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Notes from Kashmir
No more unilateralism |
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Sidhu speaks out
The fall of the rupee
Becoming people’s man
Raising the bar: Dancers’ right to work
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Notes from Kashmir
MUSIC is a universal language of peace and harmony as music maestro Zubin Mehta, who performed at Srinagar on Saturday, proved resoundingly. Unfortunately, prior to the concert many discordant notes were struck as separatists not only opposed the event by calling a strike but also organised a parallel function.
While the successful culmination of the musical feast may have put an end to a needless controversy, the question that still begs an answer is: How would have the cause of the Kashmiri people been served by disallowing the musical extravaganza? Rather the state, where tourism is the mainstay of the economy, is likely to reap rich dividends if right signals are sent out to the international community. It is possible that organising “Ehsaas-e-Kashmir” may have had political undertones, an attempt to send out a message that all is well with Kashmir. Those who opposed the concert on the ground that it was elitist and meant for the exclusive preserve of 1,500 VVIPs are well within their right to voice their dissent. However, they must realise that such programmes can become mass events only if a conducive atmosphere is created and not under the shadow of fear and threat of disruption. This is not the first time that misguided elements have tried to scuttle cultural events in the Valley. Two years ago their protests dealt a blow to the holding of Harud, a literary festival. Not too long ago they had come out against Pragaash, an all-girl rock band of Kashmir. Undeniably, the culture of intolerance is not confined to the Valley, it is an affliction that affects other parts of the country as well. But in the backdrop of turmoil that the state has suffered for too long, any attempt to put it back on the path of normalcy towards which it is inching slowly but steadily, should be welcome. The Valley, home to “Sufiyana mousiqi” that reinforces oneness of humanity, must reverberate with sounds of all kinds of music for no force transcends the mundane better than the seven notes of music.
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No more unilateralism
THE G-20 summit in St Petersburg will long be debated even as the world feels the impact of this polarised gathering of the top industrialised and emerging economies of the world. In spite of some non-diplomatic actions, President Vladimir Putin successfully managed the show, even as President Barack Obama found himself with fewer friends than he would have liked.
While Syria — Russia's support of the Bashar al-Assad’s regime and America’s opposition to it — became a flashpoint, generally speaking this G-20 summit was one in which the USA found itself in an unenviable position after decades of dominating the group. Syria exposed the divide, but it was there for all to see. It is not only in the real world, but in the cyber world too that unilateralism was challenged. The omnipotent electronic surveillance by its National Security Agency (NSA) caused embarrassment to the US as former NSA contractor Edward Snowden’s shadow hung over the G20, having chilled US-Russia relations and in the form of the content of the recent leaks that maintain that the NSA spied on the presidents of Brazil and Mexico, among others. President Obama found himself on the back foot as he sought to placate his Latin American neighbours, by telling that the US would “address concerns” over these claims. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will look back at the St Petersburg session with some satisfaction. He articulated India’s position that action on Syria should be taken on the basis of a UN-led consensus even as he condemned the use of chemical weapons, be it in Syria or elsewhere. The US and other Western nations have also taken note of his views and pledged to withdraw their stimulus measures carefully, keeping in mind the substantial effect that the US Federal Reserve Bank’s announcement had on the curriencies of developing nations, including India. He thus got the assurances he needed from the developed nations.
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Sidhu speaks out
AMRITSAR MP Navjot Sidhu's press conference — held specifically to vent spleen — has brought out nothing that had not been said earlier by his wife, Navjot Kaur, MLA. However, the cold reception that the MP was given on his return to the constituency after six months’ absence and his subsequent plain talk have made one thing clear — there is a definite chill in the BJP’s relationship with its star leader. He has all along been seen by his local rivals within the party as a ‘parachute candidate’.
And that is true, but then there is no denying he has invested a lot in the city too, both time and money. With his wife also in active politics, the couple has a lot at stake in Amritsar.
MPs traditionally have been less heard in their constituencies, as local issues concerning civic or state funds are generally taken up by MLAs. Their job is to highlight the state’s or their constituencies’ issues in Parliament, a role in which Sidhu has been weak. However, despite his long absences, he has to be given credit for being vocal regarding development. Even Congress MPs from Punjab have not been seen struggling for their constituencies as much. Sidhu claims he is a disciplined member of the BJP. His party may have a different view. Either way, in case he is testing waters before parting ways, he would do a service to his constituency if he displays less emotion and speaks more specifically of how Amritsar has been let down and by whom. His little revelation regarding the diversion of Amritsar Improvement Trust funds to other towns, if true, needs explanation from the government. A party can always find another candidate. But this episode does not reflect well on the BJP, a party struggling to come up with one voice even at the national stage. In the Amritsar Lok Sabha segment there are other stars of both the BJP and SAD who may have jeopardised Sidhu’s politics. The brinkmanship, however, may end up harming the alliance in Amritsar, where it otherwise has a strong hold.
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Men stumble over pebbles, never over mountains. —Marilyn French
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The fall of the rupee THE nation has been watching with great anxiety the sharp fall in the external value of the rupee. In May Rs 54 bought one dollar which increased to Rs 68.85 on August 29. There is a genuine worry that the falling value of the rupee will lead to increased inflation due to the rising prices of imported fuel, both petroleum and coal, and other essential inputs.
This would start a cost-price spiral, making exports less competitive due to the rising costs of inputs and infrastructure. This is further compounded by the falling growth rate of the economy from 9.3 per cent in 2010-11 to 6.7 per cent in 2011-12 to 5 per cent in 2013. This is expected to fall to 4 per cent for the current year, raising fears of a fall in employment. In a simple language the tumbling of the rupee is due to the widening gap between the growing demand and the shrinking supply of dollars in India. India's current account deficit has always been there since 1990-91 but it was compensated by greater foreign capital inflows. This led to the building of foreign exchange reserves from $15.0 billion in 1993-94 to $51.0 billion in 2001-02 and further to $299.2 billion in 2012-13. This has now fallen to $277.72 billion by July 31. Since the total inflow of dollars in the economy was greater than the total outflow on account of trade and capital movements, there was no pressure on the rupee to depreciate. In fact, due to the high rate of inflation in India, especially since 2008 compared to stable prices in the world economy, the rupee's value was little inflated. Since May 2013 pressure on the rupee began to build and the trigger came from the indication of the Federal Reserve Bank (US) that it would unwind part of the monetary stimulus earlier than anticipated and this has led to the tightening of the financial conditions globally. This resulted in the outflow of capital from the emerging economies, including India. After the comments of the Federal Reserve Chairman in May, there was an outflow of $10.4 billion ($8.3 billion bond portfolio and $2.1 billion equity portfolio in cash market) from India between May 22 and July 25, 2013. According to the estimates of the RBI, India lost $14.6 billion through FII outflows from May 27 to August9, 2013. This has put a strong pressure on the value of the rupee to fall. The speculative flows through the “hawala” trading of foreign exchange, import of gold and forward trading of dollars have added fuel to the fire, making the rupee fall at a fast speed. The limited unloading of dollars by the RBI accumulated from reserves proved insufficient to meet the growing demand for the dollar. The greater integration of the Indian economy with the global economy with the removal of insulators under the policy of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation has made the economy vulnerable to volatilities of the global market. The sudden trigger of the US Federal bank's move has initiated a speculative process, leading to the reverse movement of foreign capital, undermining the confidence of Indian policymakers and investors. This is further compounded by the international agencies' threat to downgrade the rating of the Indian economy. The volatility of the international market does greater harm to the economies which are fragile in terms of their own earning of foreign exchange. Unlike China, India did not build foreign exchange reserves through a surplus balance of payments (when exports are in excess of imports) but through a greater import of capital. This is the reason that the Chinese currency is not tumbling like the Indian rupee. The real cause of India's trouble lies in its current account deficit (CAD). India's CAD was just $2.5 billion in 2004-05, which increased $87.4 billion in 2012-13. CAD as a ratio of GDP was 0.15 per cent in 2004-05 and it increased to 4.2 per cent in 2001-12 and further to 4.8 per cent in 2012-13. Some of the observers have considered the high import bill of petrol and petroleum products and along with gold as the main cause of the burgeoning CAD. Actually, there are two big holes which have caused this deficit to grow. One hole has been caused by the mining sector. India is having one of the largest reserves of coal which are not being properly used. The policy to involve private players in coal mining led to the allocation of 195 coal blocks as captive blocks for private players who did not start mining of the coal which is being imported from abroad. The coal demand in the country in 2012-13 was 696 million tonnes while domestic production was 558 million tones, leading to the import of 138 million tonnes. India has the largest reserves of iron ore in the world and was exporting iron ore to China and Japan. Due to the misappropriation of this national wealth by greedy private players the Supreme Court imposed a ban on mining in Goa and a cap in Karnataka. This has made India as a net importer of a huge quantity of iron ore. India imported 3.05 million tonnes of iron ore in 2012-13. Mishandling of the mining sector has created a huge hole in the foreign exchange of the country which has contributed in a big way to CAD. The second hole in the foreign exchange (demand for dollar) has emerged from speculative activities. In speculative activities portfolio investment by Foreign Institutional Investors has initiated the outflow process: encouraging speculative demand for dollars in the forward trading market and a high demand for gold, stimulating outflows through “hawala” channels. These three sources of the outflow of the dollar have created a second big hole in the foreign exchange or a large demand. Thus, these two holes are draining away a huge quantity of dollars from the country, creating shortage of the dollar or a big gap between the demand and its supply. India has already lost $22 billion by the end of August 2013. The recession in the global market has decelerated the demand for Indian exports. The global trade was expanding at an annual rate of 12.5 per cent in 2010-11, which became 6.0 per cent in 2011-12 and 2.5 per cent in 2012-13. In the recessionary situation of the world market, Indian exports cannot achieve a major breakthrough to add to the earning of the dollars. Nor can India attract foreign capital to cover up the huge CAD due to the reverse flows from India. The contention of the government that the depreciation of the rupee will help in achieving a better performance in exports is faulty on the ground that the combined elasticity of imports and exports is not high enough to give India this benefit. Mining needs an immediate correction to start production to meet domestic needs of the economy and save precious foreign exchange. Secondly, speculative drainage by various ways needs to be stopped. Foreign exchange reserves can be released in larger doses. In the medium and long term India will have to relook at its policy and change it towards inward orientation. The revival of the manufacturing sector, which has decelerated to just 1 per cent annual growth rate, is the urgent need for generating employment and income. Equally important is to revive agriculture and rural non-farm activities and strengthen the rural economy. The whole development process must generate equitable wealth and income distribution and ensure participative and shared fruits of the growth.n The writer is the Director General, CRRID, Chandigarh |
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Becoming people’s man
FOR the last 17 years exercising my franchise as a voter, I seated and unseated many a leader in the national, state and regional politics. Voting several times made me smug of the strong democratic ideals I possessed. Being always on the other side of the ballot box was a calm, comfortable position I enjoyed, till recently when I crossed the sacred line to enter the fray as a contestant in an election of a professional association. The initial hiccup was to see many close friends fighting from the other side. But then I was reminded of the holy Gita which sermons us to be pitted against even the closest ones in a ‘battle’. This was a battle for sure, a battle of wits. Before the war lines were drawn, our political managers guided us into a rigorous election campaigning. Right from the filing of nominations to withdrawals, the political affair was inviting interest. My first rendezvous with the act of asking people to vote in my group's favour turned out to be a greenhorn attempt. I didn’t posses the requisite quality of being ‘your most humble servant’. A folded hand in attendance was never my forte, and bending to touch knees too wasn’t quite my cup of tea. The first day of canvassing went by; I followed what others did and played only the second fiddle. That night I sat down with the old prized collection of my grandfather's political science books. From Chanakya to Aristotle, Paine to Trotsky I could avail no lessons in how to urge people to vote for me. Realising political theories can't be taught to old parrots, I took the situation head on. 'Leg work' as the veterans called it was a simple term defining a door-to-door and people-to-people campaign. Meeting and registering yourself in the mind of the voters is the only key to a successful election campaign. Every person whom I met seemed to be a walking-talking vote! My enlightened mind woke up and thus commenced an unmeasured mile I walked with my group. Meeting many, staggering into many and being ignored and detested by many, was how things worked out in the first few days. It was only round one to the many bouts of canvassing I was supposed to undertake, the coming days became more hectic than before. Visiting every nook and corner of places where the potential voter could be hiding became a routine. Short breaks of tea with sizzling “samosas” or crunchy bread-pakoras helped us sustain the receding bulges. Nodding smiles converted into serious discussions with not-so-familiar faces and acquaintances became warm handshakes. Thus came the day of voting. Lining up to receive the most coveted voter into the polling station where the fate of the contest was to be sealed, I smiled and smiled a billion times. Never before, not even on the day of my marriage did I smile so generously. I dressed up almost as I was the sitting Member of a 'Young Parliament’. The kurta’s hue found mention with the people, how many votes it gathered was yet to be assessed but it attracted many bright eyes. I continued my duty of 'smiling in' and 'smiling out' voters. The long-drawn process of wooing people to 'vote for us' ended with intellectuals casting their favours. Fates were sealed in boxes but the smile continued even when the counting was in progress. An unassuming lady walked up to me when I was chuckling with my friends in the group. She remarked “So you are already celebrating the victory?” I delightfully replied: “Ma'am, the celebration is of the experience”, the experience of an electoral debut, the experience of becoming a people's man!n
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Raising the bar: Dancers’ right to work Gender
as a social construct, deeply embedded in religious, social and cultural mores has been subjected to different ideological frames. Post-December 2012, gender issues have been discussed and debated with greater urgency, compelling people and institutions to review and evaluate problems relating to women’s identity and position in our contemporary society.
The Justice Verma Committee Report, prepared in the aftermath of the horrific December 2012 rape case, is a comprehensive and gender-sensitive document, which details a wide range of sociological-cultural beliefs, practices, legal judgments that confirm and establish Indian women’s entrenchment in traditional roles and mores.
Living with dignity The Report is an extremely significant document of gender justice. It is also a useful source for students of law, gender studies, human rights, sociology and political science. It draws on constitutional provisions and International Covenants averring India’s commitment to “equality” and “equal treatment” of women. Its appeal lies in its objective of enabling women the space to live with dignity and without discrimination. The Report is prepared by country’s eminent legal experts and it incorporates the views of the civil rights groups that have been challenging the stereotypical representation of Indian women. It offers various insights into the socio-cultural processes that contribute to the subordination, discrimination of and violence against women in contravention to our Constitutional provisions.
Carriers of perceived honour Women, seen as “the carriers of perceived honour” are often deified as goddesses and eulogised in different dominant discourses, which underscore feminine morality, chastity and purity. Such discourses are constantly being questioned and subverted by feminist groups and progressive sections of civil society which continue to struggle to provide equality to women and to ensure their life with dignity and equality. In this context, the recent judgment of the Supreme Court has raised eyebrows among different political circles. The Supreme Court on July 16, 2013 upheld a Bombay High Court judgment, and held the order of the Maharashtra government in 2005, enacting the Bombay Police (Amendment) Act of 2005, which banned bar dancing as ultra vires of Article 14 and Article 19 (1) (g) of the Constitution.
Issue of morality The issue of women’s morality, public morals and order is central to the whole debate. But the key question is that of the bar dancers’ right to earn livelihood, which is envisaged under Article 19(1) (g) of the Constitution. The Bombay Police (Amendment) Act 2005 purports to take away the right to practice as bar dancers and abrogates their fundamental right. The recent debates in the media highlight the political nexus with the underworld in the bars reeking of “sleaze and sex”, and the dominant consensus seems to be that bar dancers display vulgarity, lewdness, misconduct. In the prevailing representations that endorse the ban on bar dancing, a girl dancing in the bar is seen as an active agent in encouraging prostitution in public, symbolising flagrant immorality and public depravity. Historically, dance is deeply embedded in our socio-religious culture. Natya Shastra written in 400 B.C. is an integral part of our rich cultural heritage with diverse religious cultural traditions encouraging various forms of dances from different ethnic and geographical regions. The scope of our dancing is extremely vast, ranging from performances that invoke divinity to folk dances. Our dances celebrate Hindu divinities and mythologies. Our media showcases them to the world and applauds a five-year-old Vyjayanthimala performing a classical dance for Pope Pius XII at Vatican City.
Public wrath However, the girls dancing in the bar are subjected to public wrath and criticism. The State government in order to maintain public order amended the Bombay Police Act of 1951. The amended Act No 35 of 2005, incorporated Sections 33 A and 33B in the Bombay Police Act, 1951, and came into effect on August 14, 2005. Consequently, the dance bars were banned and the licenses of bar owners were suspended. At the same time, Section 33 B of the amended act of 2005 exempted certain establishments from the ban enforced by Section 33A of the Bombay Police Act of 1951. The government, enforcing the Police Act of 2005, made a clear distinction between “exempted establishments” and “prohibited establishments,” whereby permitting the girls to dance in elite hotels. The petitioners challenged the amended Section 33A as violative of Article 14 of the Constitution.
Stereotyped images The significant point to note is that the Apex Court dealt with the Constitutional provisions of Article 19(1) (g) and Article 14 and took into consideration the discourse of morality and depravity connected with bar dancers. The question is why dancing by girls as a vocation in the bar is banned, while their employment as receptionists and waitresses to serve liquor in the bar is not prohibited. The Court termed the image of bar dancers and their “surrounding circumstances,” set within the realm of “myth based on stereotype image”. Supporting the right of bar girls to dance to earn their livelihood, the Court took exception to the government’s concession to hotels, discothèques and clubs while banning dance in bars and restaurants. The Bench, headed by Chief Justice Altamas Kabir, Justice S. S. Nijjar, Vikramjit Sen and Sahrad Arvind Bobde contended, “Rather it is evident that the same dancer can perform the same dance in the high class hotels, clubs and gymkhana but is prohibited from doing so in the establishment covered under Section 33 A. We see no rationale which would justify the conclusion that a dance that leads to depravity in one place would get converted into an acceptable performance by a mere change of venue….In our opinion, in the present case, the legislation is based on an unacceptable presumption that the so-called elite i.e. the rich and famous would have higher standards of decency, morality or strength of character than their counterparts.” While declaring Section 33 A and Section 33 B of The Bombay Police Act, 1951 void, the Court questioned and undermined the presumption that “high morals and decent behaviour is the exclusive domain of the upper class; whereas vulgarity and depravity is limited to the lower classes...”
Right to carry on dancing Moreover, upholding the right of bar girls to carry on dancing as their occupation, the Court noted the inability and failure of the State to galvanise law machinery and directed it to introduce various measures, implement rules and regulations to improve the conditions and “surrounding circumstances” of the bars so as to ensure safe and congenial working conditions for bar dancers. It further contended that it is the responsibility of the State to prevent exploitation of women at workplace. Essentially, it is the implementation of law in the right spirit and manner, through efficient law-implementing agencies that would eradicate the prevailing malaise and exploitation in the bars. However, recommendations of the Committee presided over by the Principal Secretary, Home Department, Maharashtra State were accepted and circulated to all the hotels, restaurants and bar owners which set out to enforce code of conduct with respect to attire of the bar dancers, regulating the behaviour of the people towards the bar dancers, maintaining respectable distance of the girls from the customers etc.
Exempted establishments The “differentia” between the “exempted establishments” and “permitted establishments” reminds one of colonial days when only the royalty, rich and elite had the exclusive privilege of watching them. Fanny Parks writes about her experiences of watching dancing girls in Ram Mohan Roy’s house. They were a site for male gaze and discourses. Gradually, as women moved from private to public spaces, they became disseminators of cultural and religious mythologies and values. For colonial masters, dancing aroused curiosity and formed a body of knowledge about Indian-regional culture constitutive of clothing, jewellery, music, mythologies, folklore, etc.
Class divide Those who support the ban on bar dancing classify the bar girls in a linear manner, emptied of their multiple identities and backgrounds. The dominant homogenous discourse seeks ban on dancing in the bar, devoid of multiplicity of meanings rather a coherent entity. It seems oblivious to the sociological and cultural lives of dancing girls in the bar. In the cacophony of acrimonious and moralistic debate, the process and context of performing is overshadowed because dancing girls in the bars, according to elitist discourses, denote vulgarity. The amended Bombay Police Act of 1951 surprisingly brings out “differentia” in the class structure, “class of performers”, “class of establishment” or “classes of persons who frequent the establishment” to justify performance of dancing girls in exclusive hotels. The bar dancers enact Hindi film songs and emulate the gestures, movements, steps and style of Hindi film dances. Coming from disadvantaged backgrounds, many hide their identities to support themselves and their families through such performances. They are compelled to perform at all costs. Their performance evokes a visceral reaction from the audience. Their sensuous, gaudy and ‘vulgar’ image in the bars obscures their vulnerabilities and harsh realities. The amended Bombay Police Act of 1951 typifies power and exclusion, as it establishes and sanctions class differences in terms of access to entertainment, classifying different spaces in accordance with class status and gender hierarchies. In the volley of such acrimonious debates, especially perpetuated between the state government and the judiciary, it is important to note that without effective government policies and alternative avenues for employment for the poor and vulnerable girls, the right of bar dancers to earn their livelihood becomes a casualty. Is the state listening to their right to work in the bars as dancers? The writer teaches at Institute of Law and Management Studies, Gurgaon. |
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