P E R S P E C T I V E

Punjab
Pushed to a corner, Capt reloads
By Sarbjit Dhaliwal
Having lost the elections, the Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee chief may not be sure of his seat, but that’s only fired him up him to take on the SAD-BJP alliance head on
Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee (PPCC) chief and former Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh is back in action. In the overdrive for the past week, he’s shown a business-like approach not seen in a long time. Often put down by detractors as a luxury and fun-loving royal, right now it is the soldier in the embattled former Army captain that seems to be showing up.

Cinema
Sense and censor
By Nonika Singh
In a billion-plus country with varying sensibilities, there cannot be a please-all formula. Certain portrayals or film aspects may hurt a community, but does that give the people the right to censure films?
“Agar cinema nahi hota to… controversy nahi hoti.” So it seems. Just as one controversy dies down, another one sparks off. Charges fly thick and fast. From the name of the movie title to lyrics to how a particular community is projected, accusations against filmmakers acquire many shapes and hues.

Punjab
Pushed to a corner, Capt reloads
By Sarbjit Dhaliwal

Having lost the elections, the Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee chief may not be sure of his seat, but that’s only fired him up him to take on the SAD-BJP alliance head on

Capt Amarinder Singh has all of a sudden added a new dimension to state politics, inviting other opposition parties — the CPI, CPI-M, People’s Party of Punjab, and the SAD (Longowal) — to join hands in the battle against the SAD-BJP government.

Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee (PPCC) chief and former Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh is back in action. In the overdrive for the past week, he’s shown a business-like approach not seen in a long time. Often put down by detractors as a luxury and fun-loving royal, right now it is the soldier in the embattled former Army captain that seems to be showing up.

His latest battle cry — given immediately after return from a vacation in South Africa — has not only surprised the ruling SAD-BJP combine but also those looking to see his back within his own party. In the wake of the unprecedented second successive defeat of the Congress in the Punjab Assembly elections earlier this year, there was the buzz that Amarinder Singh’s removal as PPCC president was a matter of days. Opponents in the Congress did their best to fuel the rumours. That he is still in the saddle is something they are struggling to come to terms with.

The SAD-BJP government would be troubled as it had a virtual free run thus far in the absence of any meaningful activity from the Opposition. A full-blooded attack on the fresh taxes imposed in the state has been Amarinder’s opening salvo. How long the battle lasts is yet to be seen.

“I submitted my resignation as PPCC president in March, after the Assembly elections. However, it has not been accepted by the party high command thus far. Therefore I carry on in the position,” Amarinder Singh told The Tribune, explaining his renewed political activity. “We have marshalled our resources to sustain the campaign till the onset of winter in November,” he added.

After the shock Assembly poll defeat, senior state Congress leaders had gone into a shell. A blame game broke out, leaving muck on most of them. Being head of the team that had been given the election responsibility, Amarinder Singh took the maximum flak from within the party.

Weathered complaints

All kinds of allegation were levelled against him. Some said he was surrounded by a coterie in the run-up to the elections, others attacked his “royal inaccessibility”. Certain leaders rushed to Delhi with written complaints against him. The Congress high command — true to its style — heard everybody, but has not taken any action yet.

Even as his sworn opponents eagerly await his “dethroning” by party chief Sonia Gandhi, Amarinder has decided to do his own thing — launch a forceful attack on the SAD-BJP government. The campaign has made both the party and the ruling alliance sit up, as most Congress leaders as well as the SAD-BJP had declared him a spent force.

The fresh taxes provided him just the ammunition needed to strike at the government. There is, however, a change in his strategy — unlike during the elections, Amarinder is now avoiding personal attacks on the father-son combine of Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal and Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Badal.

New politics

A man known to do what he likes, Amarinder has all of a sudden added a new dimension to state politics, even as there was no apparent urgency for it. He has invited other opposition parties — the CPI, CPI-M, People’s Party of Punjab, and the SAD (Longowal) — to join hands in the battle against the SAD-BJP government.

Why this now? Is it the result of some arithmetic aimed at re-launching his politics by broadening his base? It is early to have the answers, but there is plenty of curiosity, especially in view of the Lok Sabha elections in 2014. Political observers believe even if he is removed as PPCC president, he would retain a discreet support in the state Congress to stage a comeback at a crucial stage.

There is talk that if he had made the same move before the Assembly elections, the results could have been different. He, perhaps, did not consider such options even once at the time. In hindsight, he could be blamed for “overconfidence”. He and his advisers failed to accurately assess the impact of Manpreet Badal’s People’s Party of Punjab and his associates in the Sanjha Morcha on the vote split. It cost the party the state.

“It is a matter of record that we lost many constituencies by a very thin margin of votes. The split in opposition votes was one of the reasons for the SAD-BJP victory. Our latest effort is aimed at bringing the entire opposition, especially the Congress and Sanjha Morcha, on one platform for an electoral alliance in the Lok Sabha elections,” Amarinder said, referring to his call to other opposition leaders to join hands against the ruling coalition.

Hero who lost

Since the 1980s, Amarinder Singh has faced several twists and turns. He resigned from the Congress and later joined the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) post 1984. In the SAD, he had several skirmishes with the leadership, including Surjit Singh Barnala, Parkash Singh Badal and the late Gurcharan Singh Tohra. He returned to the Congress fold in the late 1990s, and became the state president. After bringing the party back to power in 2002, he took certain decisions as a Chief Minister till 2007 that rocked the state, and made him a hero in the process, especially among the Jat-Sikh peasantry.

Above all was his decision to terminate the river waters agreements. Though the party’s top leadership in Delhi did not like his action of brining in state legislation to terminate certain agreements, he instantly was counted among the tallest political leaders of the state. People in rural areas called him the “saviour” of Punjab.

But during the same period, he also made mistakes that cost him dear in the 2007 elections. He did not pay due attention to the traditional vote bank of the Congress in urban areas, as he focused on wresting the Jat-Sikh vote bank from the SAD. He did make deep inroads in rural Malwa, but that also created a political imbalance that led to the 2007 defeat. The Congress suffered majorly in urban areas and the Majha and Doaba belt.

Under his command, the party lost again in 2012. It was overconfidence, perhaps arising from the rush of ticket seekers. Government officials and other influential persons, including businessmen, were also seeking appointments with him on the eve of elections. Everyone assured him the victory would be his. No one seemingly told him every election had to be treated like an election, and nothing could be taken for granted.

Moreover, Amarinder was pitted against Parkash Singh Badal, a veteran of several political battles, and his quickly maturing and tactically and strategically sharp son, Sukhbir. The Badals left no stone unturned, while the Congress leadership took it easy, smug in the notion that no party had come to power twice in successive elections in the state since its Reorganisation in the 1960s.

The Congress high command also contributed to the defeat by making certain strategic blunders. It gave the party ticket to relations of senior leaders, who worked overtime for them while ignoring other party candidates. The biggest mistake was perhaps Rahul Gandhi declaring Amarinder Singh as the next chief minister. That offended Amarinder’s rivals in the party so much that they worked to ensure he did not come to power again.

Comeback king

Even after two defeats in a row, Amarinder still commands wide support in the Congress rank and file. He has clear domination in the party compared to other leaders. His support base in the party is by and large intact. “Our party is united and backing me fully in the campaign against the SAD-BJP’s anti-people policies. There are only a few leaders who have not shown interest in the campaign. That hardly matters, as our rank and file is fully energized to recapture the lost ground,” said Amarinder Singh said.

However, the moot question is if he will be retained as PPCC president. His supporters say the party would not like to upset the existing arrangement, while his opponents assert chances of his retention as head of the party are bleak.

The next few weeks will be crucial. On return from abroad, AICC president Sonia Gandhi is expected to make decisive changes in the party organisation at the national level as well as state. Senior AICC leaders and members of the Union Cabinet are expected to be sent to states to handle party affairs, and certain leaders from states could be moved to Delhi. Till then, it’s all about posturing.

Cinema
Sense and censor
By Nonika Singh

In a billion-plus country with varying sensibilities, there cannot be a please-all formula. Certain portrayals or film aspects may hurt a community, but does that give the people the right to censure films?

A still from Son of Sardar: Sikhs were offended by a tattoo of Lord Shiva on Ajay Devgn’s chest.

“Agar cinema nahi hota to… controversy nahi hoti.”

So it seems. Just as one controversy dies down, another one sparks off. Charges fly thick and fast. From the name of the movie title to lyrics to how a particular community is projected, accusations against filmmakers acquire many shapes and hues.

The recent hullabaloo over the yet-to-be released “Son of Sardar” is a case in point. Hackles were apparently raised over certain dialogues which representatives of the Sikh community claimed portrayed them in a bad light. Of course, before it could turn into ‘mother of controversies’, the producers backtracked. Ajay Devgn had a personal meeting with Sikh organisations and agreed to remove objectionable scenes. All very well, for when two parties agree, who can object? But the moot question is should there be objections in the first place?

Without a doubt, as a nation we are hypersensitive and take umbrage at the slightest provocation. An innocuous title “Billu Barber” offended the sensibilities of those engaged in the beauty industry. “Jism 2” also had puritans going into throes of exasperation since Sunny Leone, a porn star, was cast as the heroine. The Bhatts had to face flak and were grilled for ‘polluting’ Indian culture.

Not a first

The portrayal of Sikhs in films has more than once stirred up a hornet’s nest. “Singh is Kinng” may have put the turbaned Sikh image on the national consciousness, but objections were raised against the way the turban was tied. The film’s hero, Akshay Kumar, had to apologise publicly and some scenes were re-shot. Back in 2005, “Jo Bole So Nihal” not only created a stir, but also led to violence. So, is public the new censor board?

Expectedly, as with all ticklish queries, the answers are not easy. Clearly, men like Karnail Singh Peer Mohmmad, president, All India Sikh Students Federation, feel they have the right to question the manner in which the Sikh community is projected. Perhaps, there is some merit in their argument — how can a Sikh character have a tattoo of Lord Shiva on his chest, as in “Son of Sardar”? That the tattoo has been permanently inked on Devgn’s body is only incidental. Devgn has agreed to camouflage it in the film.

Actor Vindu Dara Singh, who is an integral part of the film, fails to understand what the fuss is all about and how can a movie be judged on the basis of promos alone. Filmmaker Mahesh Bhatt agrees that producers are vulnerable during the pre-release stage.

Though he has often stood his ground and refused steadfastly to baulk under pressure, he feels he is no one to judge Devgn’s compulsions. But he remarks that we are becoming more and more intolerant and certain sections within communities use such incidents to hard-sell their brand of ideology. In the name of creative license, sentiments should not be hurt.

With so much riding on a film, producers can ill-afford the risk of offending people. Director Kabir Khan of “Ek Tha Tiger” fame argues that film-making is a collaborative effort and imposes enough checks and balances. He reasons: “Unlike, say a painting, where an artist can suddenly present his vision to the public and jolt them, in cinema many players are involved. Someone or the other will point out if something is amiss.”

Sensitivity issues

Over the years, filmmakers have been displaying a fair degree of sensitivity. Saif Ali Khan, it is reported, did not even smoke while portraying a Sikh character in “Love Aaj Kal”. Devgn had not only grown a beard and a moustache to lend more authenticity to his portrayal of a Sikh, but also roped in turban-tying specialists from Punjab.

Ace Punjabi producer-director Manmohan Singh says: “Some discrepancies do creep in due to ignorance, but the censor board must decide.” Everyone has the right to protest, he feels, but no one has the authority to summon producers, least of all actors, who merely enact the script. There are others, too, who advocate that the decision of the censor board must prevail and all complaints must be addressed to the board.

Karnail Singh has a problem with the constitution of the censor board itself, which he suggests must have a representative from among the Sikhs. Similar sentiments are expressed by Manjit Singh Calcutta, former Cabinet minister. But in a vast multitude that India is, where Deepa Mehta’s film “Water” — on the plight of Vrindavan widows — faced problems at the shooting stage itself, the solution lies elsewhere.

Actor Lillete Dubey, however, thinks that when things are in the public domain, respect for the others is the defining parameter. Artistic freedom versus the right to object, the line will always be thin. Sometimes the makers will cross it and at other times, people may stretch it to ridiculous limits. But it has to be dealt with in a democratic way. The right manner would be to let the censor board decide the fate of the film and also the complaints.

Direct interface, as with “Son of Sardar”, can also diffuse tension. But if it were to become a precedent for all kinds of grievances, India may become a fertile ground for self-styled censor boards. And who knows when face-to-face meetings would lead to volatile faceoffs.

The debate