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Guest Column It is important to respond more urgently to the changes that are manifesting in the climate vulnerable Uttarakhand. Development will be critical for the region to cope with climate change and its variability. Sunita Narain The horrifying devastation we have witnessed over the past fortnight in the Himalayas tells us more than ever that we need a development strategy that takes into account the vulnerability of the region and the need for environmental protection.
Fifty Fifty |
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Guest Column
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Development yes, but not at the cost of nature It is important to respond more urgently to the changes that are manifesting in the climate vulnerable Uttarakhand. Development will be critical for the region to cope with climate change and its variability. Sunita Narain
We know that climate change will exacerbate the vulnerability of this fragile ecosystem. Scientists are now, more than ever, certain that rainfall in India will become more extreme — in other words, there will be more rain but it will come in smaller number of rainy days. The Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology in Pune, which has extensively studied the trends in monsoon in the country, finds that ‘moderate’ rain events are on the decline and intense rain events are increasing. This is bad news for the Himalayas as it means that there are higher possibilities of cloudbursts and ‘unprecedented’ high rainfall over the region — as it happened on June 15. Even though it cannot be said this particular Himalayan tsunami was caused by climate change, the link to this event and the growing trend of intense and extreme rain events is clear and undisputable. The question is what should be the development strategy for pan-Himalayan states. It is also clear that these strategies will have to be based on the region’s natural resources — forests, water, biodiversity, organic and speciality foods, and nature tourism — but will need to understand the specific threats so that growth does not come at the cost of environment. Take the issue of forests. Himalayan states must build a viable and sustainable forest-based economy. The question is how they use forests for development? How they value ecosystem services of forests so that protection is valued? The Himalayas have seen two distinct phases of its rich forest resources. The first phase was the extraction of forest for ‘development’, which lead to widespread deforestation in the region and increased vulnerabilities to landslides as well as lack of basic resources for its people dependent on forests for their basic survival. These concerns led to the first directive against green felling; the enactment of the Forest Conservation Act in the 1980s and the subsequent directives of the Supreme Court to check forest-based industry in the Himalayan states, particularly the Northeast. But these actions, however important, have not considered how forests can be used to contribute to the economy of the region. State revenue from forests has declined. Local anger against forests has increased. Clearly, we need a different development strategy based on the use of the region’s important resource for development and local livelihood security. The standing forests of the region are an important reservoir of biodiversity; these provide protection against soil erosion and increased flooding in the plains and are sinks for carbon. One way ahead would be to develop a strategy to ‘pay’ for these ecosystem services of the standing forests of the region and to ensure that the proceeds are shared with local communities. The 12th and 13th Finance Commissions have included the concept of compensating states for standing forests in its report. But unfortunately, the funds provided for these services are meagre. And more importantly, no money has been given to states as yet. The Himachal Pradesh Government is currently working on assessing the ecosystem and carbon sequestration services of its standing forests. This issue should be discussed and a common policy evolved so that Himalayan states can ‘value’ their forests better. Then take the issue of hydropower development. There is no doubt that the region’s natural wealth is the water that flows from high glaciers and mountains to the plains. Currently, there is a ‘mad’ rush to build run-of-the-river projects and dams across the region. All Himalayan states are awarding hydroelectric projects to private companies at a breakneck speed — Uttarakhand on the Ganga basin alone has identified projects adding up to nearly 10,000 MW of power and plans for 70-odd projects. The development of hydroelectricity is important as it provides the country with a renewable source of energy and is a revenue source for the state. It can be argued that the development of its water resources is a revenue trade-off, which will take off the pressure from its forests. But we need to understand the impact of this development on the ecology and hydrology of the region. It is also clear that the impact of the flood was exacerbated because of the number and poor construction of hydropower projects. The policy for water-based energy in the region needs to be carefully balanced to take these concerns into account. The policy lays down mandatory ecological flow provisions (at least 50 per cent in lean season); a distance criterion (5 km) and tough enforcement measures and penalties for ensuring that construction of the project does not harm the mountain stability or local water systems. It must be noted that while rivers cannot, and must not, be re-engineered, dams can be re-engineered to optimise on available water for energy generation. These issues are not new. What is new is the need to respond more urgently to the changes that are beginning to be seen in this climate vulnerable region. It is also clear that development will be critical for the region to cope with climate change and its variability. This is the opportunity to use new models of development based on the region’s ecology and traditional knowledge and culture to build an economy capable of withstanding these changes. The writer is director-general, Centre for Science and Environment, an NGO |
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Fifty Fifty
Of course, it is a fascinating story. Milkha Singh had a chequered early life before he discovered his métier in running. He had grown up in undivided India but had to leave his home in Punjab after Partition. As depicted in the film, he was only a child when he fled his village, which was attacked and almost his entire family was massacred. Later, alone and homeless, he struggled to survive in a refugee camp till he was reunited with his elder sister. Quite boldly the film also examines his teenage years during which he joined a gang of hoodlums. He indulged in petty crime but finally found stability and a job in the Army. This was to prove a turning point as he accidentally became an athlete and then went on to win gold in various championships. It was not an easy ride for this earthy and rather simple man, who had to deal with complex situations, sometimes arising out of competitive jealousies or his own exploration of a cosmopolitan world of which he had little experience. The film also tackles his heartbreak at losing out on the Olympic gold medal in Rome. Yet, this is also a very difficult story to tell because it is essentially a tale about an athlete. And much of the narrative has little glamour in it, mostly set within an Army environment. This is not a Karan Johar film by any stretch of imagination. There are no chandeliers and velvet drapes — or heroines dripping designer fashion. Even Sonam Kapoor essays an extremely brief role, as Milkha Singh’s love interest, before vanishing. And yet, the film captures your imagination from the first scene. And there are two main reasons: one is undoubtedly the fact that the script has been imaginatively crafted. Prasoon Joshi was in London to receive the accolades himself. He has managed to weave some really emotional and evocative moments into the film. He has mined Milha Singh’s life extremely cleverly and used the images and the meaning of the Partition at a psychological level. Perhaps it is for the first time that the loss and heartbreak of Partition has been seen and experienced onscreen from the point of view of a child. This is a very important step for Indian cinema as we seem to have forgotten such a deep and grievous wound on the psyche of so many Indians. Prasoon Joshi, however, has dared to make that gentle exploration. Yet whilst he brings this hurt to the fore, he manages, with equal subtlety, to apply a soothing balm as well. Perhaps one of the most moving moments of the film is when Milkha Singh wins a gold medal in Pakistan — after having been to his village and relived those ghastly moments when he saw his family being killed. And later, as he runs down the track, he makes peace with the past, as beside him runs his younger self, finally reconciled to that dreadful loss. It is a beautiful scene. The second and equally important contributory factor to the film is the brilliant acting by Farhan Akhtar as Milkha Singh. It is a challenging role to say the least. Apart from the emotive demands, this role requires punishingly hard exercise. And Farhan has put in all the hard work to make his character seem real. There is literally no flab. Apart from growing his hair long, and maintaining a credible beard (unlike many other actors who have played Sikhs in the recent past!) Farhan has entirely managed to look and speak like Milkha Singh. It was something the Flying Sikh acknowledged himself at the screening, saying that many people thought Farhan seemed like his double. The audience in London was completely swept away by the film, and the energy with which it has been made. The music and the lyrics of the title song were invigorating. It is an inspirational film — and the kind of which we ought to see more of in India — especially since we need to celebrate the lives of those who worked hard to put us on the world map. Athletics, especially, are a completely neglected area. And refreshingly, while some of the journey of Milkha Singh might have been intricate cinematic interpretation — the film did not shy away from revealing a few failings of the Flying Sikh either. For this we must congratulate the athlete as he obviously allowed the filmmakers access to those non-valorous moments in his life! This is an honest film, and one can only say, bravo! It was wonderful to see it in London with the cast and crew. In keeping with the character he played onscreen, Farhan spoke little at the screening. He did not need to, as the film spoke volumes. |
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Guest Column
With the judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan having ceased itself the Pakistan Bar Association’s case with the matter of invoking article 6 against Musharraf, the newly elected Nawaz government did not have the option to not address the issue soon after taking office. Hence less than two weeks into office, the government has submitted, through its Attorney-General Munir A Malik, that the government will try the former military ruler for his November 3 act of dismissing the superior judiciary and imposing Emergency. The government’s decision announced by the Prime Minister himself in Parliament suggests that the government will go by what is strictly legal on the case. The government did not have either the legal or the political option to tell the court that it would not pursue the case against Musharraf. Of course the government could have categorically stated, as its Information Minister Senator Parvez Rashid did on June 9, that “we will submit nicely” to the court that proceedings against the former general were not a priority. What the Information Minister said was one strand of thinking within the party. Earlier in his April 30 interview with me, Sharif had said: “I am legally bound to take the case to the court and I will do that.” The court, he said, would decide whether or not article 6 would apply. Interestingly, he disagreed with me that a Truth and Reconciliation Commission would be sufficient to clear up past accounts of blunders amicably. He asked how future acts of treason would be prevented if no one was tried. There are two views in the country. According to one, the country is going through a very difficult period which requires the government’s full concentration on resolving the problems at hand. The other view argues that unless a military ruler is not tried in court for trashing the Constitution, the road to future martial law will remain open. Both views have merit. Even the Information Minister made the argument of prioritising issues rather graphically. He sai: “If on the one hand a dog is stealing milk while at the same time my child is drowning, what would I chose? Naturally, I will save my child.” However multiple factors, no less the activist judiciary which is also indirectly an interested party, the PML(N)’s own political chanting egging on the PPP to invoke article 6 and a section of the public opinion calling for the former military ruler’s trial, did not leave the government the option of pushing the Musharraf case on the back-burner. Pakistan’s difficult political history and by extension its socio-economic and ideological dilemma have their roots, to a great extent, in trashing of the Constitution. So accountability is necessary. The challenge, however, is to turn this legally correct move into a wise one. Three factors are important. One, the government should pursue it calmly, not as hounds on a hunting spree. It is not the time to open a new front. Two, this case must not be pursued at the cost of other pressing problems. Confronted with multiple problems ranging from acute crisis of internal security to the crisis of load-shedding, the public wants the government to resolve these issues. Three, the government and the media must frame this case not as a score-settling between the army and Sharif or the army and Pakistan’s political class, but as legal action against an individual who trashed the Constitution. As regards the army leadership, the maturity that the army chief has shown till now is expected in the coming months. How the army views the development will depend on how the government and the media frame it and also on how the military leadership interprets it. As we now wait for the legal curtains to be raised on what can be billed as one of Pakistan’s most historic cases, there will be multiple, and not always comfortable, questions that will be raised. Why not the October 1999 coup? Only because the judges were also involved? The indemnity argument regarding the 1999 coup is nullified under the 18th amendment. As the case goes to court, the many-sided battles involving multiple actors will expose the contradictions, grey areas and indemnities. Some argue that the Chief Justice could be dragged in, and those serving as governors, corps commander, and the three chiefs during Musharraf’s time can fall in the collaborators’ category. These are the facts we should not be scared of. The invoking of article 6, provided it is handled wisely, will go down as another landmark in the maturing of the Pakistani nation. The writer is a Pakistan anchor and columnist. |
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