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Crime and corruption
Tarmac tally
Unwanted Leela |
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Leader above the party
A slap in the face
Jawaharlal Nehru and Punjab
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Crime and corruption
Haryana
Sports Minister Sukhbir Kataria is set to be booked, at the instance of a Gurgaon court, for allegedly getting voter cards made on the basis of forged documents. The court had to act since the police in Haryana is not known for taking on influential wrongdoers — look at how difficult it is for rape victims to bring the culprits to justice, or for the opposition to act against the Congress MLAs seen in CDs asking for bribes in exchange of CLUs. A Chief Minister is often known by the appointments he makes. Hooda appointed Gopal Kanda a Minister of State for Home and he is in jail for driving an airhostess to suicide. The much-publicised Geetika Sharma case, which shamed the Haryana government no end, should have driven Hooda to scrutinise his team a little more closely and drop the undesirables to avert a similar ignominy in future. But he refused to learn any lesson. Four months ago he appointed Dr Harinder Pal Singh a member of the HPSC despite the fact that cases of rioting and attempt to murder were pending against him in court. Now a Palwal court has sentenced him to eight years' imprisonment. The appointment was made at a time when the Supreme Court had foiled the Punjab Chief Minister's attempt to saddle the Punjab Public Service Commission with an undeserving loyalist as its Chairman. Another Congress MLA faces the charge of abetting the suicide of a sarpanch in Karnal. If criminals bring cash and victory to a party, they also can disgrace it at a critical time. While distributing state patronage to loyalists, chief ministers often forget to follow the basic rules of governance. So intoxicating seems to be the effect of power that people cease to be rational. How else can one explain the state of self-denial Hooda has placed himself in over the rise of crime and corruption in Haryana? Time is running out for the Chief Minister to rid his government, party and state of criminals and the corrupt before he faces the electorate next year.
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Tarmac tally
Countryside is where the most fatal road accidents happen, especially on roads that do not have medians. That indicates the life-and-death difference proper road infrastructure makes. While all highways being clean and with dividers on them may not happen anytime soon, short of that there are low-cost measures that can prevent many a death. Roads well marked with reflective paint, warning signboards, speed checks, prevention of drunk driving, extensive driving tests, traffic management, etc, are well known measures, but these rarely get implemented as the number of agencies involved is very large (23 in Punjab) and there is no point of coordination. To that end the Punjab Governance Reforms Commission is recommending a unified road safety agency. One reason why agencies such as the PWD, the police or the urban planning authority do not give importance to road safety is none of them considers the deaths — around 10 a day in Punjab - their moral responsibility. This is where the state Transport Minister has to come in. He would do society a great service if he were to make it his personal goal to reduce the daily death tally. Even if the figure comes down by one a day that will be 30 lives saved by him in a month! And the minister can indeed do a lot, given his leverage with various agencies. Identify critical spots in the state and the immediate low-cost measures that can be taken to make those spots safer — installing an amber light, posting a policeman, painting a culvert or speed-breaker, warning signboard for a sharp bend, et al. Will is all that is needed to get this done. Till a unified agency, as recommended, can come about, the Transport Minister can play the role. A shocking revelation by the reforms panel report is that 99 per cent of the challans issued from 2008 to 2011 were for wrong parking or black films, neither of which directly leads to accidents. One major purpose of the Motor Vehicle Act is ensuring safety on roads. The clauses in it pertaining more to that should be the priority. The only figure that matters is of casualties.
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Unwanted Leela
YET another film has fallen to controversy. Luckily, the maker of the film, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, has escaped almost unscathed but for a minor twist in the name of the film. Now it's called Goliyon Ki Rasleela Ram-Leela. Indeed, the movie may have had nothing to do with religion and is actually inspired by William Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet. Yet that did not stop some misguided persons from filing petitions against it on the ground that it hurts their religious sentiments. Good sense has finally prevailed as the Delhi Court has lifted the ban on the release of the film. Time and again films come under the censure of people after these have been duly cleared and certified by the censor board. Not too long ago the release of Vishwaroopam was held up for it offended sections of the Muslim community. While often the fracas ends up in a whimper and more often than not a truce is struck between the makers of the film and the protesters, it's time to send a right message to those who pick up cudgels on non-issues. Perhaps, Bhansali made an error of judgement in naming his film. Yet the Delhi High Court had not only refused to ban the movie but also imposed a cost of Rs 50,000 on an NGO which had moved the plea against the film. Besides, it also made a pertinent observation that no organisation or an individual can claim to be the sole interpreter of Hindu religion and sole proprietor of the names of Hindu gods. Earlier, the Mudgal panel had made many path-breaking recommendations and even sought to curb the use of law and order as a plea to ban films. The government would do well to implement its suggestions. Producers can't be held to ransom, that too days before the release of films. Individuals and communities whose sensibilities are easily irked, often without provocation, must realise that cinema is a make-believe world. That is not to say that artists have the unqualified licence to show irreverence but must be allowed some creative liberties.
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America is a land of taxation that was founded to avoid taxation. — Laurence J. Peter
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Leader above the party WE are now in the thick of the election campaign for the 2014 general election campaign via the route of the more immediate phase of elections to state assemblies or otherwise. There have been some surprises, but not many because the Indian politician generally follows the beaten track. The surprise is how quickly the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has adopted the role of elevating one leader above the party. There is no longer any pretence about the dominance of Mr Narendra Modi in the party’s scheme of things. Enthusiasm in the ranks of the Rashtriya Swayayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS’s) workers on the ground - the army that traditionally provides the bulk of supporters for the BJP, come elections — is one thing. But the reverential manner in which even the established BJP leadership refers to Modi is a new development. (In a significant slip of the tongue, a BJP spokesman referred to him as the Prime Minister, later correcting himself.) Mr Modi himself has been indulging in what he does best: painting a bold picture in which fact and fiction are liberally intermixed to hit his main opponent, the Congress. Those dissecting the fiction in his rhetoric are barking up the wrong tree because corrections - usually by others — never carry the same punch. And the BJP leader has served his intent by making his opponents circle around what he said, keeping him at the centre of attention. Another surprise of the election campaign has been the emergence of the phenomenon of the Aam Admi Party, contesting the Delhi assembly elections for the first time. The point is not what the new party will achieve in terms of seats but in what it has accomplished thus far by energising a significant number of people tired of the cynical game of politics as it has come to be played by the more established parties. Whatever its future, Mr Arvind Kejriwal and his dedicated team must be complimented for striking a blow for democracy. Some of Mr Kejriwal's ideas are unrealistic, if not utopian, but he has evoked sufficient public response to underline his main point that with dedication and enthusiasm, a small group of people can make the difference in making democracy work. And the selection of candidates by the established parties for the assembly elections has been proving yet again that the ability to win, rather than a candidate's integrity, is the main criterion of fielding party men and women. Although opposition parties understandably take aim at the Congress for its dynasty politics, this pattern is widespread across the political spectrum. The Congress party still seems to be coming to terms with the different scenario that greets it in the coming assembly and parliamentary elections. After nine years of rule at the Centre, it is clearly on the defensive in the face of the opposition onslaught and still seems to be searching for the key to a purposeful campaigning touting the good deeds it has accomplished in the midst of the scams that have dotted its tenures. But shying off opinion polls after being hit by a series of projections denoting a poor showing for the party is the wrong way to go about it. True, the BJP is the new opportunistic convert — one presumes temporarily - to the virtues of opinion polls, but the Congress's emphatic thumbs down on opinion polls serves only to point to its weaknesses. The BJP, in particular Mr Modi, is the recognised leader in harvesting modern technology in aid of the party. An avid student of American methods of influencing public opinion, he has hired US public relations agencies in the past and has now graduated to using flat TV screens, distant telecasting and the recruitment of his own television crew to give the most favourable views of his rallies by moving away from patchy crowds to clusters of eager supporters. The aim obviously is to create the longed-for and often-elusive "hawa" (wind) that traditionally steers a candidate to victory. The irony is that the Congress party's main campaigner, Rahul Gandhi, is the young leader who was supposed to be the youth leader employing whiz kids to transform the Indian election scene. He is now in the unenviable position of having to catch with the BJP's strategy, which was obviously planned long ago. Thus far, the young Mr Gandhi has failed to measure up to the lead party role he has been assigned. One must not merely land punches on one's opponents but do so with finesse, choosing the right moment. The wise traditional Indian politician will argue that it is not technological wonders that will win the day but striking the good old personal rapport with voters and being conscious of and sensitive to their problems and concerns. That is indeed so, but if technology allows a leader to reach an immeasurably larger number of people, it is a great advantage. What has distressed the Congress and its supporters is that with the aura Mr Modi has created, the momentum seems to be with him. But it would be foolish to jump to conclusions with the general election some way away. His aim is clear, to convince voters, especially the new voters, that he is the decisive leader they are waiting for and that he would bring a new decisiveness to the governance of the country. Against Mr Modi are ranged a formidable combination of voters from the minorities to the secularists and liberals who balk at his arbitrary methods of governance. By and large, minorities, Muslims in particular, are far from convinced that he can effectively rule a diverse multi-religious and multi-ethnic country such as India. The 2002 Gujarat pogrom scars are indelible, and the manner in which he has ruled his state through senior bureaucrats and handpicked politicians swearing loyalty to him, rather than the state or the nation, is well known. There is time yet for Mr Modi and his opponents to hone their campaigning skills. In the country's complicated politics, many strands go to make a winner. Can Mr Modi persevere in his singular desire to achieve victory in the crucial months ahead or will he fall victim to his own conceit? That is the
question.
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A slap in the face While
selecting a pet, my choice fell on a German Shepherd, fabled for its elegance, with an intimidating demeanour, yet friendly disposition and exemplary loyalty. His antics, tinged with stupidity, earned him his name ‘Goofy’. He grew up to be a handsome dog, and soon acquired a fearful reputation. Intending visitors would call up before coming. Not that Goofy was vicious but the aggressive reception he accorded, by standing up tall, placing his forepaws on the chest of the visitor with a loud bark, was often mistaken for an assault. My profuse apologies would placate the gentlemen who discovered to their consternation the other side of Goofy as he greedily grabbed the cookies from their hands with a wet lick for gratitude. All four-legged creatures of the locality lost their honour to duels with Goofy and never retrieved it. So Goofy with an air of invincibility was fearful to those who dared and affectionate to those who cared. History records that no warrior, how fearsome he may be, has escaped his nemesis. Goofy met his too, and this is how. One day a monkey came into our compound. 'Goofy' was used to dogs and cats but a monkey…? Hackles raised, he charged out defying all obstructions. Alarmed at the 'charge of the dog brigade', the monkey did what came naturally to it - climb the tree and Goofy tried to do what was completely unnatural for him i.e. clawing up the tree, his teeth bared and eyes spewing fire. Often, efforts do not match the results one desires, and Goofy was learning this the hard way. His best efforts failed him. The monkey, realising that its opponent was 'barking up the wrong tree', watched Goofy's histrionics for sometime before swinging from the tree with one hand and giving a resounding whack across Goofy's face with the other. The ferocious bark with gnarled teeth gave way to a loud yelp amidst disbelief, as Goofy's retreat began, his tail between his legs, with furtive glances backwards to check whether more was in the offing. Gradually the yelps ceased, and a whining Goofy, wallowing in self-pity, with a bruised ego, came to my comforting caresses, his ears drawn back in abject submission. His reputation blown to smithereens and invincibility shattered. Goofy sulked, and with tongue lolling out, he sat in the refuge of his master, staring at the monkey, who tauntingly chattered away, possibly hurling the choicest invectives from simian lands. Goofy cocked his head quizzically to one side, and made noises, alternating between low-intensity growls and hapless whines. However, he showed no further appetite for a fight. His plight reminded me of a famous French General standing with shoulders hunched, legs apart, arms locked
behind his back, staring at the disaster ahead of him. Once a
victor, now the vanquished. Goofy had met his Waterloo. Do not thus overestimate your prowess and underestimate your opponent, no matter how insignificant he is, if you do not want a loss of face and a slap in the
face.
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Jawaharlal Nehru and Punjab
Jawaharlal Nehru first visited the Punjab following the tragedy at Jallianwala Bagh (1919). What he saw at the site appalled him. He was in Amritsar for a second time the same year for the Indian National Congress's annual session in December, 1919. He noted, how the incident (Jallianwala Bagh) would inspire millions of India's people to seek freedom and that the tragedy would be remembered for eternity. Bonding with the Akalis Nehru’s bonding with the Punjab and its people grew deeper as the result of another incident that occurred soon after. He had closely observed the Akali Dal’s movement for freeing the gurdwaras from the corrupt and degenerated control of the mahants. Between 1921-25, over 30,000 Sikh protestors were arrested, over 400 were killed, of these over 100 at Nankana Sahib alone (February 20, 1921). A large number were injured. Nehru visited Jaito to have a closer view of this powerful movement launched by the Akalis on a non-violent Gandhian track. He was arrested and imprisoned with the Akali jatha in the Nabha jail. What he said in his statement of defence needs a longer reference: “I rejoice that I am being tried for a cause which the Sikhs have made their own… I marvelled at the courage and sacrifice of the Akalis and wished that I could be given an opportunity of showing my deep admiration of them by some form of service”. (Selected Works, Vol. I, pg 369) The Lahore session of the Congress (1929) proved on many counts to be perhaps its most historic. When Mahatma Gandhi proposed Jawaharlal Nehru’s name for Presidentship of the Congress (1929), surprisingly only three of the 18 provincial Congress committees came out in support. But Gandhi with his ability of gauging mass sentiment had his way — a decision the Congress would never regret. Nehru was obviously inspired by the events of Punjab when he declared from the banks of the Ravi that India would settle for nothing less than “puran swaraj” as its political goal: “…we have an open conspiracy to free this country from foreign rule and you my comrades are invited to join it…”. Nehru believed that the Unionist Party had succeeded in Punjab by swimming against the national sentiment only because the Punjab Congress failed to meet the challenge. He noted: “Congress in the Punjab meant only few persons in the cities quarrelling continuously…” (The Tribune, October 12, 1937). He had toured the Punjab extensively during the 1936-37 elections and in the months that followed. In 1939, he participated in the All-India States People Conference in Ludhiana. His identification with the cause greatly strengthened the fight against the rulers of the princely states in the Punjab — the Praja Mandal movement.
Partition — the Sikh case As Mohammad Ali Jinnah proclaimed his call for Pakistan, the Punjab was projected as the pivot of the scheme. In the 1940s, the Sikhs were just about one per cent of India’s population, but the community’s nature of hard work and pride in its cultural and historical legacies gave to it a level of importance far in excess than was merited by its proportion of population. He was also well aware of how important the Punjab was in the context of the integrity of India as a whole. This belief was strengthened with every passing day that India moved towards the prospects of its Partition. The Sikh leadership, both Akalis and the Congress, were clear that any scheme for the division of the Punjab must keep in mind the sentiments of the community in terms of not only material assets but even more so in terms of keeping the community intact with regard to their historical and cultural legacies. For Nehru, this was perhaps the biggest challenge. Nehru has drawn much criticism on this count. But the fact is, he did try to do his best, however, the circumstances that formed so rapidly were not always within his control.
Transfer of power The pre-ponement of the transfer of power from the British to the dominions of India and Pakistan was to be announced on June 3, 1947. Nehru was in Mussoorie on May 28, (1947) when he learnt that a section of the Sikhs, mainly the Akalis, were likely to reject the plan. He rushed to Amritsar the same day. Late at night, he met in a closed room a small group of Akali leaders, including Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh. There is no record of what actually transpired in the meeting, but it appears Nehru was able to convince them to go along with the plan. Punjab’s brilliant Governor, Sir Evan Jenkins in a note to the Viceroy submitted: “It would be impossible to partition within six weeks a country and people that have been governed as one for 93 years”. In the days and weeks that followed, the Punjab saw violence and bestiality the like of which had no parallel.
Appeals for peace Nehru landed in pouring rain at the Adampur Airbase on August 24, 1947, from where he proceeded to Jalandhar and then to Amritsar. He fervently explained of how the killings of Muslims in this part were resulting in the slaughter of Hindus and Sikhs in the west Punjab. In Amritsar, he personally met Master Tara Singh and Giani Kartar Singh. The result was a powerful appeal for peace signed by several leaders. “During the last few days I have supped my fill of horror. My mind is sick and horrified with what I have seen and heard”. In this address over the All-India Radio, Nehru also referred to how he was saddened by stories of policeman and political leaders indulging in loot and corruption in the Punjab. On September 13, 1947, Nehru in an emotionally surcharged address to the press in New Delhi said: “…it is totally untrue that the Sikhs were responsible for the violence… if a government is taken unaware it must pay for it…” (Hindustan Times, September 14, 1947).
The Akalis drift away Even as the Akalis charged the Congress for backtracking on earlier commitments, what aggravated the situation was that soon after Gandhiji’s assassination a section of Congressmen in Delhi was demanding that the Akali Dal should also be banned, along with the RSS. This shocked the Akalis who only months earlier, had stood shoulder to shoulder in the fight for freedom. Nehru addressed a massive public meeting of over 200,000 in Jalandhar on February 24, 1948. He spoke for over an hour. He rejected the Akali claim that an assurance had been given with regard to any kind of reservations: “in this country weightage is nonsense… (it) can be given only by depriving others of their rights… if we once tread the wrong path there shall be no end… we shall one day have to give up the dream of establishing democracy in India.” (The Tribune, February 26, 1948). In several letters to Gopi Chand Bhargava, the Premier of Punjab, Nehru shared his pain with regard to the deteriorating relations with the Akalis. In a letter to Sardar Baldev Singh, Nehru said: “I am afraid the Master is incapable of forgetting… the world may change but he goes on in his old ways…”. Tara Singh would be in and out of the jail in the years that followed. Following his first arrest (February 19, 1949), Sardar Patel, who was in Punjab to address the first convocation of the Panjab University said: “...It was the most painful duty of having to send Master Tara Singh to jail” (The Tribune, March 6, 1949).
Building a new Punjab As Nehru took charge of things as Prime Minister, he changed focus on the Punjab from politics to development. For this he picked on Sardar Partap Singh Kairon, who had caught his eye for his no-nonsense approach as Punjab’s Minister for Rehabilitation (1947-49). Kairon, with Masters degrees from American universities in political science (Michigan) and economics (Berkeley), had, in fact, started his political career as an Akali legislator in 1937, before shifting to the Congress. Nehru was aware that Punjab had been deprived by its Partition of premier institutions of learning and research. He was also convinced that given a chance, the hard-working and enterprising Punjabi, could rapidly rebuild the Punjab. For this, electric power was urgently required. The Bhakra Dam Project had been pending since the 1920s for want of funding. Not surprisingly, the project was among his first major development initiatives. Nehru took great pride in the project, so fond was he that he accompanied several foreign dignitaries to the site. On September 29, 1947, in course of the Emergency Council meeting (18th) Nehru directed that the new capital for Punjab should be built from scratch and that there would be no dearth of funds. The Panjab University that came to replace its namesake in Lahore and Kurukshetra University (1956) that was put in place to replace the Institute of Oriental Studies (Lahore) were planned at a grand scale. The Punjab Agriculture University, Ludhiana (1962) came to replace the famous Agriculture College, Lyallpur. Likewise, the Punjabi University, Patiala (1962) was sanctioned to preserve Punjab's language and culture. The PGI, Chandigarh, was at the time planned as the country's most ambitious institutes for medical sciences. As we know, all these institutions have played a key role in the socio-economic transformation of Punjab and Haryana.
— The writer is Senior Professor, Modern History, Kurukshetra University.
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