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Fifty Fifty
Guest Column |
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ground zero Raj Chengappa Even before Narendra Modi assumes office tomorrow evening, the Prime Minister-designate has shown he is capable of bold and novel moves, which have caught the imagination of the region if not the world. By extending an invitation to leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) nations, including Pakistan, to attend his swearing-in ceremony, Modi has sent several important messages.
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End virtual hatred, judge Modi anew The Congress has creatied an aura of suspicion around supporters of Modi and around those who have thought that a change will be good, and perhaps even healthy, for India. Kishwar Desai
Creating a group of friends on Facebook and Twitter allows us to imagine that we live in a universe where everyone thinks in the same way we do and any kind of diversity is to be condemned. Perhaps during this last election we have seen the worst, with all sides jumping in to praise, critique, condemn. One imagined that these were a few frustrated souls and post election the abuse would disappear. Alas, it seems that now that the dams have opened, we will continue to be awash with suspicions about each other, especially online. Will this change or has the social media made it impossible for us to be nuanced humans, ever again? The problem with 164 characters is that anything you write seems black and white. The “individual” vanishes and all that is left is (usually) just a caricature. Does Facebook and Twitter, therefore, allow us to be mean, thanks to their anonymity, because we think we are safe in the confines of our homes, our offices or with our family and friends — and we can write whatever we want? Of course, most of these comments will stay alive forever and so we should be very careful what we say about whom. However, I must clarify that I am not advocating hypocrisy: I think given the present environment, the real danger lies in being misunderstood. And this applies not just to the virtual world, but also to real life. For those of us who have, for instance, even mentioned in the recent past that there could be change of leadership at the central government level, and thought it was about time we gave “the other side” a chance, life has been very difficult. Even if mentioned during a casual social engagement, we were likely to there face a hail of anger, as though we were really transgressing acceptable forms of behaviour. Even after Mr Narendra Modi has won the election, one finds that the environment is so vitiated that saying that “I am optimistic that he will have learnt from the past and will want to be a good Prime Minister” is impossible. Perhaps now with his recent initiative of calling the heads of all SAARC countries, including Pakistan, will change the tone and tenor of this continuous and exhausting anti-Modi argument. In London, last week, I was on BBC radio, and we were discussing the possible government Mr Modi would bring. To my dismay, within a short while we heard from the usual suspects of the Indian National Congress comparing Mr Modi to Hitler, etc. And this is before the Prime Minister-designate has even made a single policy decision. This sort of demonising of the Prime Minister, especially abroad, should now stop. He is the Prime Minister of India now. Let us give him a chance. If he does not perform, we must criticise him. But as of now, we know very little of what he will do. Exactly the same thing happened to me at another function I went to in London where I had to interact with fellow authors. Once again, the moment I said we must at least allow Mr Modi some space and not follow the Congress line about downplaying the size of his victory — I could almost feel people shrinking away. My fear is that many of the so-called intelligentsia has become almost fascist where Mr Modi is concerned, and will not allow anyone to say anything even remotely positive about him. Among the major successes, thus, of the Congress is in creating an aura of suspicion around supporters of Mr Modi and around those who have thought that a change will be good, and perhaps even healthy, for India. This denigration did not, however, dissuade voters from opting for him. Despite it all, Mr Modi has the hard task of proving to the real world, as well as the world of Facebook and Twitter, that he is not the demon he has been made out to be. Obviously, almost 40 cent of Indians who voted for the NDA believe that he will be able to deliver the good governance he promised. Can't we trust them and stop the online and real-life hate? |
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Guest Column
This impromptu gathering of SAARC heads will be Mr Modi’s opportunity for not only breaking ice but for charting new vistas for conviviality in the region. Their visit would also make up for the absence of a formal SAARC summit since 2011. Since they all lead and cherish democratic polity, they appreciate the vital significance of the formal inauguration of an elected government, as reflected in the spontaneous acceptance of New Delhi’s invitation. Impromptu meetings are no stranger to other regions in India’s extended neighbourhood or in Europe and Latin America. The Arab leaders and those in ASEAN often transcend protocol and travel to regional capitals informally, and so do the Europeans. The message from Delhi carries similar sentiment. This would be no occasion to venture into addressing threadbare a whole host of expectations from the meetings of the SAARC leaders; bilaterally or regionally. Going by past experience, most of media attention and commentary may focus on the body language of the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan. Doubtlessly, both sides will have been smart in unobtrusively availing this opportunity; leaving behind the tomes of futile discourse of past years on the point and purpose of a meeting or its venue. While this in itself is important enough, some introspection may not be out of place to take stock of the substantive and constructive agenda that SAARC as well as bilateral processes already have at hand. All they need is a determined push by the leaders. This entire agenda is a win-win for all without any hint of the zero-sum. Trade and investment, tourism, energy, transport, people to people connectivity, climate change and common approach to disaster management, pandemics and so forth. While intra SAARC trade is low — less than 5 per cent of its global trade — this can be quickly expanded by moving on with SAFTA and SATIS and related mechanisms for reducing not only tariff, but also non-tariff barriers, improving border transits, customs facilitation and harmonisation of standards. Just tariff liberalisation with Bangladesh has served to treble India-Bangladesh trade in the past three years from around $2 to $6 billion. Similar openings await trade between India and Pakistan where business communities on both sides of the border are eager to tap the synergy in geographical contiguity and economies. Given the informal and third country trade their direct trade can be stepped up to $8 to $10 billion. Trade and tourism across South Asia will benefit people all the way from tour operators, small traders, craftsmen, to hoteliers, aviation and transport, and families engaged throughout the value chain. Western Nepal, for example, treasures breathtaking but unexplored natural beauty for tourists. Tourism can contribute to alleviating poverty in that impoverished area bordering UP and Himachal Pradesh. The North East in South Asia cries out for connectivity, railways, roads and easy borders to promote economic activity. Similar opportunities abound in other sub-regions like India-Sri Lanka-Maldives for ferry service. While global financial institutions and non-profit bodies are keen to spur regional cooperation in South Asia, it is the indigenous public and private sector of the countries that need to speed up involvement and commitment. The SAARC Development Fund has a modest kitty (about $300 million) for project-based cooperation but a leadership push may work its promise, for example, to upgrade border transit points for trade. However, SAARC has limitations. It cannot be a substitute for what is needed to meet urgent domestic challenges. SAARC countries have large populations. Governance and public order are domestic imperatives for each. There must be no complacence about their shortcomings and no lowering of guard regardless of the success or failure of SAARC in word or deed. It is the mounting dearth of basic amenities for the millions across South Asia that breeds domestic turmoil. Meetings of South Asian leaders are opportunities to exchange notes and share experience on these burning problems, to engender empathy and build bridges — not grandstanding. Mr Modi’s life spans a long journey from humble origins to lofty portals of successful governance. He sounds not only as genetically optimistic but also assimilative, problem-solving and large hearted. India’s role in South Asia has to be humble and constructive and caring — elitist vanity or self-congratulation alienates people and should have no place in regional diplomacy. Sheel Kant Sharma, Ambassador and former Secretary General, SAARC |
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SAARC completes three decades next year. There were times (2002, 2004) when its summits modestly helped dispel frosty overhang from intra-regional diplomacy. The meetings in Delhi will go a long way in removing any apprehensions among neighbours about Mr Modi’s historic electoral triumph. His messages since have been unfailingly reassuring to his political opponents, to the poor and downtrodden, to all classes of society and to the aspiring youth across the board. As the basic premise of SAARC too lies in the quest for promoting welfare and improving the quality of life of the peoples of the region, it is natural that Mr Modi is starting with SAARC his diplomatic outreach, albeit with a largely ceremonial event and at short notice.