O P I N I O N S

EDITORIALS

Food for the poor
Broad consensus on PDS will help
India’s public distribution system, the biggest such network in the world, needs an overhaul for the successful implementation of the proposed food security law. There is still no consensus on how to identify the poor, how to make food available to them without its midway pilferage and who should be given or denied subsidised food.

Poll blues for UP Cong
EC’s snub and Batla House fiasco
Just when things seemed to be going right for the Congress in Uttar Pradesh, some recent statements by party leaders have queered the pitch for it. Both Union Law Minister Salman Khurshid and party general secretary Digvijay Singh have tied themselves in knots on two different issues, embarrassing the party in the process.

Punish 26/11 guilty soon
Pak panel’s visit must expedite the matter
The Bombay High Court allowing a visit to India by Pakistan Judicial Commission members in February as part of the proceedings for punishing the terrorist masterminds involved in the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack is a welcome development. This should speed up the trial of the guilty by a Pakistani anti-terrorism court.

• Thought for the Day

ARTICLE

Time to allow land-leasing
The best way to increase productivity
by Rakesh Bharti Mittal
Fragmented land-holdings have proved to be a big obstacle to agricultural productivity in India. They continue to frustrate all government initiatives to accelerate agricultural growth. At a time when food security is steadily moving up on the government agenda, it is perhaps time to have another long hard look at the question of land aggregation in the country, which has often been treated as a non-priority issue by many state governments.

MIDDLE

Don’t take the flag from me, General
by Harwant Singh
Pride in one’s job is a quality becoming increasingly rare these days. Fierce pride in ones work is even rarer, though much valued in the military. A proud workman, when confronted with a difficult task, would rather seek guidance to carry on than just give up and hand it over to someone else.

OPED CULTURE

In the land of scams and scandals, how long could the art world remain unscathed ? The blazing row over an art show in Kerala embarrasses artists
Biennale in the eye of a storm
Johny ML
From Commonwealth Games to the much talked about largest public art event- Kochi Muziris Biennale, scheduled for December 2012, nothing can move ahead without registering controversy in our country. In this respect, we can say, controversies are the biggest unifying factor, from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. While Indian art is all set to make it big, thanks to events like Biennales and Triennales, controversies over misuse of money and lack of transparency create hurdle for this growth story.

EDITORIALS

Food for the poor
Broad consensus on PDS will help

India’s public distribution system, the biggest such network in the world, needs an overhaul for the successful implementation of the proposed food security law. There is still no consensus on how to identify the poor, how to make food available to them without its midway pilferage and who should be given or denied subsidised food. Union Food Minister K.V. Thomas has suggested an “end-to-end computerisation” of the PDS, creation of additional safe storage space of 15 metric tonnes by 2013 and a special purpose vehicle for the movement of foodgrains.

The Planning Commission has suggested that subsidised food for the below-poverty-line population should be linked to the UID-based smart card. This will curb leakages. But critics say since the UID scheme is not mandatory, it may not reach all the BPL families. Some experts suggest the use of the existing smart cards issued under the much-acclaimed Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojna to determine food entitlements. A number of top economists have publicly stated that the targeted PDS has done more harm than good . They favour a universal PDS to weed out bogus ration cards. Some support cash transfers to the poor or the introduction of food coupons, while others argue that it is better to invest in national projects to create employment for the deprived than spend such a large sum on a vote-catching, populist measure like the food Bill.

Once the food Bill is passed, the government will certainly commit a huge amount for its implementation. Estimates vary between Rs 1 lakh crore and Rs 2 lakh crore. It is, therefore, imperative that a broad consensus is reached on how best to feed the poor. Since the Bill has the backing of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, it would go through Parliament and no party would like to oppose a supposedly pro-poor law. But it is better to sort out differences outside Parliament than have disruptions of work inside.

Poll blues for UP Cong
EC’s snub and Batla House fiasco

Just when things seemed to be going right for the Congress in Uttar Pradesh, some recent statements by party leaders have queered the pitch for it. Both Union Law Minister Salman Khurshid and party general secretary Digvijay Singh have tied themselves in knots on two different issues, embarrassing the party in the process. By announcing a 4.5 per cent quota for backward minorities in government jobs within the 27 per cent quota for Other Backward Classes two days before the announcement of elections in five states, the party invited the Election Commission’s ire insofar as the order was stayed in the poll-bound states. This was compounded by Mr Khurshid contending in an election speech in UP that if his party were to win the elections in the state, it would enhance the minorities quota to 9 per cent. The commission responded with a show cause notice to Mr Khurshid to which he has replied strongly. Meanwhile, the Minister added fuel to the fire by saying in a television interview that his ministry has administrative control over the Election Commission prompting the commission to write a protest letter to the Prime Minister whose reply made it clear that the commission enjoys functional autonomy. All this has left an inevitable bad taste.

While this controversy was playing out, Mr Digvijay Singh re-opened a three-year-old controversy over the killing of two Azamgarh-based alleged terrorists in the Batla House encounter in Delhi. Evidently, Mr Digvijay Singh was seeking to assuage the feelings of the people of Azamgarh when he reiterated recently that the two persons were killed in a fake encounter. This led to a rebuff from Home Minister Chidambaram who made it clear that the encounter was genuine. The Congress spokesperson subsequently made a statement that the party had nothing to do with Mr Digvijay Singh’s views which were personal.

While these two controversies have dented the credibility of the Congress party, the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the BJP are gleefully savouring all of it. There still is a question mark over who will win the greater confidence of the Muslim vote bank, the OBC sections and the upper castes — but it is quite on the cards that the Congress may rue the seeming dissonance among its leaders.

Punish 26/11 guilty soon
Pak panel’s visit must expedite the matter

The Bombay High Court allowing a visit to India by Pakistan Judicial Commission members in February as part of the proceedings for punishing the terrorist masterminds involved in the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack is a welcome development. This should speed up the trial of the guilty by a Pakistani anti-terrorism court. The panel members will record the statements of Mumbai’s Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate R. V. Sawant Waghule and investigating officer Ramesh Mahale, who had taken the confessional statement of Ajmal Kasab, the lone surviving terrorist captured after the 26/11 killings. The commission will also approach for their statement the two doctors who carried out the post-mortem examination of the terrorists killed on that day.

The arrangement for the Pakistani commission’s visit is basically aimed at authenticating the confession of Kasab so that the Pakistani court handling the 26/11 case goes ahead with the trial of the guilty and then pronounces its verdict. Initially, Islamabad wanted Indian witnesses in the case to depose before the Pakistani court concerned, but India rejected the demand. Islamabad also asked for taking Kasab to testify before the Pakistani anti-terrorism court but this idea, too, was shot down because of its not being practicable.

Keeping aside the Pakistani commission’s visit, there is enough evidence India has given to nail down those being tried in the 26/11 case. What is worrying is the “glacial” speed at which the case is being tried. There is need to speed up the case so that the guilty get their just deserts at the earliest. It all depends on how sincere the authorities in Pakistan are in handling the sensitive case. Finding different kinds of alibi to enable the culprits to escape the law can affect adversely the dialogue process restarted between India and Pakistan. Efforts for an early court judgement will be in the interest of peace in Pakistan, too, as this will send out a clear message that anyone indulging in destructive activities will not be spared. After all, such elements have only added to the problems Pakistan has been faced with for some time.

Thought for the Day

A peace that comes from fear and not from the heart is the opposite of peace.

— Gersonides

ARTICLE

Time to allow land-leasing
The best way to increase productivity
by Rakesh Bharti Mittal

Fragmented land-holdings have proved to be a big obstacle to agricultural productivity in India. They continue to frustrate all government initiatives to accelerate agricultural growth. At a time when food security is steadily moving up on the government agenda, it is perhaps time to have another long hard look at the question of land aggregation in the country, which has often been treated as a non-priority issue by many state governments.

The worry today for economists is the rapidly worsening land-holding situation in the country. The rise in the nuclear family structure and the typical inheritance and agricultural practice of splitting land among inheritors has progressively affected the average land-holding size. The average land-holding size in India has, in fact, declined from 2.63 hectares in 1996 to 1.06 hectares in 2004-05. The increasing demand for land for non-agricultural purposes has worsened the situation. Today, about 60 per cent of the households possess less than one hectare of land for cultivation. This has not only led to the universalisation of subsistence and marginal farming but also seriously affected the scope of crop diversification and aggregation of farm produce. The small size of the holdings has discouraged investments in terms of capital and technology, seriously affecting productivity.

Over and above the inheritance laws, which are unlikely to change for obvious reasons, a big reason for the lack of land aggregation lies in the restrictive land-leasing laws prevalent in most of the states today. While some of the states like UP, Kerala, J&K and Manipur completely prohibit the leasing of land, a few other permit leasing only in the case of a certain category of persons. In states like Assam, Gujarat, Haryana and Maharashtra, leasing is permitted, but it endows on the tenant a right to purchase land. The threat of losing one’s land has obviously turned out to be a big hindrance to leasing in these states.

A possible solution to this problem lies in legalising the leasing of agricultural land. This can facilitate land consolidation and make the precious resource available to the farmers and organisations who can make the best use of them. Under the present system, owners prefer to keep land fallow rather than taking the risk of leasing them out. Therefore, one focal point of any proposed legislation should be to ensure that land owners are not dispossessed of their land in the process of leasing. The legislation should also ensure that lessees neither enjoy any right to purchase such leased land nor have any tenancy rights on it. The law should allow automatic resumption of right of the owner after the agreed lease period unless renewed by him or her. Under the new law, the lessees should also be allowed to avail themselves of the incentives available to land owners — subsidies on drip irrigation, sprinklers, green/poly houses, etc.

Agriculture and land consolidation being state subjects have indirectly ensured that reforms have been slow to take off in this area. It is time the Central government introduced a Model Land Leasing Act in line with the agricultural land-leasing Acts notified by Punjab and Rajasthan — two states which have allowed lease on a long-tenure basis. While Rajasthan has allowed lease for 30 (15+15) years, Punjab has left it open-ended “as mutually agreed” upon between the lessor and the lessee. They have also ensured that the lessees have no ownership rights or tenancy rights, and that the land reverts back to the owner upon the expiry of the lease period. State governments can align their own Land Consolidation Acts once the Model Central Act comes into force.

Another big advantage of legalising leasing will be that it can be a powerful driver of occupational mobility in rural areas. People who have remained tied to their land and stayed with agriculture more out of compulsion can easily move into other non-agricultural occupations. Small and marginal farmers, and their families, including women, shall be able to get a sustained income by way of lease rent and, in addition, can earn a monthly wage by working on farms. Entrepreneurial small farmers too can aspire to grow big by getting into leasing agreements with other small farmers.

As we all know, entry of the private sector into agriculture can have a huge impact on productivity. But the present restrictions on leasing have largely kept them out of the scene. Prolonging the lease period to at least 10-15 years and removing any ceiling on the size of lease can be two powerful facilitators of their entry into the sector. Long duration and large size of leases will enable the private sector to invest in technology — soil improvement, mechanisation, irrigation systems, post-harvest marketing set-ups, etc — to make the farms more productive.

Besides promoting agricultural productivity, the aggregation of land-holdings can potentially have a big impact on rural development in general. Proper utilisation of farm land resources will definitely help augment rural employment opportunities. This can be particularly beneficial for rural women, who happen to contribute 70 per cent to horticulture and floriculture farm activities.

A uniform land-aggregation policy across states can also help us address the issue of increasing disparity in productivity. This is all the more necessary in a country like India, which needs to feed 16 per cent of the world population with just 2.4 per cent of land.

Legalising land-leasing across the states and removing it from the ambit of the Land Ceiling Act can improve the availability of land through lease and usher in mechanised farming and other technology innovations to improve productivity. There is little doubt that the aggregation of land-holdings can have a transformational impact on Indian agriculture in terms of productivity. But equally important, if not more, will be its potential to usher in inclusive growth in rural India.

The writer is Vice-Chairman and MD, Bharti Enterprises, and Chairman, CII National Council of Agriculture.

MIDDLE

Don’t take the flag from me, General
by Harwant Singh

Pride in one’s job is a quality becoming increasingly rare these days. Fierce pride in ones work is even rarer, though much valued in the military. A proud workman, when confronted with a difficult task, would rather seek guidance to carry on than just give up and hand it over to someone else.

It was a hot summer day at the Naraingarh Field Firing Ranges, and I was putting my squadron tank gunners through various firing practices. The tank on which I was standing and supervising the performance of gunners developed a problem with the loading of ammunition. A high explosive shell did not fully load and a part of it was stuck outside the breach chamber.

Since firing from this tank had gone on for quite some time, the barrel and the breach were overheated. Thus, there was the risk of propellant charge in the shell igniting. Such an occurrence could be fatal for the crew and could result in a fire inside the tank. So, I told the crew to come out and that I would go in and attend to the problem. While all other crew members came out fast, the tank’s gunner, Nahar Singh, said, “I am not coming out and that you, sir, are not to get into the tank.” It was his job and that he would attend to the problem himself and accept the risk. He asked me as to what he needed to do to get the shell fully into the breach chamber.

Nahar Singh appeared adamant and there was no point pushing the issue any further. So, I did not get into the tank but briefed him on the three-four steps he must immediately take to resolve the problem. He followed the instructions and the shell got fully loaded into the breach chamber. I told him to immediately fire on any target he could see. Thus a possible accident was averted.

This incident brought to my mind a case from the American Civil War. General Joseph Johnston, who commanded one half of the Federal Forces, had been conducting a long and successful retreat against the superior forces of General Sherman. At one of the delaying positions, Johnston found a part of his front collapsing and a gap developing in the defence line. Unless that gap was immediately filled with troops, the enemy could exploit the situation and jeopardise the safety of the entire force.

Johnston had no reserves left, and the only available unit had suffered heavy casualties and had been pulled back to rest and recoup. Johnston galloped to the unit and found that the only surviving officer was going around looking for his missing brother.

Those days the practice was that wherever the unit flag ( also called Standard ) was carried, its personnel followed the flag. Johnston wanted to carry the flag to where a gap in the defence line was developing. Reaching out for the unit flag held aloft by Sergeant Roberts, Johnston tried to take the flag, from the sergeant. Roberts still firmly gripping the flag told the general, “Don’t take the flag from me, General. Just tell me where to take it and I will do so.” Johnston then guided the sergeant with his flag to the place where the a gap in the defences was developing The unit personnel followed the flag and thus an adverse situation was averted.

OPED CULTURE

In the land of scams and scandals, how long could the art world remain unscathed ? The blazing row over an art show in Kerala embarrasses artists
Biennale in the eye of a storm
Johny ML

The venue of the proposed biennale

From Commonwealth Games to the much talked about largest public art event- Kochi Muziris Biennale, scheduled for December 2012, nothing can move ahead without registering controversy in our country. In this respect, we can say, controversies are the biggest unifying factor, from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. While Indian art is all set to make it big, thanks to events like Biennales and Triennales, controversies over misuse of money and lack of transparency create hurdle for this growth story. Though, Kochi, in Kerala- ‘God’s Own Country’ is at the centre of the storm, art community in the rest of the country is demoralised by the developments centred around the ‘controversy.’

The story so far A biennale is an art show held once in two years If the KMB (Kochi Muziris Biennale) does take place, it will be included in the 37 biennales organised globally by the International Biennale Foundation. It will showcase the best artistic works- films, paintings, sculptures, new media and performing art by Indian artists as well as by artists from abroad. The Left Democratic Front govt mooted the idea of KMB, estimated to cost Rs 73 crore, and granted Rs 5 crore in Dec 2010. In May 2011, the United Democratic Front came to power and promised Rs 5 crore. A group of artists levelled charges of corruption and lack of transparency and demanded a probe.

The God’s Own Country has become a country of controversies. Four major controversies- the Mullaperiyar Dam crisis between the state governments of Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the Kochi Metro project controversy, the alleged spurious land deal done by the former Chief Minister, V.S. Achutanandan and the Kochi-Muziris Biennale controversy, have already shaken the conscience of the people in Kerala. While the politicians try to tackle the allegations and counter allegations, the intelligentsia in general and Malayali intelligentsia in particular - both in the state and elsewhere feel the heat of a controversy that affects their interest. The alleged abuse of public funds by the KMBF (Kochi-Muziris Biennale Foundation) and the lack of transparency in conducting its affairs has affected the community of artists. Slated to take place on 12th December 2012, the biennale today has become a cauldron of allegations. However, the Biennale Foundation has not lost its face; they claim that the proposed biennale would take place on the stipulated time, it would enhance the tourism revenue of the state and also it would put Kochi in the world map of art and culture.

“The allegations are rubbish,” counters Bose Krishnamachari, President of the KMBF, in one of his rare responses in the media. “We had anticipated this controversy the day we declared the biennale,” Krishnamachari says. While he highlights the positive results that the proposed biennale would bring to Kerala in general and to Kochi in particular, Riyas Komu, the secretary of the foundation seems to be quite aggressive in his response. “It (the biennale) is a storm. It will fell rootless trees,” said Komu in an interview given to a local daily. “The Lalit Kala Akademi in Kerala does not have any capacity to conduct such grand scale projects. This biennale is going to bring a lot of opportunities to Kerala,” adds Komu. Rubbishing the allegations, Riyas says that they (Krishnamachari and himself) have spent their hard earned money on this project. “We have ignored our personal projects and museum shows to make this biennale a reality.” He insists that there is no point in financial mismanagement as they could have made more than enough money by selling their own works.

Kochi Corporation has also withdrawn its support to the foundation since the allegations have intensified. The only face saver so far for the foundation is that the agreement between the Lalit Kala Akademi and the foundation in using the Durbar Hall (the main venue for the biennale) free of cost for six months has not yet been reviewed or withdrawn. “When the government is not a party to it, then how can it be Kochi-Muziris Biennale?” asks a senior artist in Kerala, who does not want to be named.

He also says that there cannot be fundamental changes in the lives of the artists and their works with the biennale coming in, as most of them work and would continue to work from humble studios with humble incomes. “Biennale would eventually benefit the tourism and hospitality industry. That is positive in its own ways. But it will not eventually help the artists apart from them getting first-hand experience about international art,” he adds.

(The writer is Managing Editor, Art and Deal Magazine, New Delhi)