The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Indians in West Asia
Now losing jobs in Kuwait

Indian workers in West Asia are in trouble these days. At this stage they are, of course, those who do not have the proper visa to do the kind of jobs they are engaged in. As a result, they are losing jobs and are forced to come back home. This is particularly true in the case of Kuwait. It has a large number of foreign workers, including Indians, who went there on a certain type of visa but got jobs of a different category. They can no longer continue to work there. Kuwait has launched a drive against such workers initially, but it has a larger plan to reduce the number of expatriates. Concerns are being raised about the growing presence of foreigners which is 69 per cent of the 3.8 million population of the country. Indians constitute the largest number of foreigners in Kuwait — over seven lakhs.

Gradually, many other kinds of expatriates may also have to lose their jobs because there is mounting pressure from local groups to end unemployment --- 3 per cent --- among the Kuwaiti citizens. A similar kind of argument was given by Saudi Arabia when it introduced the Nitaqat law forcing companies to reserve jobs for Saudi nationals. Oman is also thinking of reducing the number of expatriates in the kingdom.

In the case of Kuwait, it is said that the policy of reducing the number of foreign workers may not be economically feasible. It has begun to implement a 30-billion dinar development plan which will be difficult to be completed in time without easy availability of foreign workers. The plan includes construction of a new airport terminal, an oil refinery and hospitals. Most foreign companies look for expatriate workers because they can be employed on a lower salary and can also be dismissed easily. This is not possible in the case of Kuwaiti nationals. How far the Kuwaiti government is able to go in its policy of reducing the number of foreign workers will be interesting to watch.

Boundless snooping
NSA surveillance is extensive & intrusive

Largely because of recent reports prompted by hitherto secret information leaked by Edward Snowden in western newspapers, the world is aware of the US National Security Agency’s Planning Tool for Resource Integration, Synchronisation, and Management (PRISM) and the extent to which the top US intelligence agency has data-mined electronic communications like emails, chat logs and other data worldwide. PRISM, a data tool, collects and processes foreign intelligence that passes through American servers. While many in the US are concerned about the domestic surveillance of US citizens, we in India too have found out that we are targets.

In fact, a programme called Boundless Informant organises and categorises data on the basis of where it comes from, and one of the slides leaked by the whistleblower Snowden shows that India is the fifth on the surveillance list. The chilling fact comes as a footnote to the discourse about the NSA’s role in the western media. It seems that India is of interest to the US, perhaps more than has often been realised. It is also vulnerable. The absence of a strong culture of encryption in the nation, a lack of organized security protocol for transmitting data securely as well as a cavalier attitude towards privacy of individuals, all contribute to a culture in which foreign agencies, especially well-equipped ones, can snoop at will. The lack of privacy laws like those that protect the data of EU citizens even if it is sent abroad, makes Indian citizens and companies weak against such invasions of privacy.

The credibility of the US companies like Microsoft, Yahoo, Google, Facebook, PalTalk, AOL, Skype, YouTube and Apple, which have apparently given access to the NSA, too, has taken a knock in the wake of the recent disclosures. When trust is violated, it takes a long time and earnest effort to regain it. The US intelligence community has some hard questions to answer at home, even as US diplomats try to limit the damage abroad. The Indian government, while strengthening its security and closing loopholes in its laws, must also protest the US espionage. Strong displeasure of the government must be conveyed through diplomatic channels.

Thought for the Day

The harder I work, the luckier I get.

— Samuel Goldwyn

ARTICLE

Unending Maoist violence
Time to fight it with social justice
by Justice Rajindar Sachar (retd)

THE recent murderous attack by Maoists in Chhattisgarh resulting in death of 28 persons, including Congress leaders, their security officers and ordinary villages of area, has to be treated as a diabolical act by the self-styled leaders of the “revolutionary movement”, CPI (Maoist), who delude themselves that they are struggling for bringing about a revolution of workers and peasants. One of the seriously injured persons, senior Congress leader VC Shukla, died on Wednesday. In fact, I would describe the activities of these “revolutionaries” a massive mad act which has damaged greatly the cause of tribals. It is also most foul as Maoists have tried to stop political activity they do not agree with through violent means. Their politics is as evil as those they claim to be fighting against and should be rejected outright by all those who stand for democratic norms in political struggles for peace with justice.

If people expected that the two major political parties will, realising the urgency of the situation, forget their petty public posturing, they were mistaken. While Union Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde and Chief Minister Raman issue a statement that they are going to work together, state Congress leaders have announced that they are boycotting the all-party meeting called by the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister. Even within Congress high-ups there is now a sharp division – while one Central minister, who used to take a somewhat humanitarian approach to the Maoist problem, now calls them “terrorists”, a Central tribal minister has rightly warned against this approach and reproached the state government for having encouraged Salwa Judum’s sinful strategy, and which was also so commented adversely by the Supreme Court.

Even the normally conservative Planning Commission has suddenly thought fit to suggest universal coverage and to away with the BPL test in 22 most backward of 82 IAP districts. Did we need these murders to face the reality of the total deprivation of the tribals and their desperation which provides easy catch to Naxalite groups.

Naxalite leaders have made no secret of their aim. They feel (though in my opinion they are disastrously mistaken) that by spreading terror and trying to keep some areas outside the civil authority, they would one day be able to launch a fierce onslaught to capture political power in Delhi even if they are said to have a strong presence in 185 districts out of the total 607 districts. This is because the Indian state, however weak, will never be so weak as to allow itself to be taken over by such rump groups, even if it is able to equip itself with some arms – the fire power of a modern state is too overwhelmingly superior to Maoist groups. The real reason for Maoist presence is the indefensible antipathy of the government to follow the policy of development with justice to the tribals, which alone will make Maoist influence wither away.

But that requires taking on the corporate sector which is ravishingly exploiting the mineral wealth and denying to the tribals even their modest share. Why does the government not accept the suggestion of human right organizations, including the PUCL, to hold public discussions on this vital matter in the presence of tribal leaders, among others? Is the reason the presence of many mine owners belonging to the ruling party at the Centre? This charge finds support from the continued detention of Soni Suri, a social worker among tribals, on a fake charge of being a conduit for passing money to Maoists on behalf of a mining company given to her by company’s contractor – inexplicably he has been denied bail, but the contractor or the owner has not been arrested. One is pained to see this strange nexus between the ruling party and the corporate sector.

Of course, I accept that the Maoist act of brutality and terrorism can never be justified, even if they be in response to equally heinous and brutal acts unleashed by the security forces, as we are seeing presently in Chhattisgarh. This situation no doubt poses a knotty question and the Supreme Court has answered thus:

“Indeed, we recognise that the state faces many serious problems on account of Maoist/Naxalite violence. Notwithstanding the fact that there may be social and economic circumstances, and certain policies followed by the state itself, leading to the emergence of extremist violence, we cannot condone it. The state necessarily has the obligation, moral and constitutional, to combat such extremism and provide security to the people of the country.

“However the primordial problem lies deep within the socio-economic policies pursued by the state in a society that was already endemically and horrifically suffering from gross inequalities. Our Constitution provides the guidelines within which the state is to act, both to assert such authority to transgress those guidelines is to act unlawfully, to imperil the moral and legal authority of the state and the Constitution.”

It is, however, very important that the revolting nature of extremist acts cannot serve as a basis or pretext for the governments to disregard their national and international obligations, the caution highlighted by the International Council of Jurists in its Berlin Declaration on August 28, 2004, namely that “both contemporary human rights and humanitarian law allow states a reasonably wide margin of flexibility to combat terrorism without contravening human rights and humanitarian legal obligations.

A warning has been given in a report titled “Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas” by an expert group constituted by the Planning Commission of India in the following manner: “In the case of tribes in particular it has ended up in destroying their social organization, cultural identity, and resource base.....which cumulatively makes them increasingly vulnerable to exploitation.”

And yet, all that the government does is not to face the causes of the rage and despair that nurture such movements. Instead, it considers the matter as a menace, a law and order problem that is to be rooted out with the use of force. This cycle of mindless violence and counter-violence may continue unless the state honestly acts in the interest of the poor and the tribals, and does not connive with corporate mine owners in their exploitive acts.

The writer is a former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court.

MIDDLE

Socrates’ cave
by P. C. Sharma

THE star attraction of a visit to Athens is the magnificent Acropolis. Built on a high mountain, this citadel dominates the city of Athens and beckons, as it were, all visitors to come and see the wonder that it is.

Huge columns standing majestically, exquisitely carved statues of gods and goddesses depicting Greek mythology and legends of yore, hold you in thrall.

The mass of columns that are still standing retaining some of their freshness and some that have fallen on the ground are a timeless tribute to the Greek art of architecture and sculpture.

This hilltop view of Acropolis holds visitors in so much of thrall that rarely do they notice an equally historic site cut into the mountain wall of the hill. This is the Socrates’ cave. He was confined here before he was given poison to drink to his death. Greece is known as much for this philosopher as for its Acropolis. People passed by it in their hurry to make it to the Acropolis on the hilltop.

I stopped by. This featureless hole in the mountain rock looks like a hugely magnified nest made by a woodpecker on the trunk of a tree. It is as unattractive in shape and size as Socrates was unassuming in his real life.

Described as the wisest of the Greeks by Oracle at Delphi, the fame of his learning had spread far and wide, even up to India. Some Greek books have recorded that some learned people from India visited Socrates and engaged him in intellectual discourses. ‘Gnothi seauton’ (know thyself), Socrates said. This is also what the ancient Indian seers have said: ‘atmanam veti’. It is difficult to say whether Socrates said this under the influence of Indian thinkers. However, this wisest man of all times described as the ‘gadfly of Athens’ by Plato was accused of impiety and corrupting the morals of the youth. He was tried and condemned to death and sent to this cave. The Athenian government offered him a choice: change your methods or face death. He refused to change his methods of enquiry, saying “…as long as I have breath and strength I will never cease with my occupation with philosophy. I know not what death is --- it may be a good thing, and I am not afraid of it”. He preferred the cup of hemlock poison which brought him death to giving up what he considered his duty.

This man of knowledge and learning took his prison life in the same calm and stoic spirit as he did the rebukes from his wife Xanthippe, who thought he was a ‘good for nothing idler’. It is said that once, while sweeping the floor, she ordered Socrates to move out of the house. The philosopher did not budge much. He just shifted to the threshold of the house. The irate lady threw the refuge on the philosopher’s head. Unperturbed, Socrates just observed: a dust storm followed by thunder and rain!

Being curious to see the cave inside out, I walked up to it. It frightened me as the most inhospitable cell for anyone condemned to death. But it gripped my mind with all the knowledge of its great occupant. It defies all attempts to capture in camera the captivity of the great philosopher. Though a nondescript gaping hole in the mountain rock that Socrates’ cave is, it refuses to be dwarfed or effaced by the grandeur of Acropolis.

OPED — NEIGHBOUR

Need for security reforms in Pakistan
Moonis Ahmar

Pakistani security personnel gather beside torched NATO supply trucks after an attack by armed militants in Khyber district. — AFP

THE new government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will face a daunting task in dealing with the critical issues of governance and the rule of law.

For years, Pakistani society has not just been facing the challenge of militancy and terrorism; the hard task which the PML-N government will have to tackle in the coming days is to introduce meaningful security sector reforms.

The focus of Nawaz Sharif during his election campaign was good governance, rule of law and a better quality of life. But without taking bold and courageous steps to establish a culture of accountability, efficiency and responsibility in areas which are supposed to provide basic security to the people, the situation on the ground may not change for the better.

The concept of security sector reforms aims to pursue a non-traditional approach in dealing with issues which augment a sense of insecurity in different segments of society. In February 2007, the UN Security Council came up with an innovative definition of security sector reforms when it stated that “security sector reforms are critical to the consolidation of peace and stability, promoting poverty reduction, rule of law, good governance, extending legitimate state authority and preventing countries from relapsing into conflict. The Security Council encourages states to formulate their security sector reform programmes in a holistic way that encompasses strategic planning, institutional structures, resource management, operational capacity, civilian oversight and good governance.”

Strategically speaking, security sector reforms cover both the military and civilian components of state and non-state institutions which are carried out in a democratic set-up with proper transparency, accountability and vision. Security sector reforms are badly needed in post-colonial and fragile states where dysfunctional state organs cause the threat of instability, chaos and disorder.

In order to prevent a conflict and its escalation, state actors in collaboration with civil society can formulate a strategy to use police, intelligence agencies and military and paramilitary forces in a planned manner so that the situation is controlled peacefully and without the loss of innocent lives.

Without reforming institutions which are responsible for maintaining law and order and ensuring good governance, the state cannot maintain peace, stability and provide basic security to its citizens.

In 2004, the British government issued a policy document on security sector reforms specifically dealing with conflict prevention, management and resolution. Following a comprehensive approach on security sector reforms, the policy document argued that the “main purpose of the security sector reforms’ strategy is to support governments of developing and transitional countries so that they can fulfil their legitimate security functions through reforms that will make the delivery of security more effective and democratic, thereby reducing the potential for both internal and external conflict.”

Human security is considered pivotal as far as security sector reforms are concerned because extremism, militancy, violence and terrorism deepen their roots if unemployment, illiteracy, poverty, and social and economic backwardness are not eradicated. It is the internal rather than external security dynamics of a state which are a cause of widespread popular discontent and instability.

By enhancing capacity building of educational, judicial and administrative institutions through security sector reforms, one can expect better management of conflicts and unresolved issues.

Why are security sector reforms needed in Pakistan and how can the PML-N government deal with the issues of human security, good governance and the rule of law? What are the major challenges in reforming security sector institutions which are either not performing properly or are reaching the stage of total collapse?

Although Pakistan cannot be termed a failed state, it certainly comes under the category of a fragile state. Failure of security agencies to prevent large-scale acts of terrorism and violence means there exists an absence of viable security architecture in the country.

According to a report entitled “Election 2013: Violence against political parties, candidates and voters” released by the Pakistan Institute of Peace Studies recently, “a total of 148 terrorist attacks were reported across Pakistan between January 1 and May 15 killing as many as 170 people (while) 743 (were) injured in these attacks.”

Furthermore, around 50,000 people, both civilian and in uniform, have been killed in Pakistan since 9/11 in terrorist and other violent acts. On Sept 6 last year, then federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik told the National Assembly that “a total of 1,363 people lost their lives at the hands of target killers in Karachi during the past five years.”

These facts reveal the failure of the state to protect its people despite spending billions of rupees on the law enforcement agencies.

By arrangement with Dawn, Islamabad

Turmoil in tribal areas
Najmuddin A Shaikh

Pakistan's armed forces are engaged in fierce battles in the Khyber and Kurram agencies and on a somewhat smaller scale in the other tribal agencies to re-establish the writ of the state.

It is an uphill task. The Khyber Agency operation was launched several weeks ago and it is only now that the Inter-Services Public Relations can claim that a substantial area has been cleared of militants. In their operations the armed forces have used artillery and air attacks with F-16s and helicopter gunships. One can assume that no matter how carefully these weapons have been used and no matter how many civilians have fled the conflict area, there has been substantial collateral damage. In the meanwhile, havoc continues to be wreaked in the settled districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

It is natural for the new government to believe that this seemingly unending conflict will only add to the over 40,000 persons who have already been killed, increase the number of internally displaced persons and jeopardise plans for an economy recovery.

A desire to seek a negotiated settlement is therefore understandable. But is it possible? Would a better course be to abandon the ambivalence of the past, recognise that no elusive external gain outweighs the costs that the support of extremist groups brings to our internal security situation and set about assuring the multitude of anti-Taliban forces in the region that they can safely join the government in fighting and eliminating the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and its allies?

The armed forces, possibly with the collaboration of the civil administration, are seeking the assistance of local anti-TTP forces to break the hold the insurgents have established in Khyber, Kurram and other tribal areas. How successful and durable the results of these efforts will be will depend on the degree of credibility the locals attach to the determination of the new government to pursue this present course. They may take heart from President Zardari's address to parliament in which he said, presumably with the approval of the new government, "Militancy, extremism and terrorism pose the greatest threat to our national security … We are ready to make peace with those willing to give up violence, but should be ready to use force against those who challenge the writ of the state." The other statements that are being made by responsible officials about the willingness of the new government to find ways and means to woo the TTP into entering into talks will, however, give them pause.

A front of various groups, including the Afghan Taliban and anti-TTP forces, in Afghanistan's Kunar province - the source of an enormous lumber and narcotics smuggling network - are massing to confront the TTP. Ehsanullah Ehsan, the TTP spokesman, confirmed that such an attack was anticipated and attributed it to an old enmity with the Ansar-ul Islam and other militant groups.

What was most interesting, however, was Ehsan's statement to another newspaper that he hoped the "Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan" would realise the conspiracy and not join these rival groups. He apparently found nothing wrong in stating as a Pakistani that "We have shown allegiance to the Islamic Emirate and accept their leadership and if they have any complaint we are ready to satisfy them". When an authoritative spokesman for the TTP acknowledges pledging allegiance to the "Islamic Emirate" it means that when the Taliban become dominant in the areas of Afghanistan bordering Pakistan, after the NATO withdrawal, the TTP will join them in establishing the writ of the "Islamic Emirate" in Pakistan's tribal areas and make these areas the "strategic depth" of the "Islamic Emirate" (as they had been during the period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan).

Is this the end result we want from the negotiations with the TTP? Is there any other end that can be reasonably expected?

Even while we debate this issue we must, therefore, seek a weakening of the TTP. In Kunar, the fight is for control of the extremely lucrative lumber and narcotics trade rather than any ideological conflict. The Afghan Taliban may join the anti-TTP front to protect their economic interests. Our authorities must encourage such moves to weaken the TTP as also to stop the use of this area by Mullah Fazlullah and his cohorts to attack Pakistan. One issue, which bedevils Pak-Afghan relations and impedes Afghan reconciliation, is the Pakistani military's response to Fazlullah's attacks and the fuel this provides for anti-Pakistan forces in Afghanistan.

The new government's opposition to drone strikes has been articulated at the highest level. Yet the two strikes carried out after our elections have been aimed at TTP leaders, albeit leaders who were also attacking or planning to attack forces in Afghanistan, and by all accounts have caused minimal collateral damage. The violation of our sovereignty is clear, but so is the fact that we exercise no sovereignty in the affected areas and cannot prevent the use of this area by insurgents for attacking Afghan territory - rendering meaningless President Zardari's reiteration in parliament of the Pakistani pledge to not allow the use of its territory for attacks on other countries.

By arrangement with Dawn