The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Rushdie’s aborted visit
Why pillory the man after 23 years?

Salman Rushdie, the brilliant writer of exquisite prose, has been forced to put off his visit to India under circumstances that reflect poorly on us. The writer was left with no option after Indian Intelligence reports warned that professional assassins from the Mumbai underworld were on their way to ‘eliminate’ him.

Nobody in his senses can imagine Rushdie to be a threat to anyone, specially 23 years after his book, “The Satanic Verses”, was banned in India. Curiously, the India-born writer has been visiting India regularly in recent years without evoking any outrage or protest. Indeed, he had attended the Jaipur Literary Festival in 2007 as well. Nothing has changed since then and it is difficult to explain the sudden indignation voiced by the Vice-Chancellor of the Deoband seminary, Maulana Abul Qasim Nomani, who declared that Rushdie should not be allowed to visit India, because he had hurt the religious sentiments of the Muslims in the book published over two decades ago.

Few in India have actually read ‘The Satanic Verses’. It is, therefore, even less clear why the cleric chose to issue the warning now. While irresponsible or insensitive writing can never be condoned, it makes little sense to hold the writer guilty for all time to come. Rushdie has paid a price for his indiscretions and had his liberties curtailed. One would expect more tolerance and magnanimity from leaders and scholars on such sensitive issues. Both the Government of India and the Rajasthan Government, however, succumbed to pressure by voicing their concerns about security. One would have expected the respective governments to haul up the trouble-mongers and, if they do have precise intelligence, to pick up the alleged assassins as well.

A society which is afraid to read, see or listen to unpalatable works and words betrays a lack of confidence in itself. We forced M.F.Hussain to live and die in exile and now, we have ensured that Salman Rushdie does not attend public functions here in the foreseeable future. One sadly recalls what Sigmund Freud said sarcastically : “What progress we are making; in the Middle Ages, they would have burned me; Now they are content with burning my books.”

Behind coup bid in B’desh
Forces of destabilisation at it again

There is no dearth of anti-India elements in Bangladesh. They are prepared to go to any extent to force the government in Dhaka to abandon its policy of having cordial relations with New Delhi despite its being in the larger interest of Bangladesh. It is these negative forces which tried to mislead a small section of the Bangladesh Army to unsuccessfully overthrow the Awami League ministry headed by Sheikh Hasina Wajed last month.

The details have, however, been made available only now. There is another reason why these destructive elements, described as religious zealots, dislike the present regime: its efforts to promote secular ideals through amendments in the Bangladesh constitution. These religious extremists are in league with former Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia, who is feeling uneasy with the growing popularity of the Hasina government because of its impressive achievements in economic and other fields.

The anti-India forces have been extremely upset after Sheikh Hasina signed some major agreements with New Delhi during last year’s Dhaka visit by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The accords cleared the way for final boundary demarcation between the two neoghbours and settling the issues related to various enclaves. Bangladesh has agreed to be a partner in some power plants to be set up in India’s Northeast. The two countries have also taken steps to promote bilateral trade in a big way. Bangladesh is likely to attract major investments from India, which will boost economic activity in that poverty-stricken country.

India-Bangladesh bonhomie can lead to the emergence of a new atmosphere in South Asia giving a fillip to economic growth in the region. Nepal and Bhutan will also be major beneficiaries. This does not suit the interests of those in Bangladesh who want their country to be at loggerheads with India. These elements were reportedly assisted by Pakistan’s ISI when they instigated a section of the Bangladesh Rifles to revolt against the Sheikh Hasina government in 2009. Now, perhaps, they also want to put pressure on the Awami League government to find a way to save the lives of the remaining persons who worked against the 1971 Bangladesh liberation war and are being tried in Dhaka. The time has come for Sheikh Hasina to send out a clear message that the forces of destabilisation can never succeed in preventing her government from pursuing people-friendly policies.

Thought for the Day

When the water starts boiling it is foolish to turn off the heat. — Nelson Mandela

ARTICLE

‘Cold War’ in West Asia
Asia-Pacific nations look on
by Zorawar Daulet Singh

It has become customary to assert that the centre of gravity of world politics has shifted to the Asia-Pacific region. The ascent of several regional states such as China and India has made this notion almost indisputable. But is this popular cliche crowding out attention on geopolitical issues elsewhere?

Recent months have shown that West Asia remains at the fulcrum of world politics and the arena of the next hot war. The West’s conflict with Iran has been extended to the latter’s regional ally Syria in what appears as a serious thrust against two uncooperative but pivotal states in an otherwise vast sphere of Western influence in the Greater Middle East.

Syria’s geopolitical importance is two-fold. First, Syria serves as a strategic and logistical rear base for the Hezbollah in Lebanon to resist Israeli power. Second, Syria is a potential outlet for Iraqi oil and gas resources into the Mediterranean and onto Europe. Iran as an aspiring regional power with the world’s second-largest gas reserves, the second-largest Organisation for Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) producer and a capable military-industrial nation is a spoiler to the Western-allied Sunni Arabs and an obstacle to America’s Afghanistan strategy and access to Central Asia’s and the Caspian basin’s energy wealth. Iran also sits on the mouth of a vital maritime chokepoint — the Strait of Hormuz — through which 35 per cent of the world’s oil tanker traffic passes.

From a Western geostrategic perspective, it is logical that such nationalist regimes be replaced by friendly and accommodative governments. The extent of Western pressure being applied is perhaps also underscored by its timing to coincide with the withdrawal of US ground forces from Iraq and, therefore, aimed at pre-empting regional interference in Iraqi affairs.

However, a repeat of a ‘Libyan scenario’ where NATO air power pulverised the country after unilaterally interpreting a UN Security Council mandate to topple a regime has been prevented. On this occasion, the difference seems to be that other great powers, particularly Russia, have entered the fray and are covertly and politically assisting Damascus and Tehran from being overwhelmed by the extraordinary pressure emanating from the West and its regional allies. In October 2011, Russia, followed by China, vetoed a UN Security Council draft resolution condemning Syria for its crackdown against an insurgency. India, a non-veto member, abstained from voting on the resolution.

But it is Russia’s strategic support to Iran and Syria that has complicated the matter and raised the cost of a Western military intervention. In December, Iran reported that it had captured America’s most advanced stealth drone — the RQ-170 Sentinel — that had been conducting high altitude surveillance missions over Iranian airspace operating from its base in Kandahar (Afghanistan). Some analysts have speculated that Russia played a role in enabling Iran to intercept the drone. In October, Russia delivered a sophisticated electronic intelligence and jamming system called the Avtobaza that probably assisted Iran’s cyber warfare units to detect the invisible drone, jam its encrypted GPS signal with a US satellite, and finally commanding the drone to land in Iran. Russia’s moves on Syria have been even more explicit. In early December, Russia delivered 72 Yakhont supersonic anti-ship cruise missiles to Syria. Similar to the Brahmos missile that Russia and India have co-developed, the Yakhont’s 300 km range would deter any hostile navy from pressuring the 300 km-long Syrian coastline.

A Russian naval flotilla led by a nuclear-armed heavy-aircraft carrier has also reached the Syrian port of Tartus, Russia’s only foreign naval base, to underscore Russian support to the Syrian regime. A former Russian naval chief remarked that “an attack on any Russian ship would be regarded as a declaration of war with all the consequences”. In other words, Russia is counting on its strategic capabilities and has extended its nuclear umbrella to Syria to deter the American Sixth Fleet from escalating the conflict. Moscow has clearly drawn a line in the sand and is unwilling to abandon its last and only foothold in the eastern Mediterranean, and a source of political leverage and influence in West Asia.

Amidst the great game in West Asia, the Asia-Pacific’s rising powers like China and India are on the sidelines of the ongoing conflict. This is not because they are unaffected by events in Syria or Iran.

The immense energy wealth of the Persian Gulf region and its intricate link with the Asia-Pacific’s economic engine implies that any conflict in West Asia will severely dent Asia’s economic stability. All of Asia’s rising powers are energy-starved economies. Japan, China, South Korea and India all rely on high oil and gas imports flowing mainly from West Asia. India alone spent nearly $130 billion on oil imports in 2011 with 70 per cent supplied from West Asia. India purchased $12 billion worth of crude from Iran, its second-largest supplier accounting for 12 per cent of the total imports. Nearly 80 per cent of Iran’s oil exports flow to the Asia-Pacific. Thus, energy security alone implies that sustaining this interdependence should be a strategic imperative.

The only meaningful leverage that Asia’s rising powers possess in shaping the outcome of this conflict is to weigh their economic relationship with Iran. If China and India go ahead and align their energy policies to suit Western embargoes on Iranian oil and gas, that would seriously undermine the Iranian regime and strangle its economy. Yet, the costs of such a foreign policy choice would also be borne by the average Asian and the industrial sector, which would face spiralling energy costs and shortages as 2.5 million barrels per day of Iranian oil exports were taken off the international market.

Alternatively, standing firm and allowing Indian and Chinese refineries to purchase Iranian oil would be a modest but important geopolitical contribution by Delhi and Beijing to the great game. The year 2012 will reveal whether Asia’s rising powers are serious about shaping the emerging balance of power or content with being relegated to passive spectators as the great powers tussle it out.

The writer is an international relations analyst based in New Delhi.

MIDDLE

Perseverance brings success
by Upendra Bhatnagar

Someone rightly said that successful people do not try to change the winds, they only reset their sails. Success depends upon efforts, devotion and perseverence . But for that, the utmost requirement is to know ourselves first. Our abilities, our capabilities and our grit. Only they succeed who are perseverant, calm and composed.

There is reason for everything. We must know that the power of purpose is always very strong. Most of the people fail in their attempts because they leave the work half done. Let us be focussed in our efforts. Today we take up the phenomenon of happiness as eat, drink and be marry. But this is not the truth of life.We run after money and fame unaware of the fact that these things may disappear anytime, but inner happiness always remains there and brings success.

Addison once said,”If you wish success in life, make perseverence your bosom friend, experience your wise counsellor, caution your elder brother and hope your guardian genius.”

An observation says,”Successful people spend very little time on activities which are not so urgent or of little importance. They know those things will not add anything to their development or in success in any way.”

Success depends on passion. If we are not passionate about the work we are doing we cannot get the desired results.

Passion developes personality because then you are meticulously cautious. Passion comes from within. Actually, passion for something is part of our personality. Success can only be attributed to consistency towards our efforts.

To achieve success is not a one-day affair, it requires a continuous process. Success brings happiness.

Life needs a fine balance between joy and work. Life is a game and one has to play it safe. Life is nothing but a chain of action and counter-action.

We must know that every human being is born with a specific purpose and has a fixed destiny.To be happy we need to know the purpose of our life.

We should enjoy every moment of our life. We are supposed to live a normal life. To make others happy also gives us happiness. Let us learn to live for others. Smile of a child gives us unending happiness.

Let’s talk to people. Interaction strengthens relations. Socialise with people, it will give you freshness of thoughts. But if you do not enjoy the company of new people, you are at liberty to quit. Happiness comes from WITHIN. You do not have to depend on others for that.

OPED DEFENCE

LOKPAL: Case for an inclusive approach
The Lokpal Bill, expected to be placed before the Rajya Sabha in the next session, has kicked up a debate over the exclusion of the Armed Forces from its purview. Barring operational and intelligence matters, being under the Lokpal would be beneficial and not detrimental for the services as it could well prove that the levels of corruption in the defence services are lower than in other departments
Maj Navdeep Singh

The reaction amongst the military community was apparently euphoric when it came to light that the Parliament had agreed on keeping the Armed Forces out of the purview of the Lokpal.

Soldiers march past South Block in New Delhi. All references in the final Act to Group-A officers should also apply to Commissioned Officers, while those to Group-B and Group-C staff should be applicable to Junior Commissioned Officers and Other Ranks respectively.

Why the elation, one may ask? The exclusion only leads to the solidification of the 'holy cow' image and a message is sent out that the Armed Forces do not want the cloak of secrecy to be removed since there could be skeletons to hide, which in fact, is not the case at all. Being one of the cleanest institutions, the Armed Forces must set an example and welcome probity of any kind rather than revelling in the bloated myth of being 'different'.

National security and operational aspects have become the much flogged reasons for circumventing transparency not only in the defence services but elsewhere too. The gullible public, including lawmakers, buy it in the name of patriotism. But real patriotism would only be displayed when the uniformed forces go all out to embrace the concept of Lokpal in line with the national effort.

Pointed out repeatedly is the theoretical plank by the defence forces of historically not sparing the guilty in corruption cases and the strong in-house mechanisms available for this purpose. However this approach may be conceptually faulty. Firstly, because the system within the forces is not properly geared up or attuned to handle even normal criminal offences, and secondly, when the already existing provisions of the Prevention of Corruption Act have neither effectively worked nor resulted in deterrence in the 'outside world', it would be otiose to expect that the existing system would augur well for the forces. Yes, the judicial system of the defence services has seen speedier trials and has been quick in convictions but the question whether it conforms to the well-established democratic principles of jurisprudence has always remained debatable. The ratio of the persons tried vis-à-vis those convicted would establish the effectiveness but not necessarily the correctness of the system.

The Lokpal, in whichever format it buds ultimately, brings to our country an expert body to handle matters related to corruption. Except areas of national defence wherein security or operational aspects are involved, all other zones must remain open to the new system as envisaged. It is common knowledge that defence deals are a major source of corruption all over the world and involve an interplay of military and civilian elements. Keeping defence officers out of it would mean that while civilian officers would face the probity of Lokpal and the effectiveness of its expertise, the ones in uniform would continue to be governed by existing laws, though the offence would be the same and maybe arising out of the same transaction. Rather than leading to harmonising of procedures, this would lead to creating utter disarray. It is almost universally agreeable that defence procurement, supplies, contracts and construction require more rectitude than prevalent, and hence logically it should hurt none if these aspects are brought under the eye of the Lokpal.

Being pleased about having been excluded from the law of the land which applies to others has a sinister off-shoot. The differential treatment accorded to defence services in such situations is used as a plank to deny benefits which are available to others. Already, the facilities and advantages provided to defence personnel have become pinpricks leading to what many view as "sadistic behavior" amongst the policy-making machinery, which in turn stonewalls all progressive proposals for betterment of pay, allowances, status and pensionary awards to defence personnel. Factors such as availability of subsidised liquor and soaps from canteens at a rupee less than the market become sore points and reasons for denial of progression for serving and retired defence personnel. Otherwise who could explain the fact that today when almost every officer of the organised Group-A services is retiring with the pay and pension equal to a Lieutenant General on a non-functional basis even when not actually promoted, with the additional benefit of virtually 'One Rank One Pension' through the back-door, most of their military counterparts retire as Colonels.

The Services Headquarters are focussing more on fortifying the imagery of exclusion of the military from the others and trumpeting operational facets by placing the future of millions of serving and retired personnel at stake as far as their status, pay, allowances and pensions are concerned. This is being done by blindly towing the line and opinion of non-military officers in important wings such as the 'Personnel Services Directorate' rather than concentrating on awareness and amalgamation of the military with the mainstream. For example, the creation of the concept of 'Rank Pay' during the Fourth Pay Commission, and moving away from normal pay-scales as applicable to all other services, was one such step which though established the military as 'different', resulted not only in financial loss but utter chaos and degradation of status of military officers, the after-effects of which are there for all to see with litigation pending on the subject even three decades later. A Selection Grade Major who used to draw the pay of a Director of the Central Government prior to the Fourth Pay Commission is today placed two steps lower with pay equal to that of an Under Secretary to Government of India, all thanks to the introduction of the 'Rank Pay'.

The differential, and sometimes preferential, treatment also means that most progressive concepts introduced for other services are not made applicable to those in the military since the defence services are 'different'. Already the defence services have no role to play in policy-making or in the Rules of Business contrary to the system prevalent for their counterparts. The military's internal bureaucracy appears to be busy indulging in self-defeatist moves, which are more harmful than external orchestration and where the end result is that the welfare, remuneration and pension related provisions are unilaterally thrust upon defence personnel all because the energies are focussed on issues which are more ceremonial or pseudo-operational and less substantial. Thanks to self-imposed exclusionary politics, these are actions that may result in great pomp and show and chest thumping within the perimeter of a cantonment, but a slide in the real society from where we all come from, that society where Lokpal shall apply. Moving away from the ordinary populace could well lead to alienation.

Being under the Lokpal would be beneficial and not detrimental to the defence services. There is nothing to fear if there is nothing to hide. All references in the final Act to Group-A officers must also apply to Commissioned Officers, while those to Group-B and Group-C staff should be applicable to Junior Commissioned Officers and Other Ranks respectively. Of course, security, operational and intelligence related aspects should be totally excluded and the RTI experience could provide a lead in that arena. Not only would it show that the defence services have no skeletons in the cupboard and are open to scrutiny from all quarters, but once the annual returns of prosecutions are made public after the implementation of the Act, it would also prove, reinforce and strengthen that the levels of corruption in the defence services are lower than others, and in that sense, the services are truly 'different'.

The writer practices at the Punjab and Haryana High Court and is president of the Armed Forces Tribunal Bar Association.

Provisions of the Lokpal

On December 27, 2011, the Lokpal Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha. It was later debated upon in the Rajya Sabha, with no final outcome and is expected to come up again in te hcoming session. The Home Minister, P. Chidambaram had then stated that the government was keen that the Bill is passed in the next session. The Indian Army, Indian Air Force and Indian Navy has been kept out of the ambit of the Lokpal. The bill also keeps the CBI independent.

Envisioned Features of the Lokpal Bill:

l An institution called Lokpal at the centre and Lokayukta in each state will be set up

l Like the Supreme Court and Election Com mission, they will be completely independent of the government. No minister or bureaucrat will be able to influence their investigations.

l Cases against corrupt people will not linger on for years: Investigations in any case will have to be completed within a year. Trial should be completed in next one year so that the corrupt politician, officer or judge, if con victed, is sent to jail within two years.

l The loss that a corrupt person caused to the government will be recovered at the time of conviction.

l How will it help a common citizen: If any work of any citizen is not done in prescribed time in any government office, Lokpal will impose financial penalty on guilty officers, which will be given as compensation to the complainant.

l People can approach Lokpal if ration card or passport or voter card is not being made or if the police is not registering a case or any other work is not being done as prescribed. Any case of corruption, like funds or supplies being siphoned off or poor quality roads been constructed, can be reported to the Lokpal.

l Lokpal members will be selected by judges, citizens and constitutional authorities and not by politicians, through a completely transparent and participatory process so that corrupt or weak people cannot be appointed.

l Any complaint against any officer of Lokpal shall be investigated and the officer dismissed within two months.

l Existing like CVC, departmental vigilance and anti-corruption branch of CBI will be merged into Lokpal. It will have complete powers to independently investigate and prosecute any officer, judge or politician.

l It will be the duty of the Lokpal to provide protection to those who are being victimised for raising their voice against corruption.

Fundamental duties

l To judge the cases and make jurisdictions against corruption cases with the Lokpal.

l To judge whether a case is legal or whether a fake complaint has been made.

l To potentially impose fines on a fake complaint, or even a short span of jail time, if the case is not proved to be legally true.

— Compiled from the Net