And if anyone had any doubts, the problems have mounted in no time. On the key issues of security and economy, at least four governments are already under pressure. The first budget presented by Nawaz Sharif’s ace man, Finance Minister Ishaque Dar, has received more than just harsh criticism. If the public and opinion makers appreciate that it’s a tough economic scene, they also insist that it’s merely a rich man’s budget. But the real sting has come from the Supreme Court. Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry took suo motu notice of the 1 percentage point increase in the GST from 16 to 17. He said it was illegal and burdened the inflation-hit ordinary Pakistani. Implementing it without approval of Parliament was illegal. The Finance Minister, despite initial protestations, had to withdraw the tax. In his third term, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif already realises other institutions and an independent judiciary curtail power constitutionally.
The curse of terrorism too hit Pakistan’s three provinces within the first two weeks. Over 75 people, including university students, nurses, mosque-goers and policemen, have been killed. Parliamentarians from Imran Khan’s PTI and the MQM too have been killed. In Balochistan, the Balochistan Liberation Army burnt down the Founding Father’s residency. The gauntlet is thrown from all fronts — the TTP has owned responsibility for the Karachi attacks and the LeJ is likely behind the Quetta attacks. The public is now demanding the ‘promised peace’ from the Sharif and provincial governments. This has thrown open the question of the role of civil and military security agencies, especially for their failure to prevent the attacks or nab the terrorists.
With the spike in terrorism, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar has been forced to take up the question of who controls the security agencies and the coordination between civil-military intelligence agencies and the Law Enforcement Agencies. The voters are not in a mood to spare those elected. The Interior Minister has now promised to devise, with civilian and military input, the first ever ‘security policy’ of Pakistan.
Sharif’s wise political moves, including conceding to Imran Khan — with maximum seats in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa — the right to form government and invite Baloch nationalist parties to fill the positions of Chief Minister and Governor in Balochistan, are praiseworthy, but insufficient to tackle the security and governance crisis.
Sharif, who has a penchant for committees, has set up several, including one on energy and another on the economy. He has pulled in individuals from the private sector to get advice. On the energy sector, the circular loan of Rs 530 billion owed to companies is expected to bring down considerably the 18-hour daily load shedding within the promised 60 days. The committee on economy is to guide him on a regular basis. According to the government’s own Economic Survey, all fiscal targets set for 2012-2013 have been missed.
The Prime Minister has come determined, his team claims to have staved off all criticism of nepotism, corruption and incompetence. For starters, the posts of CEO of public sector corporations are to be filled through advertisements managed by head-hunters.
However, bringing in men like his friend Mian Mohammad Mansha, an accomplished business tycoon with interests in energy, banks, etc, does raise the question of conflict of interest. Hiring his friend, who owns an international airport services company, as the head of the Civil Aviation Authority too is questionable. Any move compromising on transparency and credibility is unlikely to be sustainable.
Sharif comes as a man determined on reform. For any economic and security reform, the Ministry of Defence and the army itself are relevant, as is the related Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Prime Minister has retained both the portfolios and appointed as his advisor and assistant in the Foreign Ministry two experienced hands, Sartaj Aziz and Tariq Fatimi. These were key men during the Kargil crisis of 1999, and share the Prime Minister’s views on peace with the neighbouring countries, especially India and Afghanistan.
On national security and defence, the Prime Minister has plans to boast the Defence Committee of the Cabinet (DCC) by setting up an independent secretariat which can provide serious input in policy making. Some institutional reforms are also on the cards. Sharif has removed the national airline and the CAA from the control of the Ministry of Defence. Contrary to expectations, the move went without any reaction.
Sharif is building allies on government reform, Balochistan reconciliation initiative, the US drone issue, counter-terrorism and economic reforms. His early moves suggest he understands that the military leadership and the intelligence community must essentially be allies. So far, so good. The meetings with the army and ISI chiefs have been good on issues like dialogue with the Taliban and the drones. The government plans more consultative initiatives with the political opposition and the military leadership in the coming weeks.
The effort notwithstanding, the country finally looks to the country’s ‘chief executive’ to pull Pakistan out of its multiple problems — Nawaz Sharif means business, but will he have the capacity to pull through with his resolve is the million dollar question Pakistanis want an answer to.
The writer is a Pakistani anchor and columnist.