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India in
Shanghai forum Cut-offs
are zooming |
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Atrocities
on Lanka Tamils
How not to exit
Afghanistan
A lesson
in frugality
NO
SHORT-CUTS IN DEMOCRACY A muddled product of
our time RSS, BJP still on a
sticky wicket
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Cut-offs are zooming
Students
who have scored high marks in their Class XII examinations find that in order to get admission to good colleges, their marks have to be superlative — cent per cent, or at least 95 per cent. The first round of cut-offs announced by various colleges in Delhi have been roughly 3 per cent high this year, compared to the preceding session. After the cut-offs are announced, eligible students from anywhere can then submit forms seeking admission to the relevant colleges. This move is particularly helpful to students from far-off places, as earlier they had to make two trips, whereas now they will have to make just one. However, from this year, colleges do not have cut-off points based on the profile of the students who had submitted forms to them. Instead, they have gone in for higher marks in the first round. Even though the 72 affiliated colleges of Delhi University have around 50,000 seats for undergraduates, the number of students seeking admission is substantially more, and thus there is great pressure on admissions. The fact that between 25,000 and 28,000 applications are submitted at St. Stephen’s for 400 seats illustrates the point well. The number of CBSE high-scorers has also increased four-fold this year, which has made the screening process more daunting. HRD Minister Kapil Sibal will have to do a lot more than “feel sorry for the parents and their children who have worked hard and got 79 per cent or 89 per cent”. The quality of teaching has to be improved across the board so that all colleges become attractive, rather than a few that are perceived to be ‘good’. Many more educational institutions are needed as quality has to be ensured. However, precious little has been done for higher education and thanks to various controversies, parents are still at sea in judging the quality of the extant private educational institutions. In the next few years, many more students are expected to pass out of schools, partly because of the Right to Education Act, and thus the pressure on graduate institutions will only increase as time goes by. Mr Sibal needs to urgently take remedial measures to ensure that the number of colleges is adequate to meet the needs of students.
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Atrocities on Lanka Tamils
It
is unfortunate that the world community has been so utterly lacking in genuine concern and action over the reports of atrocities committed by the Sri Lankan army against civilians while the army was fighting the Tamil Tiger rebels in the final months before the Tigers were decimated two years ago. The British government’s recent expression of outrage and its advice to the Sri Lankan government to investigate the reports is one of those feeble attempts to get the insensitive Rajapakse government to act on the issue after a British documentary aired by Channel 4 recently showed horrific images of blood and bodies and sadder still, the terror and distress of the survivors, many of whom had watched their loved ones die. The documentary which has been largely authenticated by experts showed scenes of army shelling of helpless men, women and children in so-called ‘no-fire zones’ and hospitals, which may have been deliberately targeted. A UN human rights panel report released in April had highlighted strong evidence of war crimes by the state. The Sri Lankan Government had been urged to take forward an effective accountability process, beginning with genuine investigations. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission which it has set up is regarded by independent agencies and individuals as ineffective. Indeed, the Sri Lankan government is loathe to admitting that it might have done anything wrong. President Rajapakse has also been successful in portraying himself as a victim of the international community, and any criticism of him is widely regarded as a slur on Sri Lanka. The human rights activists and journalists in Sri Lanka are scared of a government that has a record of coming down hard on dissent. While punishing the offenders may be difficult in the circumstances, it is fair to expect that the Rajapakse government would atleast relieve the problems of the survivors. By all accounts, they have been living in acute misery and squalor. Governmental help is necessary also for ensuring that Tamil extremism does not raise its head again, with angry youth taking the law into their own hands in
deperation.
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It is the mark of an educated mind to be able to entertain a thought without accepting it. — Aristotle
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How not to exit Afghanistan
PRESIDENT Barack Obama is under pressure from his own party leaders to hasten the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan scheduled to begin in July. They want the draw-down to be carried out at a pace that is much faster than what Gen David Petraeus, commander of the US and allied forces, has recommended as an operationally viable rate. Now that Osama bin Laden has been killed, Senator John Kerry and other Democrats are urging Obama to change the campaign’s course from fighting the Taliban all over Afghanistan and continuing the unsustainable efforts at nation-building to targeting only Al-Qaida and protecting US interests. Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, still a perceptive observer of the emerging strategic environment, has written that four conditions must be met to make the exit strategy viable (“How to exit Afghanistan,” Washington Post, June 8, 2011): “A cease-fire; withdrawal of all or most American and allied forces; the creation of a coalition government or division of territories among the contending parties (or both); and an enforcement mechanism.” None of the four appears viable at present. Nor do these conditions look achievable in the 2014-15 time-frame in which the exit strategy is planned to be completed. As widely anticipated, the Taliban has launched a vigorous spring-summer offensive and the US-led NATO-ISAF forces have retaliated with equal force. Nuristan, a north-eastern province bordering Pakistan, has been almost completely taken over by the insurgents. Despite repeated offensive operations being launched by the US-led NATO-ISAF forces, the situation in Helmand, Kandahar and Marja is still grim. The Pakistan Army has apparently learnt nothing from the killing of Osama bin Laden and continues to pretend that his presence at Abbottabad was a mystery. Instead of reinvigorating its efforts to eliminate terrorists who are undermining Pakistan’s security, the army is still holding off from launching the long-delayed offensive against the Tehreek-e-Taliban, Pakistan (TTP) in North Waziristan. Meanwhile, reports of US drone attacks against terrorists along the Af-Pak border continue to trickle in virtually on a daily basis despite the Pakistan Army’s strident protestations. While it is early days in this year’s military confrontation, a continuing stalemate will be the most likely outcome. A US Congressional study report, released on June 8, has found that nation-building efforts in Afghanistan are floundering as the massive economic aid programme lacks proper oversight and breeds corruption. It says that most local officials are incapable of “spending wisely”. It also says that there is little evidence to support the view that even the “politically pleasing” short-term results will be sustainable once the draw-down begins. The report notes that the Afghan economy could easily slip into depression as it is mainly a “war-time” economy that is a “huge distortion”. It is well known, of course, that the US military conducts its own development programme in the areas cleared of the Taliban to win the people’s support. Some of these aid programmes are completely out of sync with those approved by the Afghan government. The two-year-old efforts to move towards reconciliation with the so-called “good Taliban” have not made much headway. Secret talks being mediated by Germany between the US government and Tayyab Agha, said to be a close confidante of Mullah Mohammed Omar, are unlikely to achieve a major breakthrough as no one is quite sure whether Agha is actually negotiating on behalf of Mullah Omar or whether the Taliban are simply using the talks as a ploy to buy time. The Haqqani group that enjoys ISI support and patronage is not part of the reconciliation process as General Kayani’s offer of his good offices to negotiate with the Taliban has not found any takers. While regional efforts to secure peace in Afghanistan remain haphazard, these are likely to slowly gather momentum when the draw-down of NATO-ISAF forces finally begins. During a visit to Kabul in mid-May, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh endorsed President Karzai’s “process of national reconciliation” and said, “We hope that Afghanistan will be able to build a framework of regional cooperation that will help its nation-building efforts.” There is increasing realisation even in Washington that there cannot be a lasting solution to the intractable Afghan conflict unless Afghanistan’s close neighbours and those in its extended neighbourhood provide reasonable guarantees of non-interference. Also, in the post-Osama environment, it is being gradually realised that Pakistan is part of the problem and cannot, therefore, be part of the solution. The international community is realising that Pakistan’s sensibilities have been given too much weightage in the various major conferences that have been held to seek a solution to the conflict. Overall, the situation in Afghanistan offers little cause for hope. The security environment is still fragile. Poor governance, political instability, ill-trained, badly equipped and poorly motivated Afghan security forces, rampant corruption, gross misuse of international aid, the resurgent Taliban, lack of political and military will among several members of the coalition to continue the fight and Pakistan’s continuing double game do not augur well for peace and stability. While President Obama’s domestic political compulsions are understandable, militarily the time is not ripe to commence withdrawing forces from Afghanistan. In fact, what Afghanistan needs is another military surge to be able to hold cleared areas against the Taliban, rather than the thinning down of troops. Finally, there is so far no evidence yet that the US and its allies are planning to make substantive efforts to put in place a viable international peacekeeping force to help the Afghan government to maintain security after their own exit from Afghanistan in 2014. If this is not done, the Taliban will gradually seize one province after another, with covert help from Pakistan, and will eventually force the capitulation of the government, paving the way for their triumphant return to power to once again practice their peculiar brand of Sharia. Conflict termination on such terms would signify not only the failure of President Obama’s exit strategy but also that the war in Afghanistan has been fought in vain. It would mean that one more American intervention has gone hopelessly
wrong. The writer is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi.
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A lesson in frugality When
I arrived in Hamburg , my colleagues working there arranged a welcome party for me in a restaurant. As we walked into the restaurant, we noticed that many tables were empty. There was a table where a young couple was having their meal. There were only two dishes and two cans of beer on the table. I wondered if such simple meal could be romantic, and whether the girl will leave this stingy person. There were a few old women on another table. When a dish was served, the waiter would distribute the food for them, and they would finish every bit on their plates. We did not pay much attention to them, as we were looking forward to the dishes we ordered. As we were hungry, our host ordered more food for us. Since there were other activities arranged for us, we did not spend much time dining. When we left, there was still about one-third of unconsumed food on the table. While we were leaving the restaurant, we heard someone calling us. We noticed the old women in the restaurant were talking about us to the restaurant owner. When they spoke to us in English, we understood that they were unhappy about us wasting so much food. We felt that they were really being too intrusive. “We paid for our food; it is none of your business how much food we left behind,” my colleague told the old women. They were furious. One of them immediately made a call to someone. After a while, an officer from the Social Security organisation arrived. Upon knowing what the dispute was, he issued us a 50 Euro fine. We all kept quiet. The local colleague took out a 50 Euro note and repeatedly apologised to the officer. The officer told us in a stern voice, “Order what you can consume. Money is yours but resources belong to society. There are many others in the world who are facing food shortage; you have no reason to waste resources”. Our faces turned red. We all agreed with him in our hearts. The mindset of people of this rich country put all of us to shame. We really need to reflect on
this.
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NO SHORT-CUTS IN DEMOCRACY ‘Punishment of wise men who refuse to participate in affairs of the government is to be governed by unwise men.” Yes, there are particular aspects of the issue which need to be outrightly applauded or condemned. For instance, the manner in which the government suppressed a peaceful gathering in New Delhi and the way Baba Ramdev and his supporters were manhandled was disgraceful. The opprobrium that has come the government’s way is just. Corruption has assumed alarming proportions in India. People’s anger, especially at lack of adequate response from the government, is therefore understandable. But at the same time, I am apprehensive about the modus operandi of some of these protests. The other day, I read a statement by one of politicians exhorting Baba Ramdev to start a similar campaign in Punjab. What worries me is that many people have started believing (wrongly!) that no solution is possible within our Constitution. More unfortunate is the fact that certain opposition leaders are fanning this sentiment. It is interesting to find parallels with the sentiment and feelings in late 1960s and 70s. Back then, common people’s frustrations and the failures of the government were the prime moving force behind Loknayak Jaiprakash Narain’s movement. The intentions were noble back then as they are now. The motley government, formed after Mrs Gandhi’s defeat post-emergency, assumed power in a euphoric atmosphere where everyone thought that we were entering a brave, new world. But the reality turned out to be very different; simply because the honest vision of JP was not shared by many of his comrades. Many members of this new group were found wanting on propriety and more importantly, the ‘ total revolution’ itself fizzled out in view of certain impractical goals it had set for itself. I see stark similarities in some of the current demands voiced by the protesting leaders. Calls of absolute revolution may sound romantic but they are not necessarily the best option as instances all over eastern Europe have shown. This is why change brought about by Democracy is far more effective and long lasting. The good part is that constitutional democracy does allow enough opportunities to bring about changes that we want to see in the government. Or to quote Bernard Shaw, “Democracy is a device that ensures we shall be governed no better than we deserve” I will candidly say that the fact that governments have become vile and dysfunctional speaks a lot about our own failings. We allowed the governments to become so by our own misconducts and apathies. If we want to see change for the better now, the change has to be initiated by us, but that change has to come through democratic means. About eight months ago, I and my supporters too were dejected at the state of affairs that I found the Punjab government to be in. But we realised that if Punjab has to change for the better then this change needs to be brought about by the common people. This is why we launched the Jago Punjab Yatra, which has taken us to every constituency in the state, exhorting people to wake up and save Punjab from distress. The response has been stupendous. People know that things have come to a low ebb, but they still repose faith in democratic means. I am stunned when some people ask me whether it isn’t time that India too had a ‘Arab spring’ sort of revolution witnessed this winter in the Middle East and North Africa. But India is no Egypt that was dictatorially governed. Nor do we have a ruthless monarchy. The people who govern us have been elected by us. If we think that they are repeatedly failing in the duties expected of them, it means that we are not exercising due discretion in selecting them, keeping track of their performance and then questioning them when they are found wanting. As Plato once said, “Punishment of wise men who refuse to participate in affairs of the government is to be governed by unwise men.” The solution of our problem lies within the realms of Constitutional Democracy. Calling for a television revolution or a purge is stupidity. If you think I am wrong, go and check with what happened to Romania under Ceausescu and Iraq under Suddam Hussain. (The writer is a former finance minister of Punjab)
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A muddled product of our time Baba Ramdev as a phenomenon is reflective of our time: muddled, convoluted and confused. His mercurial rise can be seen as a backlash to the failures of an agenda inspired by Western thought and systems, its science and its faith-negating world view. He is a product of these times and certainly not a prophet. He began with an onslaught on Western medicine and sciences as opposed to Yoga and Ayurveda. His tirade against multinationals, drug companies, life style diseases and subsequent claims that Yoga is the ultimate panacea of all ills including cancer, helped him reach out to a section of the masses. People disillusioned with ‘systems’ (not just political) were groping for an alternative when Ramdev seemed to provide it. The problem with his politics lies in inherent contradictions. Support from the khap panchayats and the backing of the Right wing lobby flies in the face of his claim that there is no political design behind his agenda. Presence of Sadhvi Ritambhara, Major Unnikrishnan’s parents, relatives of Bhagat singh and similar diverse elements on his stage only indicated an ideological anarchy. His invocation of hyper nationalism and sacrifice besides selective use of secular slogans (sarfaroshi ki tamanna, vande matram, Bharat mata ki jai) and symbols (Bhagat singh, Chandra Shekhar Azad) from the freedom movement seemed contrived in the backdrop of his vast commercial empire. He also seems incapable of appreciating that corruption is rooted in the system and institutions or individuals cannot be hanged like the Taliban did in Afghanistan. By demanding that the guilty be hanged in public, he merely betrayed his own limited thinking. Institution building in a democratic society is a painful process, takes a long time, requires perseverance to arrive at a consensus, maturity and above all a liberal and humanitarian vision. Revolutions in these times take place through technology, through micro finance, self-help groups and legislations like the Right To Information. Dramatic demonstrations of frenzy, sustained by the politics of convenience, do not make for revolutionary changes. His announcement that he is going to raise an independent army to protect himself is another ominous and fascist signal that is frightening. Modernity is not just about Western medicine and science. Modernity is also about humanism, democracy and secularism. It will undoubtedly do Ramdev a world of good if someone presents him with a collection of Gandhi’s writings to calm his combative nerves and give him with some much needed lessons. The iconic status of Ramdev as the man who once made Yoga a household name in the remotest corners of India and his mystique have clearly taken a beating. Sadly, he has emerged as an ordinary and seriously flawed character. Intoxication with power has this effect on most people. Baba Ramdev was clearly not an exception. The writer is an Associate Professor of
Sociology at Ambedkar University, Delhi
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RSS, BJP still on a sticky wicket The
Sangh Parivar, by now it
is clear, had no option but to prop up the strident agitation against
corruption spearheaded by Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev. That is because the
Bharatiya Janata Party, which is sardonically described as the other side of
the Congress coin by none else than Govindacharya, has very little credibility
to fight against corruption. Allegations of corruption against BJP governments
in Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and in Jharkhand and Punjab, where
the BJP is part of the ruling coalition, have considerably weakened the party.
It is clearly in no position to cast a stone at the Congress. The plot came
unstuck also because of the skeletons tumbling out of Anna Hazare’s Trusts in
Maharashtra and details of land holdings held by the father-son duo of Shanti
Bhushan and Prashant Bhushan. The news that Baba Ramdev has been gifted an
island and that he has built up an empire worth over one thousand crores in a
matter of years raised serious questions about their standing. Prime land given
to the Yoga guru for a pittance by the BJP state governments also dented his
credibility. To be fair, the saffron brigade has been at the forefront of
anti-corruption crusades in the past as well. In 1967 anti-corruption
agitations led to the overthrow of several state governments and opposition
coalitions for the first time tasted power from West Bengal to Tamil Nadu. But
these governments were short-lived and turned out to be even more corrupt. In
1974, the Sangh Parivar lent its weight behind Jai Prakash Narayan’s
agitation for Total Revolution. With the promulgation of the Emergency, Sangh
affiliates went underground to fight the draconian measures and finally led to
the Janata Dal coming to power at the Centre in 1977. Corruption once again
became a public issue when the Sangh targeted Rajiv Gandhi on the Bofors deal
in 1989. Even later, in 1996 the Sangh fuelled the agitation in the wake of the
fodder scam in Bihar but had to wait till 2005 before it could dislodge Lalu
Prasad Yadav. There is little doubt that this time too the RSS is targeting
Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi. The difference this time is that unlike in the
past, there is no leader of impeccable integrity and stature like Lohia, JP or
even VP Singh. That itself weakens the agitation but the history of
anti-corruption campaigns shows that they have succeeded only when they have
secured the support of two very large constituencies, one the rural folk and
the other, the minorities. Communal riots, forcible sterilisation,
Muslim Personal Law, allowing the opening of the lock at Ayodhya and demolition
of the Babri mosque etc. alienated the Muslims while the rural folks faced the
pinch of price-rise and poor governance. However, the RSS itself is facing a
crisis after investigative agencies pointed an accusing finger at its
associates for their involvement in Meca Masjid, Ajmer Sharif and Samjhauta
Express and the Malegaon blasts. The NIA has got Swami Aseemanand to testify
and is hinting at the involvement of senior RSS leader Indresh Kumar in terror
strikes. Some more embarrassment may come its way after the cases related to
the Gujarat massacre of 2002, monitored by the Supreme Court, come to a close.
The Congress, therefore, can afford to breathe easy. While the RSS is on the
run, the Muslims see no reason yet to desert the Congress. And the UPA II
government is just about doing enough for the poor in rural areas to dissuade
them from rocking the boat. That would also explain why the Congress did so
well in the recently-concluded Assembly elections in the states and was swept
to power in Assam, Kerala and West Bengal.
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