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Unplanned urbanisation
A historic “non-event” |
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Spotted record
Ensuring food security
The spirit of freedom
While no major modernisation has been effected since the 1980s, the army continues to be structured to fight wars of earlier eras. As the world’s third largest army observes Army Day, which marks the 62nd anniversary of General (later Field Marshal) K.M. Cariappa taking over as the first Indian army chief, the force faces multiple challenges. The army is in dire need of a major transformation into a lean, technology intensive and networked potent force to fight 21st century wars, says former army vice chief, Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi
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Unplanned urbanisation
More Indians will live in cities than in villages in five states, including Punjab, by 2030. That is a worrying but not-so-surprising finding of a study by the McKinsey Global Institute released early last year. The haphazard way India’s cities and towns are exploding because of a non-stop exodus from villages has not prompted any serious thinking and planned action to regulate development. Since villages lack basic amenities and avenues of study, employment and growth, the ruralites cannot be blamed if they head for urban and semi-urban areas. They are pushed out of villages by poverty and pulled by cities due to opportunities for a better lifestyle. The result is an unbearable pressure on an already cramped and creaky urban infrastructure. Encroachments mushroom, the water and power availability shrinks, sewage spills out, traffic gets chaotic and crime flourishes. Illegal housing colonies come up as the civic authorities watch helplessly. It is a familiar story everywhere. Delhi has witnessed massive dislocation and loss as courts ordered the dismantling of unauthorised constructions and shifting of industries from residential areas. In Punjab makeshift houses have come up even on the beds of rivers and canals as their water levels recede. This results in flash floods when there is excessive rain, causing a heavy loss to life and property. All this has been going on because regulatory action is foiled by politicians chasing votes. An interesting feature highlighted by the McKinsey report is that the speed and scale of India’s reckless urbanisation has no parallel anywhere in the world except China. If life in cities has to become civilized and less troublesome, three areas need attention: funding, governance and planning. Every town and city must generate resources for funding civic amenities, must elect responsive and far-sighted leaders and experts must plan urban growth at every level. Huge funds are available under the urban renewal mission programme but short-sighted politicians do not levy user-charges to avail these. The horror of directionless growth would continue until voters insist on responsible governance and punish non-performers at the village, town, city, state and national levels. |
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A historic “non-event”
Friday was the 250th anniversary of the Third Battle of Panipat. But the event hardly caused any ripples in the historic town. Things were no better in the rest of the country. Had it not been for media coverage, some may not have even been aware of the defeat of the Marathas at the hands of Ahmad Shah Abdali, which changed the course of the country’s history, and led to the gradual ascendancy of the East India Company. In fact, all that the city has by way of a faded memory of the event – which otherwise is part of almost every Indian history book – is a war memorial at Ugrakheri, 7 km from Panipat, which was inaugurated in 1992, but is largely unknown. Neither the town nor any other place in the region has any signboard to direct visitors to the memorial and the museum there. No wonder it drew few visitors even on Friday. Even if some history buffs had gone there, they would have come back disappointed, what with the entire 6.5-acre complex in a state of neglect. Such apathy towards places of tremendous importance is commonplace all over the region. Whereas many of the western countries preserve the items and buildings associated with even minor celebrities and turn them into money spinners, we are notorious for neglecting and even damaging places of great importance. Not very far from Panipat are some Kos Minars of the Grand Trunk road, but not many even know about them. Similar is the fate of many forts and palaces which are crumbling, because the Archeological Survey of India has no resources to take care of them. Part of the blame lies with the public also. Even where some memorials are set up, there are hardly any visitors. People may be willing to spend more than a thousand rupees on a family visit to the neighbourhood multiplex but resent the Rs 5 entry fee to a museum or a memorial. We love to talk about our glorious past but do nothing to either familiarize ourselves with it or to preserve it. |
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Spotted record
Leopards are an endangered species and there are specific provisions to protect them from human beings, but in two recent incidents, leopards which strayed out of their sanctuaries were killed by men, since they were perceived as a threat to human lives. While the lions and the tigers are mainly confined to sanctuaries, the leopards, or Panthera pardus, are widely distributed in India. They are smaller than the other big cats and very agile. However, inevitably, in any human-animal conflict, more so in one involving a number of human beings, the animal, even a natural predator, comes out the worse for it. Thus the fact that these leopards were killed therefore comes as no surprise. The Maharashtra government has ordered a probe into the killing of the leopard at Karad near Pune on January 9 by a police officer who thought that the lives of people near the animal were in danger. Near Faridabad, recently residents of Khedi Gujran village, killed a leopard after it injured two persons. Here, wildlife personnel were on hand, but were unable to tranquilise the leopard. Unlike other big cats, leopards have been spotted in urban areas, far from their protected habitats. They scavenge and prey on small domestic animals like dogs, pigs, goats, sheep and cattle. Experts maintain that predators avoid human beings, but inevitably, sometimes there are clashes in which human beings are hurt or even killed. The fear of being attacked naturally brings forth aggressive retaliation from men, and as a result of this the leopards which are sighted in urban areas meet a brutal end. There is urgent need to both protect human beings as well as this endangered species for which concentrated efforts need to be made from various governments departments that are entrusted with the responsibility of taking care of this threatened species. |
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The difference between a successful person and others is not a lack of strength, not a lack of knowledge, but rather in a lack of will.
— Vincent T. Lombardi |
Ensuring food security
How to ensure food security and control inflation has emerged as a major challenge for the government in the New Year. The hangover of food inflation from 2010 cannot be ignored as it is still in double digits. Timely food supply management and imports can help ease inflation in the short term but focus will have to be on increasing domestic food production. This year somehow the burden on the common man has to be lessened because for many months there has been an unabated rise in food prices. It is not the average middle-income persons who are suffering the most, but the poor and very poor who cannot afford to buy food in the open market anymore and are dependent on subsidised food. Their nutritional needs have to be addressed even though it may mean more public expenditure. The government in its efforts to reduce the fiscal deficit this year is looking for various ways to cut expenditure, including the food subsidy bill which takes up 1 per cent of the GDP (Rs 72,234.98 crore in 2009-10). But can a country like India, which is one of the emerging economies of the world, afford to have so many people going hungry? According to a survey of the Indian states by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), 12 states fall into the ‘alarming’ category with Madhya Pradesh having an extremely alarming level of hunger. Even Punjab falls below 33 other developing countries ranked by the Global Hunger Index (GHI). India has dropped two ranks to the 67th position among 84 developing countries in the IFPRI’s annual GHI for 2010. Sudan, North Korea and Pakistan rank higher than India. The GHI is based on the proportion of the undernourished in the population, the prevalence of underweight in children and the mortality rate of children. All would agree that with 1.2 billion mouths to feed, India needs to have a good food security system. The poor and the undernourished have been legally promised the ‘right to food’ by 2014, but they are voiceless against corruption in the public distribution system. Revamping it, making it stronger and plugging all the leakages have been the endeavour of every government in the last 20 years. Yet none have succeeded. The proposed Food Security Bill (drafted in October 2010) by the National Advisory Council (NAC) headed by Mrs Sonia Gandhi is to be placed before Parliament this year. It intends to legally guarantee food security in two stages. In the first phase, it would be extended to 85 per cent of the rural population and 40 per cent of the urban population. According to the NAC’s definition, 46 per cent of the rural households and 28 per cent of the urban households will qualify as ‘priority’ households, and 44 per cent rural households and 22 per cent urban households will be designated as ‘general’ households. Who are the ‘priority’ and ‘general’ poor? Shouldn’t all the poor qualify for subsidised food, especially when huge quantities of foodgrains can be seen rotting in the open after the harvest? Basically the BPL (below poverty line) category has been called ‘priority’ and APL or above poverty line ‘general’ households. The rural ‘priority’ group or 46 per cent of the rural population would get 35 kg of foodgrains at Rs 3 a kg for rice and Rs 2 a kg for wheat and Rs1 a kg for millets per month. The urban ‘priority’ group comprising 28 per cent of urban population would get 35 kg of foodgrains at Rs 3 a kg for rice and Rs 2 a kg for wheat and Re 1 for millets per month. The ‘general’ group comprising 44 per cent of the rural population will get 20 kg foodgrains per month at a price not exceeding 50 per cent of the MSP (minimum support price) and the urban general group comprising 22 per cent of the urban population will be given 20 kg of subsidized foodgrains at a price not exceeding 50 per cent of the MSP. Thus, the proposed Food Security Bill by the NAC excludes 10 per cent of the rural population and 50 per cent of the urban population. In a surprise move, the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council has recently rejected the recommendations of the NAC on grounds that the government cannot afford to feed so many poor as food production is not likely to be sufficient to provide for both ‘priority’ and ‘general’ groups. It favours legal entitlement only for the ‘priority’ group, covering the rest with varying quanta depending on the availability of foodgrains and through an executive order. It clearly does not favour legal entitlements for 75 per cent of the population, leave alone food security for all. In the watered down version of the Prime Minister’s Advisory Council, the ‘general’ category would get only 10 kg of foodgrains per family per month — half of what the NAC recommended. The Council points out that the government may not be able to keep its promise in accordance with the NAC recommendations of delivering foodgrains in the case of two successive years of drought as it would have to rely on imports. Massive imports are not a feasible option. It also points out that even the ‘priority’ sector households will have to buy from the open market at least 25 to 30 per cent of their requirements because 35 kg per household would not be enough. If the government enters the market with large procurement orders because of its obligation of giving large amounts of subsidized grains to the poor, it would distort open market prices which would adversely impact the ‘priority’ category households. It points out that not only will the subsidy cost escalate to Rs 85,584 crore in the first phase and to Rs 92,060 crore in the second phase, the other costs due to scaled-up operations of food procurement, including warehousing and supply chain operations, will also go up. It would also mean higher support prices. Clearly, the Prime Minister’s Advisory Council is not in favour of the scheme for the not-so-poor ( APL) ‘general’ category and seems to be more concerned about reducing the fiscal burden of the government. Why cut corners when the problem of food security and undernourishment is so severe in the country and runs across the entire poor population that includes both the ‘priority’ and the ‘general’ categories? Let us not forget that India is home to 42 per cent of underweight children under the age of five in the world. Why have food security for a few? What the final version of the Food Security Bill will take is not clear at
all. |
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The spirit of freedom
Patriotism and the urge to overthrow the alien rule were definitely there in the air then. Who or what brought it about — Gandhiji or some incipient impulse rising to the fore — I am not clear about. Sehgal, Dhillon and Shahnawaz, the three Indian National Army officers, had just been released from detention in the Red Fort after being cashiered from the British army. They were the mutineers in the British eyes and would have been routinely put before the firing squads, had their rule not been on its last legs. A massive gathering had been organised at Gol Bagh in Lahore to felicitate them. The British were still the rulers and they could not bear their cashiered soldiers being raised to the stature of heroes. So, plenty of trouble was anticipated at the venue. This notwithstanding, my father decided to participate. He took even our mother and all of us to the felicitation ceremony. The gathering rent the air with slogans: ‘Lal Qile se hue azad, Sehgal, Dhillon, Shahnawaz’. There were repeated baton charges, but we stood our ground till the very end. Even I, just about nine year old then, did not fail to catch the spirit of the times. Years later, when I was a B.A. final year student of D.A.V. College, Ambala city (the institution has association with legendary Bhagat Singh and many other martyrs of the Independence struggle), some of us had the privilege of coming in touch with a number of freedom fighters who had suffered terrible tortures at the hands of the British. Another freedom struggle was then going on in the Portugese-held territory of Goa where our peaceful satyagrahis were being cruelly suppressed. A number of them got martyred in police firings; some had the soles of their feet scraped; some had their skin cut to inscribe an indelible ‘P’ on their tonsured heads (to impress the Portuguese authority) and many others were tormented in different other ways. Five of us in the college felt impelled to join the ‘Satyagrah’ in Goa in August, 1955. I had to sell my textbooks to raise money for the journey to Pune where a base for the Goa freedom struggle was located. From there, we were despatched to Belgaum along with many others. The batch intruded into Goa on the night of 30th August. The satyagrahis were apprehended and given their share of third degree treatment--- some still bear the scars of lashings on their bodies. However, the Portugese had by now read the writing on the wall and knew that their days in the subcontinent were numbered. So, they released the satyagrahis the very next day. However, what happened back home is more important to me. My mother had been sobbing for me uncontrollably all the time. An elderly Sikh lady from our neighbourhood stopped her sobs instantly by saying, “Nee sher seehnian de hi paida hunde ne” (Tigers are born to the tigresses only). She instantly decided to live up to the image given to her. As for me, I knew myself to be a most cowardly street-fighter. On return, it was heart-warming for me to learn that I could be a tiger also, when it really
mattered. |
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While no major modernisation has been effected since the 1980s, the army continues to be structured to fight wars of earlier eras. As the world’s third largest army observes Army Day, which marks the 62nd anniversary of General (later Field Marshal) K.M. Cariappa taking over as the first Indian army chief, the force faces multiple challenges. The army is in dire need of a major transformation into a lean, technology intensive and networked potent force to fight 21st century wars, says former army vice chief, Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi
The army always has achievements to cite every year. These are well known and are always a source of inspiration and satisfaction. But it is also important to mull over the areas of weaknesses so that these are removed and the army remains both a potent and relevant force. The major areas of concern are both internal and external. The first category includes a comprehensive transformation plan; a makeover in manpower policies; greater interaction and empathy with veterans who need to be valued as adding to the strength of the army; and finally the need to get away from the status quo and defensive mentality, which hinders progress. The external areas are modernisation, joint endeavours, reductions in internal security commitments, an assertive stand in core areas where no dilution should be acceptable, and halting and then reversing the trend of diluting the status of the army. Transformation needs to be speeded up, as without it the army would continue to wallow in old and inefficient structures that are out of sync with the present and future battlefield environment and the rapidly changing methodologies of waging war. The army has not seen any major structural changes since the mid-80s and essentially it is still structured to fight wars of earlier eras. We need to change or upgrade our doctrines and concepts, restructure the field force, efficiently manage internal conflicts, upgrade human resources, streamline logistics, and modernise the training methodology. Our aim must be to transform the army into a lean, technology intensive, networked and joint entity. Manpower policies are not merely promotion policies, but include recruitment and in-service management, especially grooming for higher ranks. For officers, recruitment and training policies are fairly comprehensive. However, we continue to be a generalist army, with no specialisation. There is no sectoral or geographical specialisation, no continuity in specific appointments like those in information technology that require long tenures, and little language proficiency. Command appointments for officers are a must, resulting in shorter and shorter command tenures to accommodate everyone. The compulsion on commanders to "show" themselves in these truncated tenures, results in their riding roughshod on their commands! As regards promotion of officers, the seniority of passing out of training academies remains throughout one's service. This has resulted in many bright officers losing out. The need is for a reassessment of each officer's caliber at least at 10 years intervals and re-fixing seniority in accordance with the officers' changed abilities and performance. In the case of jawans, there is a mismatch between imbibing technology and educational qualifications. In non-technical arms, which also handle the latest weapons and equipment, intake qualification continues to be class-X. In a transformation study carried out over 10 years ago, I had suggested upgrading the criteria to class-XII by 2002 and to graduation by 2005, but we continue to remain in a time warp! Secondly, though JCO'S are an essential link in the organisational structure, they all are promoted from the ranks. They are of higher ages, are comparatively less fit and have the same educational qualifications as the troops. Despite discussing the issue a number of times for recruiting at least a percentage directly as graduates, we have always baulked at doing so. Today's active soldier is tomorrow's veteran. However, there seems to be a firewall between the two categories, with different norms of treatment, emoluments, medical arrangements and other related issues. This has resulted in the veterans getting disillusioned and the bureaucrats widening the gulf even more. It is the veterans who are role models for our youth as they interact with them more than the serving personnel; they ensure that the best and motivated manpower joins the army. This has not only eroded but a very large number of veterans now speak ill of the army. The army needs to re-focus on this important issue and do away with the artificial division that is increasingly disillusioning the veterans. The veterans must again start feeling that the army chief is their chief too! Although a Department of Ex-servicemen Welfare is in existence for the last six years, it has done virtually nothing for the veterans. How can it, when it is exclusively manned by the bureaucracy? Coming to the last two areas of internal concern, status quo is no doubt a safe option, but no organisation can prosper if it loses its ability to change as the environment demands. As regards the defensive syndrome, no country has won by being on the defensive, which even in military teachings is a temporary phase. The external areas of concern are much better known and need not be amplified. Modernisation has been a crying need for the last at least two decades. It is a great pity that neither does the army receive a sufficiently large budget, nor does the procurement wing of the Ministry of Defence and other ministries concerned, especially that of finance, see any urgency in modernising the army. Lack of modernisation has substantially reduced the fighting capability of the army and if this continues, the army is unlikely to be the deterrent force it ought to be. War is a joint endeavour. The complexity of modern war is likely to increase in the future on account of increased and sophisticated technology; the nature of modern war; new threats and challenges; and the reality of nuclear weapons in our neighbourhood. Consequently, a joint force, which acts in an integrated manner, is not just desirable but imperative. Most professional militaries have adopted jointmanship but the Indian military is unfortunately an exception. While everyone endorses the need for jointmanship, it eventually turns out to be merely lip service. This must change. Appointing a CDS and an integrated ministry of defence would be the first steps. We would then be able to generate the necessary synergy, so essential for winning conflicts, battles and wars. The involvement of the Army against insurgents has been extensive. Despite the ever-increasing central police forces that should be conducting such operations, there is no reduction in the commitments of the army. We have unfortunately reached a stage where the army, instead of being the last option, is often the first recourse! The heavy commitments of the army have undoubtedly been at the expense of its war-readiness, as well as the desired quality of life. Even In situations where the employment of troops becomes essential, they should be withdrawn at the earliest opportunity. The apolitical stance of the army is correct, but should not translate into meekly accepting whatever orders the bureaucracy relays. Unfortunately, our political leaders are shy of dealing with the army directly, preferring to do so through the bureaucracy. This has resulted in a skewed arrangement whereby gradually the services chiefs appear to have lost their power of dissent even when they find any dispensation that reduces the status, power, emoluments or morale of their command. This needs to stop. It is nobody's case that the chiefs should be confrontationists, but when it comes to their authority being usurped by the bureaucracy, they must hold their ground and get the best for their men. The military has been and will continue to be the most potent instrument that is used for the most difficult tasks, when every other instrument has failed or given up. This cannot be done by a meek military. We need to educate our political leaders the correct meaning of civil control and supremacy in a democracy. |
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Doctrinal changes: Over the past few years, the army has been evolving and validating new concepts to cater to the changing geo-strategic scenario and keep pace with emerging battlefield technologies. New doctrines are aimed at cutting down mobilisation and response times while increasing the effectiveness of surgical strikes, besides fighting limited wars, waging sub-convectional warfare as well as fighting high intensity battles in the backdrop of a nuclear threat. A key emerging feature is joint operations with sister services.