannot mean no government. Mr Modi will be making a disastrous start if he does not act swiftly. VK Singh is expendable. The honour and prestige of the Army are not. Another matter that cropped up last week is also a matter of concern. It is an IB report to the effect that the “anti-development” activities of certain foreign-funded NGOs have been anti-national and that their opposition to major nuclear power, mining, railway, dam and infrastructure projects on environmental and other grounds has caused delays and cost the country about 2-3 per cent of its GDP. This writer has been a strong opponent of Ludditism, “nostalgia” and environmental and displacement no-no-ism by the Narmada Bachao Andolan, the anti-POSCO and Vedanta lobbies, the anti-Nuclear fundamentalists and others, but has argued the need for a dynamic balance. Dissent is important. It would be grossly illiberal to label all criticism and even opposition to certain development programmes as suspicious and seditious. If the NGOs keep within FCRA regulations, there should be no reason to harass them. What is worrying is the report that the IB report plagiarises a September 9, 2006, speech of Mr Modi in Gujarat on the occasion of the release in Delhi of “NGOs, Activists and Foreign Funds: Anti-nation Industry”. This reportedly consisted of a collection of articles by Radha Rajan and Krishen Kak on the alleged anti-Hindu and corrupt practices of certain NGOs and activists. Is the IB reactivating a private agenda based on old, unproven prejudices? This concern is reinforced by other straws in the wind such as calls by right-wing ideologues to revisit history and other textbooks. The withdrawal of certain books, some published long back, on account of “hurt sentiments”, reinforces a sense of liberal disquiet. This is censorship by threat of muscular redress. As disconcerting is the Chhattisgarh government’s plan to deploy more helicopters for logistical use against Naxals in Bastar. This is perfectly legitimate, but will achieve little without reconstructing a broken legal framework under the 5th Schedule, putting in place a proper administrative-cum-delivery cadre, and co-opting the corporate sector to speed, technologically support, manage and market the development effort. Large industries, mines, power plants and connectivity need not be inimical to tribal welfare if put under a strict corporate social responsibility framework, first outlined by the Supreme Court’s Samatha judgement in the 1990s and since further refined. Meanwhile, there have been some positive developments too. Environmental clearances have been fast-tracked for key projects long stalled and the height of the Narmada Dam has been allowed to be raised by 17 metres to the full, project height. This will augment storage and augment hydro-electric generation. The argument that the Narmada canal network will take another two to three years to complete and additional storage displacing some 200,000 persons is therefore not required is specious. As for displacement, Madhya Pradesh has no more land to offer. Those displaced will have to accept cash compensation and be aided to settle elsewhere and be trained to take up non-farm occupations. This is the order of the day as the land can no longer support growing numbers on shrinking holdings.
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Life’s lessons @ Sukhna lake The forgotten engineer, who first conceived the idea and suggested it to Le Corbusier, could not have imagined that generations of visitors would throng the lake adding their grace and glamour to the overall ambience of his creation. This water body is not only an integral part of the city but has also become an inseparable component of the lives of those who visit it. As children the lake attracted us with its colourful boats, its herbs, shrubs and flower beds. It was more or less a picnic spot — a place where we could run with the speed and energy of a wild stag cutting the wind that went whistling through the hair. Youth added another dimension as the parapet on the lake front offered a safe retreat to the young friends to be together during college and university days. Crooning the sweet nothings of love in each other’s ears and fondly feeling the stones warm with the beloved’s touch added an aura of romance to the placid waters. Those who fell in love with the lake in youth preferred to grow old with it. Observing this ever-changing panorama of life along the lake, it still appears fully vibrant and alive exactly as it did when we were young. The stones are even now warm with the touch of the young lovers, the shrubs and trees are still abuzz with the chirping of birds and humming of insects. And the lake is still a vast expanse of quiet waters that soothes the eyes and comforts the spirit. Even in the twilight years, one finds old acquaintances religiously coming for a morning or an evening walk. Once in a while you find a diehard lover of the lake wistfully savouring the ambience in a wheel chair. It is not love or romance that draws these seniors to the lake. It is not even the bulging belly, the growing girth or the aching joints that push them to rub shoulders with people less than half their age. Over the years an elite group of lovers of the lake has evolved into a definite socio-cultural entity and they feel related to each other without any worldly bonds as they wear a winsome smile on withered lips greeting the known and unknown with inimitable grace. In the midst of this interesting chiaroscuro of light and shade, shape and sound and wind and wave, the waters of the lake seem to have seen it all and stored it in its waves, the birds and the trees.
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Sikh community’s self-inflicted wounds
The clash at the Golden Temple Complex in Amritsar between members of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) and the task force of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) on June 6 demonstrates yet again that the community has learnt no lessons from the sordid happenings at this very place 30 years ago.
Ironically, the clash occurred on the 30th anniversary of Operation Blue Star. Unmindful of the solemn occasion, unruly members of both sides attacked each other with swords. A free-for-all ensued on the stairways of the sacred Akal Takht, which is revered as the seat of temporal authority of the Sikhs. Police personnel, who usually avoid entering the holy precincts, remained mere bystanders outside the complex. Perhaps, those who defiled the precincts of the complex with unsheathed swords were unmindful of the fact that the community had struggled hard in the early 20th century to earn the freedom to bear the kirpan. Such incidents are bound to act as a dampener for those Sikhs who wish to have the right to carry their kirpans in public places abroad. Symbol of faith The kirpan is one of the five symbols of the Sikh faith and connotes power and dignity. But with it of course comes responsibility. The Indian Constitution (Article 25) provides to Sikhs the unique right to “wearing and carrying of kirpan”. Although all Sikhs don’t carry a sword on their person, those who are baptised do. And this privilege did not come easy. In olden times when, for a brief period, the Sikhs were sovereign in their sphere of influence, they wore the sword freely. Later, in the post-Maharaja Ranjit Singh period, when the Sikh Army lost the last Anglo-Sikh war in 1849, they were denied the right to carry the kirpan. There were poignant scenes of the Sikh soldiers surrendering their arms at the battlefield of Mankiala near Rawalpindi before General Sir Walter Gilbert. Most parted with the sword with tears in their eyes. It was only on June 25, 1914, that the then Commander-in-Chief, Sir O’Moore Creagh took a sympathetic view and Sikhs were allowed to possess and wear their kirpans in Punjab. However, in other places in India and abroad, Sikhs continued to be prosecuted for wearing a kirpan. It was after repeated representations that on May 19, 1917, that Sikhs became legally entitled to bear the kirpan throughout India. It was not until September, 1920, that Sikhs were allowed to wear the kirpan in the Army. This was granted due to the services of the Sikhs in World War I – though the exact size remained a matter of discretion of the commanding officers of certain military units. Gurdwara reform movement The ban on the kirpan was again imposed when there were clashes during the Gurdwara Reform Movement in 1921. It was only after 1925 when the Gurdwara Act was passed that the kirpan question was resolved between the Sikhs and the government. However, if the community is to continue to enjoy this privilege, it becomes incumbent upon the Sikh leadership to restrain people from indulging in irresponsible acts. In fact, in view of the modern day security concerns, especially at airports and in public places, the Sikh clergy ought to consider taking certain pragmatic measures on carrying of the kirpan of various sizes. This is important so that Sikhs who have take pahul (amrit) while being baptised don’t face harassment in public places, as is happening now. This issue needs to be at least debated by the community leaders. Though it is not for religious reasons, but a dagger (called "sgian dubh") is a part of the traditional Scottish dress, which too has often created controversies in United Kingdom. Air travellers have to invariably put their "sgian dubh" in checked baggage. Sikh political and religious leaders also must ensure that groups are never allowed to fight their battles in the sacred precincts of the Akal Takht. Perhaps the only way to avoid a repeat of the June 6 incident would be to forbid all kinds of political activity at the Akal Takht. There would be some who would cringe at this thought and argue that the Akal Takht had been historically a seat of intense political activity. But then that was when the Sikhs were an independent nation in howsoever small an area it may have been. At that time, the heads of Sikh misls would gather at the Akal Takht to decide on all kinds of issues, including personal disputes. There are accounts indicating that even at that time the missal chiefs would leave their weapons in the "bungas" while coming to the Akal Takht for confabulations. Political power Now, with the Sikhs being a part of the nation-state, any effort to vest the Akal Takht with political power has the potential for leading to confrontation with the state. The last time such an attempt was made was in June 1984 and the consequences are before us. While, broad religious directions from the Akal Takht to the Sikh community would be in order, any congregation in or around the Akal Takht having political overtones is rife with dangers of the June 6 kind. In order to prevent such clashes again, it is necessary to ban all speeches and functions within the precincts of the Golden Temple that are not religious in nature. Such functions be held in the Manji Sahib Diwan Hall, which lies between the main complex and the hostel complex. This would at least ensure that the devotees and tourists who come to visit the complex are not exposed to internal bickering of the community. Some Sikhs would see this as being in conflict with the concepts introduced by Guru Hargobind, the sixth Sikh Guru. There is no doubt that he wore two swords of miri (temporal or political authority) and piri (spiritual authority), which connotes a close relationship between the temporal and spiritual aspects of human life. But in today’s world and age, any talk of (miri and piri) being coequal is impractical. A theocratic system is anathema to Sikhism. The Gurus themselves opposed the establishment of a priestly class and when, over time, mahants emerged and attempted to control the faith, Sikhs drove them out. Incidentally, it may not be out of place to mention that such concepts were tried out by other religions too. In Christianity, for example, the issue of the temporal and religious powers can be traced to the time of Pope Gelasius in the 5th century when the church and the state were co-equal. In the subsequent years, there were times when the state was considered subordinate to the Church or vice versa. However, after much debate and discord, the present arrangement of the two being distinct and supreme in their respective arenas came to be widely accepted. Even in Sikhism, there is need to take a philosophical if not a practical view of the concept of miri and piri. The desirable thing is a system whereby neither is superior, though the piri (spiritual values) provide moral guidance to the state, and the latter provides protection to one and all – this would be akin to the modern-day rule of law. This was succinctly spelt out by a Sikh scholar, the late Major Gurmukh Singh, when he stated, “Religious faith is the keeper of human conscience and the moral arbiter for guiding and regulating the exercise of political authority, which must defend and ensure freedom of thought, expression and worship. This juxtaposition of the moral and secular obligations of man is the central point of the Sikh doctrine of miri-piri.” It is not out of place to mention that the June 6 incident once again reinforced the fact that the kind of introspection that was required after 1984 has not happened. There is little doubt that the military action by the government to evict the armed supporters of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale from the Golden Temple between June 3 and 6, 1984 was ill-timed and poorly executed. That is precisely why it still rankles. However, the Sikh leadership has no answers on how it allowed its political agitation (Dharam Yudh Morcha) in support of their long list of demands to take the shape of a full-blown armed struggle spearheaded by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It can’t be denied that the sophisticated arms and ammunition that were amassed at the Sikhs’ holiest of the holy shrines as a consequence of the agitation had paved the way for Operation Blue Star. Governments and security forces usually have a way of imbibing lessons from crisis situations. No wonder, after the botch-up in 1984, the security forces were wise in 1988 when Operation Black Thunder was carried out differently and without inflicting much damage. No lessons learnt But, unfortunately, the series of events that took place even after 1984 at the complex goes to show that neither the Sikh leadership nor the vocal members of the community have learnt the lessons. One recalls how during the Akali Dal government of Surjit Singh Barnala in 1986 the police had to be sent into the complex to clear it of certain unruly elements. Then in again in 1988 when armed militants took control of the Golden Temple complex, the Government had to use the National Security Guards (NSG) to get them out. Photographs of the militants coming out of the complex with their hands raised appearing in newspapers again and again reminds one of that shameful episode. Similarly, TV grabs of the June 6 incident, which though of a different scale and manner, is yet another example of the community’s self-inflicted wounds. Fact file * It was only on June 25, 1914, that the then Commander-in-Chief, Sir O’ Moore Creagh took a sympathetic view and possession and wearing of the kirpan by the Sikhs was allowed by law in Punjab * In other places in India and abroad, Sikhs continued to be prosecuted for wearing the kirpan. it was after repeated representations that on May 19, 1917, carrying it was allowed throughout India. * In order to prevent such clashes again and avoid a repeat of the June 6 incident, it is necessary to ban all speeches and such functions within the precincts of the Golden Temple. * Instead, functions should be held in the Manji Sahib Diwan Hall, which lies between the main Complex and the Hostel Complex |
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The
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veritable museum of faces and physiognomies, the Sukhna lake in Chandigarh has struck roots in the mind and consciousness of the city residents. The tracks built along this aqua-marvel for walkers are the favourite haunts of people of different age groups at different times of the day. Walking along the beautiful parapet one feels grateful to the architect who understood and catered to our innate urge for peace and tranquility. It is believed that God, too, created rivers, lakes and forests before man as earth was already an aesthetically appealing and comfortable place much before the evolution of human beings. Walking along lakes and rivers, we get a peep into the creative genius of the Creator. Most of the builders of cities and gardens derive inspiration from ‘Him’ to further embellish ‘His’ work with art. The lake provides an ideal example of the sensuous apperception of the life of spirit. 
