|
|
|
|
|
‘The Congress is scoring a self goal in UP’ |
|
|
Touchstones
THE ARMY’S PAKISTAN GUEST COLUMN PROFILE
|
‘The Congress is scoring a self goal in UP’
The BJP has had a yoyo type of success in Punjab polls – it either performs well as it did last time or does badly. The fortunes fluctuate repeatedly. What are your expectations this time? Even though Punjab normally has had the rule of pendulum in the elections, this time we will be able to make it. Last time we contested 23 seats and won 19. But this time I find the normal rule of anti-incumbency against the State government missing. One of the principal reasons is that during this period of five years it was a smooth period of governance. Two, it was a period of calm and peace; so in terms of the social fabric and communal peace, it was a very good period for Punjab. Thirdly, the state has used its additional resources well, even as they recovered from the complete mess of the finances, which at one stage existed. I have travelled to some of the cities recently and I think there is a huge amount of urban improvement which has taken place in Punjab. This has created a positive environment. Therefore, the Congress’ hope that it may succeed by default may not be fulfilled. Secondly, their hope may be belied by two other reasons. There is a huge amount of infighting in the Congress and it has a leadership that is not very highly regarded. The 2 G effect hasn’t really rubbed off on Punjab polls because some of the local BJP leaders have been dogged by allegations of corruption and the party even had to drop some of them from the State Cabinet? There is a big difference. Some of the changes which you make are done on a normal basis and not because of any stated or proven charges. They may be intended to improve the overall image of the party or the government. I have not come across a single allegation in terms of fact that is being made by the Opposition. Compare it to what is happening at the Centre and the way it has made the Congress party fragile. You will see a world of difference and therefore there is no reason why we won’t make their inability to govern at the Centre and corruption into a significant issue.
What about Uttar Pradesh, where early reports show that the two regional parties are ahead of both the BJP and the Congress? My own assessment in UP is that we have already touched a rock bottom in recent years and we are going to significantly improve. Unfortunately, UP in the last decade or so has been dominated by two regional parties, Samajwadi and the Bahujan Samaj Party. Both have a horrible track record of governance in UP, in terms of corruption, dividing the state on caste and other issues. I think just as Laloo and RJD in Bihar paid a price for having mobilised this caste polarisation in the state that invited a counter reaction, I can see that happening in UP. I am not in the least doubt that the Congress is being pushed to a distant fourth. Because of the family campaigning for the party, there is visibility in the media. But out of the social composition of UP I find that the support for the Congress amongst any single group is inadequate and that is why this last minute panic of trying to generate a social polarisation which otherwise did not exist. You are referring to the controversial announcement of granting 9 per cent quota for minorities out of the reservation for backward classes for government jobs? I am talking of the reservation on the basis of religion for religious minorities. Both on a matter of constitutionality or political propriety, as also on the question of political benefit, I think it is counterproductive. On a matter of constitutionality, the Constitution, while it speaks for reservation in terms of the socially and educationally backward, there has been a consistent view that it does not refer to religion as a criteria to determine the social and economic backwardness. Secondly, within the 27 per cent OBC quota already included are the members of minority communities, particularly the Muslims. Now any sub-quota even in the backwards quota can be between the backward and the most backward. In the most backward you will always have people from different religions who constitute the most backward. Now to define a religion as backward and take away a large chunk, I do not think will be constitutionally permitted. The UPA, not having done it in 7½ years of its rule, to do it now on the eve of UP elections is a matter of political propriety. It is attempting social polarisation. What is the impact it would have on the coming UP elections? There is anger generated amongst the general class of people and also among the backward classes that they are being divided on the basis of religion. I think the Congress is scoring a self goal for itself in search of some vote from one community. But there are other communities also who have a vote. This will also place the two regional satraps in significant difficulties because they want to balance votes for both the proponents of this thought as well as the opponents. They stand in the middle, not knowing where to go. The BJP is very clear that we will not allow this. The entire backward caste is looking towards us to be a more powerful force in order to oppose of what is happening. I think that in the ground chemistry of UP, there is a churning taking place and it is going to change a lot further because of this to our advantage. What is your own opinion about Rahul Gandhi and the way he has gone about campaigning?
The Congress party has converted itself into a crowd around the family. There is no galaxy of leaders in the Congress, who can campaign for the party. But then neither I nor the country still know him well enough in order to make up our mind as to what he really represents and stands for. The recent Jan Chetna rally by Mr Advani does not seem to have given the BJP any significant advantage especially on the issue of corruption… I genuinely and honestly believe that people are exasperated with the quality of politics, corruption in public life and also in the bureaucracy and other institutions. People want improvement. The support which the number of civil societies and other political parties’agitation and movements got is reflective of this. I do believe that the BJP has the capacity to really set an example and for that, we will have to tighten our belts a lot more. I do believe that Advaniji’s yatra generated a lot of goodwill. Our stand and positioning in Parliament also went well with the people and it is necessary for us to maintain and sustain that momentum. But you had a slip up with the Kushwaha case in UP? That was one of the incidents and I think it is an issue of the past. On the day the President took a decision to admit him, there was no case against him, it is only the next daythat he was raided and then subsequent events enabled us to close the chapter. At the Centre, the BJP appeared to be content to piggyback on civil society’s unrest, especially Anna Hazare’s over the Lokpal issue… We do not need the NGO. But I must credit the NGO and all the other NGOs which made an effort in that direction for having brought the issue of corruption and how to tackle it to the forefront of the central agenda. The fact is that India needs an anti-corruption mechanism, which is strong, independent and where procedures and rules are defined. We strongly felt so and therefore we supported them. They do not support us on every issue nor do we support them on everything. But in the debate in Parliament, after the fiasco over the vote in the Rajya Sabha, the BJP didn’t come out looking too good either? I think if the Centre had been somewhat flexible, particularly on the three suggestions that I have made in the course of my speech in the Rajya Sabha, and allowed us to vote on those amendments, we could have settled the issue and we would have a much better Lok Pal Bill. The three points I had made is that one, there are several issues covered by the State Lokayukta which fall within the domain and jurisdiction of the state. On those issues you must clarify under Article 252 that it is an enabling legislation. Two the system of appointment and removal of the Lokpal must not be entirely state controlled, which in the present Bill it is. And three, the procedure of investigation mentioned in the Bill is a completely irrational procedure and the agency investigating the offence must be freed from the clutches of the government. You can have a great Lokpal but if its investigator is government controlled, it won’t serve the purpose. These amendments were required to improve this bill and even when it comes up in the next session, these would be the key issues. The Congress party charges the BJP of going back on its commitment to give Constitutional status to the Lokpal by not voting for it in the Lok Sabha. I would rather have a Bill created by a Law which gives you an independent Lokpal with an independent agency than a Lokpal with Constitutional status but one controlled by the government and its investigation controlled by the government. So the Constitutional status is of little help if the Lokpal is completely state controlled. Also, I am afraid the Congress mishandled the entire issue. When all the regional parties were on the verge of revolt on taking away the state jurisdiction, you had their main speaker in the upper house justifying that the Constitution itself rationalises central domination as against federalism. I think it is politically naive of them to take this strategy. Not only did it unite the regional parties behind the NDA, it even sent one of their allies behind us.
|
|
Touchstones
Perhaps the first mindset we have to overcome is that a museum is essentially a space frozen in time forever. Museums are dynamic spaces that should evolve with changing times.
However, despite their fabulous treasures and basements full of unseen artifacts, most museums display the same tired artifacts for decades. Bored minders dozing on chairs, unhelpful (and often rude) staff, severe restrictions on photography and tedious body checks on entry – these are most likely to greet visitors to these graveyards of the arts. Display panels and accession notes have the barest information, and artifacts are often baldly classified as ‘stone implement, circa 300 BC’ or ‘terracotta shard’. Their significance or provenance is rarely mentioned. Experience abroad In contrast, museums across the world strive hard to be seen as visitor-friendly. Entry to most is now free except for special exhibitions, with inviting gift shops of elegantly designed posters, cards and other souvenirs on sale. Their cafes do brisk business and the toilets and public spaces are clean and welcoming. Lifts, ramps for the disabled, earphones and guided tours at fixed hours are other attractive features. Schoolchildren have special activities designed for them while the elderly are treated with compassion and offered discounts for special events. Museum websites are beautifully set up and information regularly updated. So what happened to us? First, we must remember that our most prestigious museums (Kolkata’s Indian Museum, Delhi’s National Museum and Mumbai’s Prince of Wales Museum) were set up in the colonial era, when the rulers wished to awe the native public with the treasures they had uncovered. It is interesting to remember that the Urdu word for a museum is ‘Ajayabghar’ (House of Wonders) and the Hindi one ‘Sangrahalaya’ (House of Treasures). Both conveyed a ‘see but do not touch’ sentiment to a visitor. This attitude has never really changed to make museums a more interactive space. Re-inventing an idea Architectural experiments play a vital role in the reinvention of a museum’s image. Both the British Museum and the Louvre have never allowed the severely classical style of their original buildings to become a barrier in modernising their interiors. Thus, a glass conservatory that runs along the outer gallery now brings light and cheer into its erstwhile Gothic interiors of the British Museum. It serves as a busy foyer, houses the café and gift shop and doubles up as a dynamic space for live performances. Similarly, an elegant glass pyramid has lifted the Louvre’s severely classical lines straight into the twenty-first century. So, architectural intervention is one way of bringing a new life into a dead space. Perhaps we could start with the National Museum on Janpath? Harvesting the displays from time to time is another way to energise gallery spaces. This must be done also in the interests of a museum’s reserve collection. It is no secret that most of the reserved collections of our museums are stored in appalling conditions. God alone knows how many stored valuable pieces of art have been irretrievably damaged or been replaced with fake copies. The exceptions Again, repair and restoration that are important divisions of any important museum are in the hands of a few experts who are either overworked or understaffed. Museum administration is a skill that has to be acquired and entrusted to qualified personnel, yet where are the universities and research institutions that offer such courses? Compare this sad state of affairs with the remarkable work done by some dedicated individuals in the country. Three names come readily to mind: the Calico Museum in Ahmedabad run by the Sarabhai family; the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal Museum in Hyderabad run by an octogenarian couple and the Sanskriti Foundation run by Shri O.P. Jain in Delhi’s Mehrauli area. Recently, Shri Mittal climbed a steep flight of stairs to my office to present the IIC with two beautifully printed tomes on his collection in Hyderabad. He has already started training young students to take over the work of running his museum when he is no longer able to. We often talk of public-private partnerships, so why have we never considered forming societies called ‘Friends of the National Museum’ for instance? Such societies can organise fund-raising events and provide inspired supervision to replace bureaucratic arrogance and state indifference. Invite university teachers, editors and publishers to collaborate and bring out catalogues and monographs and arrange events around special exhibitions from the reserve collection. One hears of a National Art Fund that has been set up and of the partnership between the British Museum and the Ministry of Culture to train young scholars in the art of museumology. This is heartening news indeed and if this is the start of a new beginning in reviving our museums, more power to the organisers.
|
|||
THE ARMY’S PAKISTAN South Asia analyst Stephen Philip Cohen has always found Pakistan both ‘interesting and alarming’. In his book ‘The Idea of Pakistan’, he has titled the third chapter ‘The Army’s Pakistan’, and given it priority over the chapters on Political and Islamic Pakistan. The focus of his concern is self evident. In any democratic nation, the constitutional role of the Army is to ensure nation’s external security and provide assistance to civil authority for internal security, without dominating its politics. But when that Army has an unstated, self appointed mission of guarding the domestic order, you can not blame an analyst or a historian in describing it the way Stephen Cohen has done: or calling it a ‘military dominated’ nation. Pakistan Army remains in control of some key national policies such as nuclear weapons, Afghanistan, J & K, and its hardware procurement. Over the years, it has also developed huge corporate interests and organisational autonomy. It does not allow its democratically elected government to interfere with them. Whenever a civilian government has tried to assert and dilute the Army’s power and control, the former has been booted out through legal or illegal means. So far, no Pakistani political leader has been able to get rid of such a yoke. Lessons from Kargil After every election and taking over the Government, the political leaders and even the judiciary, scared of Pakistan Army brass, tend to suck up to them. Even when Pakistan Army commits military and non military blunders, they have tried to cover and shield its leaders and image, never making anyone accountable. But whenever they have tried to assert or encroach upon Pakistan Army’s interests, they act clumsily and hand over the initiative to the Army on a platter. This has been repeated several times in Pakistan’s recent history.
Nawaz Sharief, who claims that he was not aware of General Musharraf’s Kargil plan and action, accompanied Musharraf to Pakistan’s Northern Areas to pacify local Baltis whose family members had been killed in Kargil action and whose dead bodies, Pakistan Army refused to accept from us. He defended Musharraf in public and accompanied him to several military stations. Later, he tried to get rid of Musharraf in the clumsiest way possible. When Musharraf was returning from an official visit to Sri Lanka, he would not allow his plane to land at Karachi Airport and appointed a new Army Chief who was quite junior and unpopular with the establishment. The result: nine years of Army rule under Musharraf and the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief going to jail and then to exile. Musharraf’s initiative in Kargil without political approval became Pakistan’s Waterloo from a military-diplomatic viewpoint. Despite a strong demand in the civil society to institute a public inquiry, no political leader has dared to commission such an inquiry. Army & Gilani Yousuf Reza Gilani, when appointed Prime Minister, went to call on the Army Chief General Kayani, instead of asking him to visit his office. He tried to place the ISI under civilian control but within 24 hours, he gave in to Kayani’s refusal. He gave Kayani an unheard of three years extension in office and two years extension to the ISI Chief, General Shuja Pasha. Gilani defended both of them forcefully for the Osamagate in May 2011, the Mumbai incident and ISI’s brutal assassination of Pakistan’s prominent journalist Saleem Shahzad, who tried to investigate links between Pakistan’s military and al Qaeda. And now, by trying to defend President Asif Ali Zardari (Mr Ten Percent!) and Ambassador Hussain Haqqani over the Memogate, and then sacking Kayani’s protégé, Lt Gen Lodhi-the Defense Secretary, who allowed Pakistan Generals to send an independent affidavit on the Memogate directly to the Supreme Court, he has handed over the initiative to the Pakistan Army brass. There is a history here also. The ISI The ISI’s involvement in toppling civil governments, rigging elections, autonomous handling of foreign relations, vigilantism, picking up people and making them disappear is well known in Pakistan. Shuja Nawaz, in his book ‘Crossed Swords’, writes of a sworn affidavit filed by Pakistan’s Defence Secretary in a High Court stating that ‘his ministry had no operational control over the two rogue agencies-ISI and ISPR-and, therefore, was unable to enforce the court’s orders on either agency in matters relating to detentions’. President Zardari, Pakistan’s Commander-in-Chief, despite his public statements like ‘he does not feel threatened by India’, ‘there will be no support to cross border terrorism’, and that ‘he will approve appointments of all senior military officers’, has never been able to influence Pakistan Army’s policies or appointments. What is likely to be the endgame in the current face off between Pakistan’s civilian government, its judiciary and its army ? Despite considerable sheen off its ‘image’, the military retains a fair degree of institutional power, effectiveness and credibility in the current dysfunctional state of Pakistan. It can not afford to lose the battle with Gilani and Company as that could lead to erosion of its autonomy, and exposure of many skeletons in its cupboard. But it is unlikely to indulge in a direct coup due to legal hassles, strong opposition from the Supreme Court, political parties and the media. Instead, it will try to make the position of the civilian government, led by Pakistan Peoples’ Party, untenable through legal means, break up of its coalition structure, and prompt more adverse exposure over ‘Memogate’ and corruption cases against President Zardari. ‘There is no alternative for Pakistan but to move towards more democracy and less Army to prevent it from becoming a pariah state’ writes Ahmad Rashid in his book Descent into Chaos. That is a far cry at the moment. ( The writer is a former Chief of Army
Staff)
|
|
GUEST COLUMN “ `ISI embodies the scourge of radicalism that has become a cornerstone of Pakistan`s foreign policy. The time has come for America to take the lead in shutting down the political and financial support that sustains an organ of the Pakistani state that undermines global anti -terrorism efforts at every turn.” Had anyone read the quoted paragraphs in an influential western publication, wouldn`t he have expected the ISPR (Inter-Services Public Relations Directorate) to issue a strongly worded rebuttal that decried the writing as inspired to undermine a key national security institution ? Had the writer been in Pakistan, perhaps his fate may not have been very different to Saleem Shahzad`s: life squeezed out brutally. We have all rightly slammed the government for its poor governance record, for presiding over a mess in each and every public-sector corporation, for the energy crisis, for inept handling of the economy And for all other faults. SPINELESS GOVT My grouse with the government is on totally different grounds. It has pandered to the military so spinelessly that GHQ now appears to expect the Moon and doesn`t seem to be in the mood to settle for (anything) less. The government defended the military leadership at every turn. It asked no questions at the ease with which the militants breached security at GHQ and Mehran base or how the US was able to find and eliminate Osama bin Laden deep inside Pakistan. The government placed only itself in the cross-hair of all critics of the US drone attacks on Pakistani soil. Few paused to reflect who was in charge, when this policy was initiated and who has quietly acquiesced to it. What is it, including extensions and funds, that`s been denied the Pakistan army? The ISPR (Inter-Service Public Relations) can issue a statement on the Kerry-Lugar bill; it can contradict the Prime Minister on a phone conversation between the President and the Army Chief and it can warn the country`s chief executive that his statement (that) the (Army) chief may have acted illegally can have `serious ramifications with potentially grievous consequences` for the country. But why can`t it issue a statement explaining why the drone attacks are necessary or asking the government permission to intercept and shoot down the drones ? Neither will it issue a statement turning down extensions to its leaders by a `corrupt, treacherous and inept` government. The army isn`t doing so probably because it is looking forward to the `constitutional and legal` removal of an elected government and moving towards fresh elections. `We should look for the kind of people we have in the forces who have made the nuclear weapon … these people must be brought forward in the elections,` a very profound former air vice marshal told at a TV discussion. Only free and fair elections at regular intervals ensure a process in which discredited or under-performing leaders/parties are sifted out of the system. Nothing else works. But who`ll bell the cat? Tell those currently engaged in consigning the current `corrupt` lot to history, that long after they have done so, the world will still be asking the same questions as raised so eloquently by one Mansoor Ijaz in the three quoted paras ( at the beginning). —
By arrangement with Dawn (The writer is a former editor of The Dawn) |
|
PROFILE Out Of 555 persons on board the ship Volga, 18 died during the three-month-long voyage. The ship, which left from Calcutta port on July 18, 1889 on its arduous journey, docked at the Caribbean Island on October 21, 1889. Ram Lakhan was unmarried and full of enthusiasm. His eyes fell on a local girl, both fell in love, and subsequently married. The generations passed and Kamla’s father became the owner of an oil company. Kamla is married to Dr. Gregory Bissessar and the couple have a son. She has not forgotten her roots and the Indian culture. The audience at the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas were in for a surprise when she touched the feet of President Pratibha Patil after receiving the Prestigious ‘Pravasi Bharatiya Samman’ Award. Speaking on the occasion, she said the only passport out of poverty is a education, which was a priority for the poor. Bhelpur, a sleepy village in Bihar’s Buxur district is from where her great grandfather had set off for the alien land. The villagers, taken by surprise at her decision to visit the village, rolled out a red carpet for her when the “daughter of Bhelpur” turned up at the village this week. The seventh Prime Minister of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, was sworn-in on May 10, 2010. She is also the first woman to head the government in the Caribbean nation. She was also the first woman to serve as Attorney General and Leader of the Opposition before becoming the PM. She went to England to study Law and also obtained a PG degree in Business Administration. She took up teaching in Kingston, Jamaica before opting to become an Attorney-at-Law. She has served as Member of Parliament since 1995. When the United National Congress formed the Government on December 22, 2000, she was sworn-in as the Education Minister. On April 25, 2006, she received the support of the majority of Opposition MPs for the post of the Leader of Opposition. Her stint as Prime Minister since 2010 has been eventful. Even an attempt at assassinating her and members of her Cabinet was foiled. A dozen conspirators were arrested, including some personnel from the police and the army. She blamed the plot on “criminal elements” acting in reprisal for a state of emergency she had declared in August . She later asserted that her government was in control.
|
||
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Letters | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
BJP’s
The
When