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Rahul’s conscious strategy
After Badals, Kahlon |
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Hygiene and health
Message from assembly polls
Punctuality
The
culture (dis)connect
More institutions for
bureaucracy or culture?
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Rahul’s conscious strategy
Slowly but surely, the scion of the Nehru-Gandhi family and virtual heir-apparent, Rahul Gandhi, is moving to political centrestage and carving out a constituency for himself among the downtrodden on the one hand and the urban youth on the other.
His recent statement on atrocities committed against some village folk by the U.P. police under Chief Minister Mayawati’s dispensation may have been criticised for being exaggerated and overdrawn, but it has struck an approving chord among farmers in general who form an important vote bank.
The manner in which he rode on a motorcyle to the Greater Noida village of Bhatta Parsaul where four people had died over land acquisition when villagers clashed with policemen earlier this month, and the strong statement he made, wrested the initiative away from the BJP which was preparing to make an issue of it. By following it up with leading a delegation of farmers to the Prime Minister and handing over pictures of burnt bodies, ashes with bones and ransacked houses to him and later to the media, Rahul gave out a clear message to those who may have had any doubts that he wielded clout in the highest circles. In the last few years since Rahul came into active politics, he has also been striving to handpick young men and women as Congress candidates in elections. That only a few of these have found their way into state assemblies and Parliament is a fact but insofar as the strategy is to position him as a protagonist of the country’s youth, it is gradually seeping into young minds. In repeatedly championing the cause of the poor and of the urban youth, Rahul has consciously lived down his elitist upbringing as a part of a conscious strategy. Yet, all said and done, Rahul Gandhi has some way to go before he is seen widely as a mass leader justifying his heir-apparent tag. In the incident at Bhatta Parsaul, his statement on “mass murder and rape” and the subsequent watering down of that version has brought his credibility a few notches lower. Now that every action and statement of his is under scrutiny, he needs to learn to be more credible, responsible and better-informed.
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After Badals, Kahlon First Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, his son, wife and others got acquitted of corruption charges. Now it is Punjab Speaker Nirmal Singh Kahlon’s turn to be pronounced “not guilty” of making scandalous recruitments during his term as a minister (1997-2002) in the previous Badal council of ministers. Few will buy their argument that the cases against them were the result of political vendetta.
That could have been possible had they faced a fair legal battle and emerged victorious. Here they have apparently used their positions of power to influence the witnesses and the prosecution. Otherwise, how could such a large number of witnesses turn hostile? Vigilance has been used. Besides, in both cases the courts have passed damning strictures against the Vigilance officials in charge of investigations. One of them – IPS officer Surinder Pal Singh – was involved in both high-profile acquittals and faced the courts’ wrath for doing a shoddy job. The prosecuting officials’ complicity is self-evident as is the courts’ helplessness in the face of lack of evidence. Last year some Akali and Congress MLAs had floated the bright idea of withdrawing legal cases against each other. Fortunately, former Chief Minister Amarinder Singh scuttled the obnoxious game plan. The larger question now is: Should politicians facing serious criminal charges be allowed to contest elections? It is established that once elected, they do tend to influence the system of justice. Conviction is a deterrent to entering the poll fray or retaining a ministerial position, but given the dilatory legal procedures, convictions of politicians are rare, if not impossible. As for remedies, Capt Amarinder Singh talks of putting Vigilance under a retired judge. Empowering the Lok Ayukta can be helpful. Punjab needs drastic steps as politicians here have even foiled the Supreme Court’s attempt to insulate the police from political interference. How to make politicians pay for looting public money is a problem that needs a wider debate and a pragmatic solution.
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Hygiene and health The correlation between hygiene and health can never be underestimated. Thus the Health Ministry’s approval to supply sanitary napkins to rural girls at a price of Re 1 per napkin deserves to be commended. The scheme under the National Rural Health Mission’s brand “Freedays” that intends to initially cover 1.5 crore girls.
In a country whose sanitation record leaves a lot to be desired, where more people have cell phones than access to toilets, any move that will bring about greater access to hygienic practices is welcome. Reports have time and again underlined the staggering cost of insanitation. Poor sanitation adversely affects the health of millions. According to a World Bank report every tenth death in 2006 in India was linked to sanitation-related diseases. The price of bad sanitation is borne by adults as well as small children aged below five many of whom die due to diarrhoea. Absence of menstrual care not only affects the reproductive health of women and contributes to reproductive tract infections; in rural areas it also hampers the ability of girls to attend schools. Due to inadequate menstrual care, girls from villages are reported to have lost out on 50 day of schooling a year. Menstrual hygiene care, however, is only one aspect of sanitation. There are many ills, especially open defecation, considered the riskiest sanitation practice, that afflict India. Insanitation stems from poor financial conditions, absence of sanitation facilities and lack of awareness. It is a shame that India that is vying to be an economic power cannot provide basic amenities to its citizens. Examples like that of Sulabh sanitation movement and initiatives like the one in Tiruchirapally, ranked sixth in India’s sanitation rankings, have shown the way. Sanitation facilities can be provided at a low cost. Instead of wasting resources on prevention and cure, India that loses out Rs 2.4 trillion a year due to insanitation, must boost hygienic practices. To cover up its sanitation deficit, efforts like the new scheme have to be continuously made.
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Never take life too seriously. Nobody gets out alive anyway. — Anonymous
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Message from assembly polls
Has India’s polity evolved in a dramatic fashion after the string of recent assembly elections? That is the question pundits are poring over as the enormity of change in West Bengal seeps in and the size of Ms Jayalathaa’s victory in Tamil Nadu becomes clear. Assam was a more clear-cut case and Puducherry’s revolt of Congressmen was in the classic mode. In West Bengal, disillusionment with the CPM has been building up over time; in any case, a consecutive run of 34 years for any political party in unhealthy in a democracy. It needed a forceful agent of change in the person of Ms Banerjee to bring about the change. The Marxists had clearly lost their élan and were living on their initial land reforms and by merging their cadres and administrative reosponsibilities and, above all, the power of the party goons. The fact that Marxist cadres overdid their strong-arm tactics in Singur was a godsend for the opposition and Ms Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress gave the CPM a taste of its own medicine to exploit the evocative issue of land. Having been exposed by the inefficacy of their traditional route of suppressing dissent, given the opposition, the Marxists had to accept defeat. And the CPM leadership, long accustomed to having its way, had no fall-back position. In Tamil Nadu, used as it was to competing Dravidian parties holding alternative sway, the enormity of the swing had its own story to tell. Even in a state used to freebies and other inducements offered to voters, the scale of corruption denoted by issues such as the 2G spectrum case and the nepotism involved in dividing the state among Chief Minister Karunanidhi’s sons and other family members had reached an unprecedented level. And Ms Jayalalithaa, herself no stranger to charges of corruption and nepotism, walked away with a big majority. Kerala has always been a world of its own, with the mosaic of religious communities and deep fissures producing a melange led by the competing Congress and the CPM. It was a close call for the Congress-led United Democratic Front this time around, but that was because of the Congress’ own problems and the popularity of the Left Democratic Front chief minister, Mr V.S. Achuthanandan, subjected to his own party’s attacks than to any dramatic change in the traditional equations. In Assam, Mr Tarun Gogoi achieved a rare hat trick in returning to power, aided by his concept of inclusiveness and visible development projects. In a state where security is a precious commodity, he projected the hope of bringing the rebel ULFA elements into the mainstream and faced a hopelessly divided opposition, each interested in its own ambitions. But there are broader lessons to be learned for the Congress and the other main national party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The Congress is at a disadvantage because centralisation of authority comes naturally to a party presided over by a family dynasty. This limits the room for a state Chief Minister, who becomes less attractive in an era of linguistic and regional nationalism. Mr Gogoi was able to carve space for himself, given the special problems of a frontier state. A successful Congress regional satrap was Mr Y.S. Rajashekhara Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, with his son Jaganmohan Reddy claiming his father’s crown after his accidental death, failing which he formed his own party and trounced the Congress in a parliamentary by-election. Family dynasties are no longer a Congress monopoly, but a problem with how the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty has evolved in the party has led to the feeling among sons and daughters of Congress politicians that filling the shoes of their father is their birthright. How else can one explain the actions of Mr Jagmohan Reddy in wanting instant transfer of authority to him after his father’s death? In the BJP’s case, there are enough family members of leaders, particularly at the regional level, getting their progeny in place. But the party gives greater autonomy to regional leaders although the picture is complicated by the dual control exercised by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). A case in point is Gujarat’s Mr Narendra Modi, who exercises untrammelled power because he has the sanction of the RSS and has even been presented as a future Prime Minister although his divisive communal policies would seem to rule him out. In essence, one lesson of the assembly election is that the national parties must strike a balance between giving a state leader room to grow while enforcing its broad discipline over policies and personnel. A second outcome of the assembly elections carries the warning that undue reliance on freebies or cash is becoming counter-productive. Voters in the southern states are particularly susceptible to such inducements but are now demonstrating that they can accept gifts and vote as they wish. The Election Commission’s greater vigilance on bribery has also helped diminish this practice somewhat. Perhaps the greatest lesson of all from these elections is that people are becoming impatient in seeking the fruits of development and progress. Promises by themselves hold less sway and voters go by the hoary adage that the proof of the pudding is in the eating. The pace of life has accelerated in recent times, with modern technology making communication more democratic. Dissemination of news and views is no longer the preserve of the elite, and politicians cannot take people for a ride. However, the secret of success remains what it has always been: sincerity in implementing programmes and empathy with the problems of the masses — too many in the category of aam admi remain below the poverty line and want a piece of the action as the country
progresses.
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Punctuality
WE were taught early in life that punctuality is the virtue of kings. We realised as we grew up that nowhere was this more true than in contemporary India — having abolished the institution of kingship we turned our backs completely and firmly on all attempts at punctuality. Having grown up in a rather austere middle class home and been trained in the army I found it extremely difficult and painful to break the habit of punctuality and even today, in spite of my best efforts, I do not think I have altogether succeeded. The most glaring of these is my inability to cope with the timing of dinner invitations. When an invitation was for 7-30 pm, I would turn up at 7-35, much to my host’s consternation. Not only was I the first guest to arrive but the next guest did not turn up till nine and dinner would never be served till 11. Amazingly, in spite of what has become standard and accepted practice, the invitations still ask you to come at 7-30. The most I have been able to achieve by way of compromise is to arrive at eight. As far as dinner is concerned, I now eat at home before setting out. Some years ago, we had a moment of blind panic, when the chief guest for a school function did not arrive even 15 minutes after the scheduled time. Fortunately, we had another distinguished guest and he was persuaded to take over the role. Everything proceeded beautifully and our ‘chief guest’s’ spontaneous speech flowed with an ease which no prepared speech could ever have. He spoke from the heart and had the children alternately laughing their guts out and being moved to tears. Half an hour later, there was a flurry of movement which announced the arrival of our ‘real’ chief guest. I felt another wave of blind panic but fortunately the VIP was so peeved by the fact that we had started without him that he made a quick and angry exit and the function went off without any further hitch. Years later, when I had become old enough to be regarded as a fossil and be invited as chief guest to school functions. I arrived at the first of these functions dot on time, much to the embarrassment of the Principal. “But our chief guest never comes less than half an hour late,” he said accusingly and I cringed with guilt. I then adopted the practice of letting the Principal know that even though I would arrive on time I was quite prepared to wait out the mandatory half an hour in his office. I often hear teachers and parents bemoaning the loss of values in the young. Most strongly felt is the loss of respect for others’ time. I can only smile to myself at this complaining. We can’t really blame them because this is what we have taught them through our own
example.
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The culture (dis)connect Created at a time when India had been an independent country for four decades, the need was to prove to the world community that though India was a young democracy, it evolved from an old civilization. While its ancientness could be showcased through classical arts, display of unique diversity required cultural hues of the masses. The emergence of centrifugal forces
At that particular juncture, it was more important to celebrate its unique multiculturalism while addressing and mitigating the politically centrifugal forces that had begun to raise their head, once the first flush of independence had receded. Part of the disenchantment had also set in due to the establishment of inequalities of development. This resulted in lopsided progress, which created rural to urban migrations and a host of social problems that arose from the breaking up of the protective net of close- knit communities.
What ails the
ZCCs ?
The comfort of working in urban auditoriums by ZCC s has ended up duplicating the work that other agencies were doing. Thus the outlays available to the multiple government agencies working in the constituency of the arts, ended up deepening the access available to the already served consumers of culture. In the years of its existence, while many of the folk artistes owe their continuing artistic profile to the efforts of the ZCCs, the undermining of the vernacular speaking folk artistes in contrast to the urban, English speaking classical artistes, seemed to dilute their achievements. Further, the role of identifying threatened and vulnerable art forms, unearthing undocumented arts and artistes, remained a distant dream. Many arts are fast disappearing and that too without even a trace of documentation. Revivals are possible, as seen in the case of dastangoi. The Zonal Cultural Centres are already a system in place, but not working to the optimum level.
How do you read this map?
Since the ZCCs were originally planned for rural audiences, let us not forget that they constitute a very keen constituency that lives with song and dance as markers of a way of life. The chances of them being more proactive about any cultural impulses, from familiar areas or unfamiliar, is more likely to be encouraging than the reaction of those who are detached from their cultural due. Instead of fighting the cultural ennui that has entered urban audiences, instead of trying to draw them away from an embarrassment of choices, the effort of the ZCCs should focus on tuning in to the matching frequencies of “emotional integration”. The exaggerated sense of entitlement felt by some artistes has to give way to a broad-based inclusiveness in the arts. Traditional artistes have to be given their due, recognition and respect. The ZCCs are the only body that can speak for them, failing which they will blip out of the radar, as they are unlikely to speak for themselves. If for social upliftment of backward classes, the government can think of having reservations, then by the same logic and argument, traditional artistes have to be given a shoulder up trough preferential patronage, planning and programming.
Could it be centripetal ?
One can advocate for a quantum leap for the arts and culture, by recommending their mainstreaming amongst all the Ministries, in the same manner as has happened with HIV. As it is, there is a strong connect with schemes of Ministries of Women and Child Development, Youth and Sports Affairs, Rural Development and Panchayati Raj, External Affairs, Tourism, Poverty Alleviation, DONER , Social Justice and Empowerment, Textiles etc. With support coming from so many hands, it will be as if the ‘ashtabhuja’ Goddess herself has blessed the marginalized, rural, and traditional artist and artisan, for whom to network through the corridors of power for opportunistic patroage is unthinkable, unimaginable and undoable. It may also be prudent to look at enhancing the role of the National Culture Fund, to help augment the funds for the ZCCs. At present, although the constitution of the NCF refers to support for intangible heritage, it is not being undertaken. But as the NCF itself is going through a revitalization process, it may be possible to link the two. Most certainly, to think the issue holistically, in an interrelated manner today could create some desirable synergies.
Another fiefdom
for babus?
(The writer is a senior art manager and art consultant )
More institutions for
bureaucracy or culture?
This body is to work with the Indian Council of Zonal Cultural Centres that would oversee the function of the individual Zonal Centres. Many have reservations about yet another vertical disjointed working system. However, were it to come into existence, to avoid any duplication with the ongoing work of the Akademies, and wasteful expenditure from the limited allocation available to the arts, coordination and collaboration with the Akademies is critical. The ICZCC does not appear to be the sufficiently empowered bridge body between the ZCCs and other agencies working in the field of the arts. Finally, unless staffed by men and women of passion for the arts, and a trained cadre of arts professionals, no amount of institution multiplying will create the intangible spirit of unity within the distances of our minds and hearts.
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The seven Zonal Cultural Centres, set up in 1985 by Rajiv Gandhi, were centered round the idea of ‘unity in diversity.’ 
Thus, while the ICCR and the National Akademis were set up in 1950, to address the former concerns, in contrast, the ZCCs, set up thirty five years later, were more egalitarian, broad based and embracing, clearly directed towards achieving the latter ideal.
Even though many secessionist and anti- national movements in India date back to the 70s and the 80s, including the Khalistan movement, ULFA (1979), the Bodoland movement ( 1987), to name just three, by 1980, it was also estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active in different parts of India, with a combined membership of 30,000. Yet, for most of India, the 80s and 90s were a period of decentralization, of maturation, of federalism and hence it was not always necessary to invoke the national sentiment. Invoking regional identities was sufficient. Thus the ZCC’s covered composite geographical regions- sharing significant cultural similarities, and were deliberately not head -quartered in state capitals but cultural capitals – Thanjavur, Allahabad, Patiala, Dimapur, Nagpur, Udaipur and Salt Lake City.