The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Maimed by mines
Protecting civilians on Indo-Pak border

Many borders have weight-triggered explosive devices that can blast off with a human or inanimate contact. The difficult-to-patrol Indo-Pak border is dotted with them, a legacy of turbulent times and wars during which landmines were placed by the Army. With distressing frequency, the landmines are triggered by civilians who are then maimed or even sometimes killed by the blasts. Many of those affected are young people and indeed, a United Nations report on the impact of armed conflict on children maintains that landmines represent “an insidious and persistent danger” to children affected by war. Young people are far more likely to die from their mine injuries than adults, and even if they survive, seldom do they receive prostheses with the regularity that is necessary because of their growth.

Landmines were extensively used all over the world by armed forces till the 1990s, but after that, thanks to many voices being raised against their use, the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction, was signed in Ottawa, Canada, in 1997. Unfortunately, among the significant nations that have not signed the pact are India, Pakistan, Myanmar Nepal and China. That, however, did not deter Nepal from taking action and it was declared landmine-free zone only last week.

While the use of landmines has dropped dramatically worldwide since the Ottawa Treaty, obviously the border regions in India are unlikely to register such a fall. Naturally, the Army is expected to take a pro-active role in minimising the exposure of landmines to civilians who live near the border areas. People, especially children, living there must be sensitised so that they can recognise the threat. The Army must regularly sweep the border to remove any landmines that have moved from their original locations, as often happens. If anyone is hurt, it must work with the local administration to ensure proper, long-term care of the victims. Landmines are a deadly inheritance of wars; we must protect civilians from them.

Crimes against women
Mayawati needs to gear up

Uttar Pradesh is once again earning notoriety for its high rate of crimes against women. The unfortunate incidents of young girls being raped, hanged and mutilated, remind one of the horrifying humiliation of Phoolan Devi, who took the gun as a bandit to avenge her repeated gang rapes and naked parades by the high caste men of her village in the early 80s. Her side of the story would never have come to be known, had it not been for the poignant portrayal of her life in the film ‘Bandit Queen.’

Similarly, as media claimed, had it not been for their intervention, the alleged strangulation and rape of a 14 year old girl of Nighasan village ( Lakhimpur dist), where she was found hanging from a tree branch inside a police post, would have been covered up as suicide. Even though all the 11 policemen, who tried their best to prove her death as suicide, were suspended last week under media pressure, it is anybody’s guess, how long and tedious the process of justice is going to be for a poorly paid guard, that the girl’s father is. Yesterday, in another shocking incident, two ruffians of Kannauj village, brutally thrashed a minor girl of 14, and pierced her eyes, when she resisted their effort to rape her. Here again, the FIR was not registered till the media intervened, nor did the police arrange for medical help. The SI and constable were suspended under pressure from the media. In another incident, a 19-year old Dalit girl was allegedly raped by a youth in Ranipur Beladi village in Basti on Friday night.

The gruesomeness of these crimes reminds one of the lawlessness of the days of caste-wars in UP, which, one believed, ended under the regime of Mayawati. In her first term, Mayawati came to establish herself as an effective administrator, the only plank she used to woo non -Dalit voters to her side, which she seems to be losing now with growing number of incidents that put a question mark on the role of the police in the state.

Thought for the Day

It's surprising how much you can accomplish if you don't care who gets the credit. — Abraham Lincoln

ARTICLE

Developing ties with Myanmar
Realism more important than ethics
by Gen V. P. Malik (retd)

Since Independence India has tended to neglect its east, within and outside the national boundaries. In the west, despite irrational hostility towards us, we have maintained a comprehensive diplomatic dialogue with Pakistan’s military dictators. In the east, we shied away from meaningful diplomatic dialogue with Myanmar ever since its Generals took charge of the nation nearly six decades ago. In fact, despite our historical relations, a 1600-km-long undisputed common boundary and several geo-strategic interests, India became a persistent critic of the military rule in Myanmar until the mid-1990s.

Due to ideologicpolitic policies followed during this period, Yangon drew close to Beijing for political and economic support and for military weapons, equipment and training. China developed road communications and trade links from Yunnan (China) to North Myanmar which caused heavy influx of Chinese immigrants (approximately 1.5 million) and their economic influence right up to the Irrawady river. Secessionist gangs from India’s Northeast were able to establish and operate from their safe sanctuaries in North Myanmar. Gunrunning and drug traffic from the Golden Triangle into Northeast had increased substantially.

The credit for changing the course of the ethics-based policy to realpolitic in Indo-Myanmar relations goes to the governments of Prime Ministers PV Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee. They realised that without proper diplomatic relations and cooperation with Myanmar, it would be impossible to control insurgencies and bring about stability in our Northeastern states. Besides, shifting the balance of power and the growing influence of China in India’s immediate eastern neighborhood and Southeast Asia, our long-term political and economic interests required a “Look East” policy.

Myanmar was seen as a natural bridge to Southeast Asia. These imperatives made it necessary to engage with the military regime in Myanmar. It was not principle but realpolitik that guided New Delhi’s changed attitude towards Yangon.

In March 1993, Foreign Secretary JN Dixit visited Yangon and signed a bilateral agreement to control drug trafficking and border trade. A Memorandum of Understanding to maintain border tranquillity was signed in 1994. Military visits were started at a low key. The real shift and a new momentum in India-Myanmar relations, however, came after the Vajpayee government assumed power.

In 1999, several proposals on India-Myanmar cooperation were under consideration, but there was no progress due to the lack of political contacts. Prime Minister Vajpayee and National Security Adviser (NSA) Brajesh Mishra then decided to utilise military diplomacy to supplement India’s foreign policy objectives.

In November 1999, Ambassador Shyam Saran (later Foreign Secretary) proposed to the military government in Myanmar that l, then Chief of Army Staff, have a “quiet” meeting with General Maung Aye, Vice-Chairman, Government of Myanmar, Deputy C-in-C, Armed Forces, and C-in-C, Myanmar Army. This could then lead to my inviting Maung Aye and senior military officers in charge of relevant ministries for a meeting with Union ministers in India.

Initially, our Ministry of External Affairs suggested that this meeting should be held at Tamu-Moreh on the Myanmar-India border. I rejected such a border meeting at the level of the Chiefs. After discussions with the NSA, it was agreed that I would go with a small military delegation to Mandalay and after our meetings, bring the Myanmarese delegation to Shillong.

On January 5, 2000, after canceling all engagements for the next four days, I left for Imphal in an Air Force Avro aircraft along with a small tri-service delegation. Early next morning, after flying across the Chindwin river and thick forested Chin Hills, we landed in Mandalay, the second largest city in Myanmar on the eastern bank of the Irrawady. We were received on the red-carpeted tarmac by Maung Aye and almost the entire Myanmarese Cabinet (mostly Generals). Ambassador Shyam Saran and the Military Attache Colonel Jasbir Singh were at hand. From the airport, Maung Aye escorted me personally to an impressive guard of honour and then to the room allotted to me in Nanmyo Guest House.

Over the next 48 hours, besides a formal meeting, dinner, a visit to the nearby military institutes (in Pyin Oo Lwin) and local sightseeing, I had several one-on-one discussions with Maung Aye. We discussed the need to enlarge India-Myanmar cooperation in the military field to include greater border contacts, passing of real-time information and coordinated operations against the insurgents on both sides of the border. I also apprised him of the training programmes and non-lethal equipment that we could offer. The need to expedite planning and implementation of the civil projects already accepted in principle by our two countries and widening diplomatic exchanges were also discussed.

Maung Aye and his colleagues never spoke about China but quite apparently were keen on enlarging civil and military ties with India. I also managed a surprise visit to the local market to look for the Chinese influence and to buy a pair of ruby earrings for my wife.

On January 8, our respective delegations, in separate aircraft, flew to Shillong via Gauhati. The Air Force gave the guard of honour to the visiting Vice-Chairman of Myanmar. Maung Aye and his delegation met Murasoli Maran, Union Minister of Commerce and Industry, and Kumaramanglam, Union Minister for Power and civil officials from several ministries who had flown in from New Delhi. After a formal introductory meeting, Maung Aye and I withdrew to the bungalow where we were put up together while the ministers and officials from our countries started discussions on the development of road and trade links and hydro-power projects in Myanmar.

When Maung Aye left Shillong with his delegation next day, I gave him a map marked with locations of hostile Naga gangs in North Myanmar. A fortnight later, these locations were raided and destroyed by the Myanmar Army. When the hostile elements attempted to run across the boundary into India, they were ambushed by our troops and suffered further casualties.

In April 2000, I was invited by the Government of Myanmar, this time more formally, to visit historical places and civil and military institutions in different parts of the country. To keep the momentum going, an India-Myanmar Foreign Secretary-level meeting was held in August 2000. Political exchanges increased substantially. This, it was hoped, would lead to greater and more practical and meaningful cooperation in the economic and security fields.

It is a matter of regret that these efforts have started floundering lately due to political inhibitions, diplomatic neglect and attempts to align ourselves with US and European Union human rights and environmental policies. While India has been slow in establishing political and economic foothold, China has managed to gain access to Myanmar’s waterways, harbours and territorial waters and dominate its important jade and gems trade in North Myanmar. Myanmar is getting drawn into China’s orbit more and more.

It needs to be reiterated that strategy and diplomacy in international relations are based not on sentiments but the art of the possible and the advancement of national interests. Kautilya had stated, “When the interests of the country are involved, ethics are a burdensome irrelevance.”

The writer is a former Chief of Army Staff.

MIDDLE

Risk-takers, caretakers, undertakers
by V.K. Kapoor

Most of the people are the product of their landscape. In a world divided between the domineering and the dependent, there are broadly three categories of people: risk-takers, caretakers and undertakers.

Risk-takers are usually rule-breakers. They exude an aura of power and certainty. A combustible mix of ruthlessness, charm and ingenuity, the end result is all that matters to them. It does not matter whether the cat is black or white as long as it catches mice. They move to their target on a direct road and not on something vague. They fish in troubled waters and bait the hook to suit the fish.

They understand political linkages, know when to attack, when to retreat and when to hide. They are street-smart and gutter-tough. They have a knack of attracting attention. Hollywood actress Mae West remarked, “It is better to be looked at than to be overlooked.”

They have a dark side also. The flash hides the flaws. There is always a feel of a hidden and sinister dimension. Risk-takers are neither moral nor immoral; they are amoral. Stanley Baldwin remarked, “I would rather be an opportunist and float rather than go to the bottom with my principles round my neck.” Most of the politicians are in this category.

Caretakers have an intuitive sense of self-promotion and self-preservation. Paul Vallery remarked, “Extraordinary people bring changes in the world but the ordinary people give it stability.” Their behaviour is situation-dependent rather than ego or emotion-dependent. Caretakers observe, accurately understand, properly hear correctly and consider sufficiently. Most of the senior bureaucrats belong to this category. They anticipate the direction of the wind and accordingly bend. They inherently do not like aggression. They make hay without going haywire. They make good power-vendors and influence-peddlers. They are like wasps on a bag of sugar.

Caretakers choose certainty over uncertainty. By nature they are tactful. Tact is the knack of making a point without making an enemy. They have a satin-smooth quality. Abraham Lincoln said, “A drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall.”

An undertaker is the last man to let you down. They are two halves of an incoherent whole. They are stupid and extremely opinionated. Bertrand Russel remarked, “The problem with the world is that fools and fanatics are always so certain of themselves but wiser people are so full of doubt.” A prickly mix of arrogance and inferiority, they are good at annoying everybody coming in their way. They are inherently negative. Most of the cops belong to this category.

They have big visions, but take dumb decisions. They criticise, condemn and complain about everybody and everything. They show their superiority by being rude. Eric Hoffman said, “Rudeness is a weak man’s imitation of strength. A matchstick has a head but does not have a brain. They are junkies by prescription, hedonists by inclination and profligate by longing.”

We all have some traits of all these categories. That makes the world an interesting place to live in, and life a festival.

OPED

ALL SET FOR INDO-BANGLA LAND SWAP DEAL
Ashok Tuteja

Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Dr Manmohan Singh

Land is an emotive issue. It drives passions. And who knows it better than the people of the subcontinent? Hence India and Bangladesh are treading cautiously as the two countries work overtime to resolve their long-standing border dispute by finalising a land-swap deal, expected to be signed during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Dhaka later this year.

It obviously will be an unenviable task for the two countries to decide the future of the nearly 40,000 inhabitants of the territories that are likely to be exchanged under the deal. The inhabitants of the more than 150 enclaves in the 6.5 km territory could be given the option of deciding to opt for the citizenship of India or Bangladesh if they want to continue residing in the same area of migrating to the other side. But the move again is certainly going to raise passions in both countries, what with opposition parties already on a collision course in both New Delhi and Dhaka with the ruling groups in the two capitals.

However, the Manmohan Singh government and the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime in Bangladesh have decided to take the bull by its horns and ordered a headcount of such residents and also agreed on the performa that will have to be filled up by the residents of these areas.

The land deal will not be the singular achievement of the long-overdue visit by the Indian Prime Minister to the neighbouring country. Officials say agreements on river water sharing, upgrading infrastructure, improving connectivity and enhancing bilateral trade are also in the pipeline. The two countries are discussing the text of the draft agreement on water sharing of the Teesta and Feni rivers while dredging of the Icchamati river and works on embankments continue.

Delhi and Dhaka, meanwhile, are witnessing a flurry of diplomatic activity in the run-up to Dr Singh's visit, his first bilateral tour of Bangladesh since becoming the Prime Minister. He had last visited Dhaka to participate in the SAARC Summit in 2005. Water Resources Minister Salman Khurshid is visiting Dhaka soon to discuss the broad contours of the water sharing agreement. External Affairs Minister S M Krishna is slated to visit the Bangladesh capital in the first week of July.

Home Minister P Chidambaram's visit is also said to be on the cards. Relations between the two neighbours have grown from strength to strength after Sheikh Hasina came to power at the head of an Awami League government in Dhaka in December 2008. Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was obviously not in the good books of New Delhi and tension was quite palpable between the two countries when she was at the helm of affairs in Dhaka.

Despite friendly gestures by India, Begum Zia turned a blind eye to New Delhi's concerns over security issues and was often charged with providing safe havens in Bangladesh to ULFA militants. Her attempts to play the "Pakistan card" off and on just to irritate India had also not gone down well with New Delhi.

It is to the credit of Sheikh Hasina that she launched a massive crackdown on ULFA cadres soon after assuming office and assured New Delhi that she would not allow the Bangladeshi territory to be used for launching terror strikes in India. She has stood by her promise and New Delhi feels obliged to her. And to demonstrate its gratitude to Sheikh Hasina, New Delhi pulled out all the stops to accord her a red carpet welcome in New Delhi in January last year. India also announced a $1billion Line of Credit (LoC) for Bangladesh. However, the problem is that the Indian LoC is still lying unused because of what Bangladesh feels strict Indian conditions for its utilisation. In this regard, Bangladesh officials pointed towards one of the "irritating" conditions — Indian companies will supply 80 per cent of the materials for any project undertaken under the LoC.

Bangladesh is said to have sought a quick clarification from India on procurement complexities concerning 20 projects to be financed under the LoC sanctioned by New Delhi.

There is also a sense of disquiet in Dhaka about the slowdown in the tempo of bilateral ties during the last one and a half years after Sheikh Hasina's visit. There is a feeling in Dhaka, which to an extent shared by New Delhi, that not much has been done to sustain the momentum in relations and that the two countries must move faster or the forces inimical to India-Bangladesh friendship would once again raise their ugly head to spoil what has been achieved during Sheikh Hasina's regime.

Indian officials are, however, quite confident that Dr Singh's visit to Dhaka will open a new chapter in bilateral ties. ''India attaches the highest importance to its relations with Bangladesh and seeks a deeper and stronger partnership. The historic bonds between India and Bangladesh are deep-rooted and people on both sides want mutual prosperity and cooperation", a senior Indian official said. He also referred to the joint launching of the 150th anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore in both New Delhi and Dhaka as reflective of the close bonds between the two countries. Such events are planned for the whole of this year.

Problem area

The Bangladesh border is the longest land border that India shares with any of its neighbours. It covers a length of 4,095 kilometres abutting the states of West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura. The border, which was carved out by the Radcliffe Line, was not demarcated on the ground. As a result, the border cuts through the middle of several villages and in some cases, while one section of a house is one country, another is in the other. In West Bengal , for instance, there are more than 100 villages located right on the zero line, and in many villages there are houses where the front door is in India and the rear door opens into Bangladesh.

Opening ‘haats’ to open hearts
Parbina Rashid

There couldn't have been a more paradoxical beginning to one's association with a country than this. During the days of what came to be known as the Assam revolution, one listened to the fiery speeches of student leaders talking about the need to deport illegal Bangladeshi migrants in the evenings and then falling asleep under a beautiful embroidered pink mosquito net - a "gift" from Dhaka!

People at the border areas are welcoming the government’s move to re-open the ‘haats’

The net was soon replaced by a mosquito repellent gadget —another "gift" from Dhaka. In fact, among the available gifts (which formed part of illegal trade) were Bangladesh's potato chips, Dhaka's Khan Namkeen packets and even cakes and biscuits, which were and still are available in most north-eastern border towns.

Well, the process of "gifting" is set to get a definite direction. Union Commerce and Industry Minister Anand Sharma recently announced that the India-Bangladesh border "haats" (markets) will be inaugurated soon to facilitate bilateral trade.

Historically, the hills of Meghalaya have always had vibrant and symbiotic relations with the plains of East Bengal, now Bangladesh. Much of the products of the Khasi and Jaintia hills found their way to the plains of Sylhet. After Partition, the border "haats" continued to function but after the Bangladesh War of Liberation, most of these border markets were closed down. As a result. the economy of the region was severely affected and the communication channels, which were mostly in Bangladesh, got disrupted. The Northeast became a landlocked region with access to the nearby ports and railway lines being denied by Bangladesh.

The reopening of border "haats" is hailed as a positive step towards opening up the economy of the region and bringing about benefit to both nations.

Border 'haats' are reopening at the remote border points where villagers of both countries have been historically poor. They produce either minor agricultural products or make handicrafts on a very small scale, but they face difficulties in marketing these. Incidentally, before the Partition of India in 1947, and even for some time after that, these people on both sides of the redrawn borders were used to trading with each other. So, border 'haats' may help them in marketing their products. Moreover, border 'haats' will help change the mindsets of the people of both countries. “These 'haats', in a sense, represent reinstitution of the age-old practice within new parameters," says Tariq A. Karim, High Commissioner of Bangladesh in India.

According to Karim, two border "haats" will first start functioning on a pilot basis. Depending on their success, more would be opened along the India-Bangladesh border in Tripura and West Bengal, for instance.

What about smuggling that goes on unchecked at most places along the Indo-Bangla border? Karim is hopeful that it would end once the "haats" start functioning. "The Union Government will be setting up and upgrading 13 Integrated Check-Posts (ICPs) as part of its development plans along its border with its neighbours — one with Pakistan, one with Myanmar, four with Nepal and seven with Bangladesh. These numbers are a reflection of the importance India attaches to its growing relations with friendly Bangladesh," he says.

Indian industrialists, too, have begun looking at Bangladesh as a good investment centre, partly because of cheaper labour and excellent skills. The Sriram group is planning big investments in Bangladesh, and so is the Arvind Lalbhai group. But that reminds us of the fate of the Tata group, which too showed interest in investing in Bangladesh but was refused. So, has the policies changed this time?

Tariq, a keen observer of the changing political scenario in both the countries that has taken place over the years, explains, "Big investment and trade are always influenced by politics. This is more resonant in South Asia where for so long politics has held business hostage. “The Indo-Bangl trade and investment scenario also, unfortunately, fell within this constrained reality. The situation is vastly different now following the elections in Bangladesh in December 2008, when an Awami League grand alliance was voted to power. Relations between the two countries have never been better. The visit of the Bangladesh Prime Minister to India in January 2010 was historic and game-changing. Together, the leaders of the two countries have set forth a bold and visionary road-map for forging strong and mutually beneficial relations between the two countries and peoples. Among these was envisaged increased trade and removal of trade barriers, as well as investment in each other's countries. “Bangladesh welcomes Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from any country, including India, for enhancing its economic activities and creating more jobs,” he says.

Another area of concern which leaves one with a niggling doubt is the social mindset of the people - specially with the generation which grew up raising slogans against illegal Bangladeshi migrants and the political accusations of Bangladesh giving shelter to the outlawed ultras, how open are the people of Northeast to embrace the changes?

While Tariq considers the issue of illegal migration a sensitive and complex one, and would rather have it handled "with humanism ruling our rational perceptions and judgment", he is confident that Bangladesh has effectively addressed the concerns of India in general and Assam in particular.