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Reining in khaps
Power of the sun |
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Hands off hair
Uncertainty in Thailand
The travails of a teetotaller
Forced into early marriage or denied sexual and reproductive choices…. a large majority of women have yet to find their place in what is essentially a man’s world.
Don’t marry them early
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Reining in khaps
Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh’s decision to set up a Group of Ministers (GoM) for enacting legislation to root out honour killings is apt and timely. This has become necessary following sharp divisions among ministers at the Union Cabinet meeting on Thursday. While Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram wanted the existing laws to be amended with more stringent powers, Union Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal proposed a stand-alone law to check the menace. Mr Chidambaram proposed amending the Indian Evidence Act to put the onus of proving innocence on the khap panchayats whose extra-legal verdicts result in honour killings. He also suggested that Section 300 of the Indian Penal Code be amended to make all khap panchayat members liable to be sentenced to death or life if their verdicts result in honour killings. However, Mr Sibal opposed the proposal to redefine murder to include death “caused by persons acting in concert with or at the behest of a member of a family, group, clan or caste panchayat” when murder in all forms and manner was considered murder. Whatever may be the differences among the Union Ministers, the GoM should help thrash out these and evolve a broad consensus on the draft legislation to be tabled in the ensuing Parliament session. More important, under Article 246 of the Constitution, the Centre will have to seek the states’ views before amending any provision of the Indian Penal Code or the Criminal Procedure Code. As the issue in question is sensitive involving deep social and religious sentiments, it would be legitimate on the part of the Centre to have wider consultations with the state governments, especially those of Haryana, Punjab, Delhi and Uttar Pradesh where honour killings are an endemic issue. While there is nothing wrong with the new GoM, the Centre needs to allay apprehensions among some sections that it was the government’s way of dithering and prevarication on an issue of vital importance. Though this process involves wider consultations with all the states, the Centre should keep its word of bringing in new legislation in the monsoon session of Parliament with a sense of urgency. Khap panchayats, with their verdicts on honour killings through kangaroo courts, have torn apart the social fabric and the Centre cannot abdicate its responsibility of reining in these illegal institutions through an appropriate and comprehensive piece of legislation.
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Power of the sun
The
successful 26-hour test flight of a solar-powered aircraft has shown that in principle the plane can theoretically stay in the air indefinitely by recharging its batteries using the rays of the sun during the day. Solar Impulse has a wingspan of 262.5 feet and its successful landing at Payerne airfield in Switzerland, marked the onset of an era that will show man using renewable energy in more and more areas. In its flight, the plane used only energy collected from the sun by its 12,000 solar cells. The single-seat plane with a top speed of 120 km ph is a technology demonstrator. Man’s yearning to fly is as old as human presence on Earth, and in Greek mythology Icarus flew too close to the sun, and fell to his death. On the other hand, the aircraft reached an altitude of 28,543 feet during the day, and descended to 4,921 feet at night, when it ran on batteries. Solar Impulse is by no means the first aircraft to fly on solar energy—unmanned solar planes have been around since the 1970s and manned flights followed, but no one had been able to keep such a craft afloat all night till the Solar Impulse flight. Solar energy is abundant, and only a minuscule amount has been harnessed. With the recent improvements in photovoltaic batteries, more and more ingenious ways are being found to use this renewable source. Efficiency of products like solar panels has increased to an extent where they are widely used commercially. Electric cars are now a reality, albeit, an esoteric one. The Solar Impulse’s long flight, fire up man’s imagination and prepare the ground for more tangible achievements in using sunlight, which counts as the most plentiful source of renewable energy on earth. The visionaries who conceived and executed this project deserve kudos for showing this energy-efficient use of technology.
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Hands off hair
The
clerics and culture controllers who think Iranian men and women should have hairstyles they approve of must be a very boring and authoritarian lot unable to appreciate nature’s variety and human desire for freedom. The religious bigots do not seem to understand that prescribing hairstyles could provoke resistance. Already, Opposition activists have started wearing a clean-shaven look as an affront to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s heavy facial stubble, which is supposed to be a sign of religious piety and an indication of loyalty to the all-powerful clerics. They are stretching the justifiable Muslim battle against the Western cultural invasion a bit too far. Individuals anywhere please themselves and their loving partners by sporting the hairstyle or the dress they like. Women are known to adore their hair and generate a huge business for hair oil and shampoo makers worldwide. Troubles arise when, like the Iranian clerics, women tend to enforce a dress code and a haircut for their husbands. Cricketer Mahendra Singh Dhoni, intoxicated with love and in a mood of “your wish, my command” on the eve of his marriage, may have fulfilled his bride’s desire for shorter hair, but he better watch out. Romantic men usually rave about women’s long hair. Poets go passionate about it. “I would rather have had one breath of her hair, one kiss from her mouth, one touch of her hand, than eternity without it”, wrote one such soul, love-struck and ready to surrender control of his senses. But the unromantic, dry ones debunk poetic obsession with hair. This is how a character in an American TV show “Civil Wars” rebukes his associates on such behaviour: “What’s the matter with you guys? The sight of blonde hair knocks you three rungs down on the evolutionary ladder?” Boys laugh on losing virginity, but cry when the first time their hair is cut. A baldie would say: “I’d rather be bald on top than bald inside”.
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God and the Doctor we alike adore/ But only when in danger, not before; / The danger o’er, both are alike acquited, / God is forgotten, and the Doctor slighted. —John Owen
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Uncertainty in Thailand After
the 69-day battle for Bangkok between the government and Red Shirts, Thailand is not the same any more. While few are wearing Yellow, (the colour of the monarchy, the elite and the Army-supported coalition government led by the Democratic Party) or Red (symbol of the rural base of supporters of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra) Shirts, uncertainty and tension are palpable over the surface. Three processes are underway in Bangkok: investigation over the alleged Army crackdown which broke the barricades killing 90 and wounding 2000 persons; political reforms; and reconciliation. Visiting Thailand one month after the street battles, one can still detect scars of Red rage and Army-police riposte despite the forgive-and-forgive teeshirts bearing We Love Thailand, We Love Central World, Together We Can, and We Love Ratchaprasong. To recap, Ratchaprasong intersection in the heart of Bangkok’s commercial centre has been immortalised as the fulcrum of the Red Shirts’ protest rallies, their occupation stretching on one side to Siam Square, on the other, CentralWorld and on the third, leaning on to a group of five-star hotels, including the Four Seasons. Above Ratchaprasong is Bangkok’s famous Sky Train providing overhead cover for the protestors. The two other protest sites were the barricades at Lumphini Park and Wat Pathun Wanaran. The military made two attempts to disperse Red Shirts, first on April 10 and then between May 14 and 19. Two other events reverberated across Bangkok on June 22. The cremation of renegade Maj-Gen Khattiya Sawasdipol, the military mastermind behind the barricades who was shot in the head by a sniper on May 13 outside the Red Shirt defences while being interviewed by a foreign reporter near Rama IV Road. His daughter, ironically a Yellow Shirt supporter, became the rallying point to what people called “farewell to a fighter”. Soon after his death, military action was launched by the Army at Ratchaprasong intersection. The first explosion to shatter the uneasy calm after May 19 occurred on June 22 near the headquarters of the Bhoom Jai Thai party, an ally of the government. A 15-kg TNT bomb blew up just hours before the General’s funeral, triggering off conspiracy theories, the most popular being the government was behind it to justify the continuation of the emergency decree. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, leader of the Democratic Party and the Yellow Shirts People’s Alliance for Democracy, has constituted the Reform Thailand and Reconciliation panel, led by former Prime Minister Ananda Panyarachun which the firebrand Red Shirt leader and MP Jatuporn Prompan has described as a sham and sarcastically suggested that the proposed panel leader should first reform himself. The opposition United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD) has said that the reform panel is to obfuscate the enquiry into the massacre of Red Shirts by the Army. Red Shirt leaders have called for an independent investigation into the incidents from March 12 to May 19, appointed a team of UDD lawyers to bring court cases against the government and are reported to be planning new strategies to oust the government. The reforms process could take up to three years though the government’s term is till December 23, 2011, when fresh elections are to be held. Mr Prompan believes that it is not possible for Red Shirts to regroup in the next few months as the government has fanned out troops into the province for plucking out Red Shirts. The priority, therefore, must be to seek justice for those killed and learn lessons from the battle for Bangkok, Prompan added. The leadership during the protest campaign was diffused and it lacked negotiating skills. At one stage, Prime Minister Vejjajiva had offered to hold elections in November 2010 but Red Shirts demanded the government step down and immediate elections be held. Had they accepted the government’s offer, it would have been a different ballgame. Once Maj-Gen Sawasdipol was killed, the protest strategy dissipated. The Army is said to be at the peak of its strength after its decisive role in security operations to crack down on anti-government protestors in May. Its triumph has boosted the chances of the ruling Democratic Party-led coalition remaining in power longer and even winning the next elections. There are reports that Army operations were a foul up and led to excessive use of force, a charge made by the Opposition. Prime Minister Vejjajiva is unlikely to apologise for the Army action. Army Chief Anupong Paojunda has dismissed reports of Army high-handedness and has said violence was instigated from within Red Shirts and terrorists mingling with them. “Thai Army never shoots its own people”, he added. Another Red Shirt rally in Bangkok is not likely anytime soon. Rather they will go underground and could start a low-level insurgency, complimenting the ongoing southern uprising. The Bangkok Post on June 21 published the results of a poll one month after the protests. The findings revealed that the majority of those who participated in the poll felt that the political situation had not improved and the chances of reconciliation were from low to moderate. The economy is shaky with a decline in hotel occupancy ranging from 20 to 40 per cent, the worst in 40 years. The government is bailing out the tourism industry, which is expected to pick up by December provided Bangkok remains on an even keel. A by-election is due later this month — July 25 (one was held on June 6 and won by the ruling party). The UDD is fielding its revolutionary leader, Natthawut Saikua, who was caught on video allegedly calling on his supporters to burn Bangkok. The shadow of the enigmatic Thaksin Shinawatra does not seem to fade away as his popularity is deep-rooted among the rural masses who swarmed the streets of Bangkok. The government is believed to have the names of most people who took part in the protest campaign: it is in three categories: hardcore Red Shirt members, UDD members and those who joined the rallies for financial reasons and to see Bangkok. The Shinawatra supporters who financed the protests are being investigated for their role in the civil unrest. At least 83 individuals and firms suspected of having links with Red Shirts are being questioned by “the Department of Special Investigations’. Another 422 people have been arrested in connection with the protests, including a Briton and an Australian who were accused of violating the emergency laws. The King in Thailand is a divine and revered figure who has historically brokered reconciliation. This time around, the ailing King was silent though everyone knows his loyalists wear yellow shirts. Before dispersing from Ratchaprosang on May 19, Red Shirts torched the entire CentralWorld complex, the commercial heart of Thailand. Reforms may be on the way but reconciliation is a far cry. The economic anchor of South-East Asia has come unstuck. Near the debris of Central World, Thais can be seen praying to Lord Ganesh for prosperity and
peace.
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The travails of a teetotaller It is not easy being a teetotaller in today’s ‘wine and dine’ world. Having never even tasted alcohol (except once), one really feels like an oddball at parties these days, especially those organised anywhere in North India. Liquor often flows with such effulgence at these social dos that one is left wondering later as to how one remains sober despite having inhaled the aroma of the stuff, all evening. Spending an evening holding a glass of water or juice (and waiting for dinner to be served) is the only option for one not given to accepting anything more potent. The host and hostess tend to look askance at one when the bolder option is refused. Whisky is the first tantalising item that one is offered, followed by beer, and then rounded off with an astounded look accompanied by the incredulous query: ‘Not even a glass of wine??’ Given the fact that even the female of the species has taken to wine with aplomb these days, one feels even more isolated in mentioning that one is a teetotaler. The saving grace is that there is sometimes a sprinkling of fellow-teetotalers around at such parties and one can always quote their example in order to avoid being badgered for having ‘at least one drink’. The only time that one did partake of a few drops of alcohol was when a classmate in college threatened to do something drastic to himself out of guilt at being a drunkard, if I didn’t have a sip. I figured that breaking a personal vow just once and doing the needful for his life’s sake was probably the correct option at the time, and it was exercised accordingly. At a large gathering once, after the host had asked me the usual preliminary questions on my choice of drink he looked suitably disappointed at my response. A little later he offered me a cigarette which I also declined. When dinner was finally served, he asked me with some hope, ‘You do eat non-vegetarian food?’ Not wanting to respond in the negative yet again, I just smiled at him, but he
caught on. ‘What do you live for, my friend?’ was his exasperated question, as I filled up my plate with salads, legumes and veggies. ‘I have my reasons!’ was my defensive response, at which we both burst out laughing. What nearly made me re-think my ‘dry’ policy, however, was another incident when my boss, my father-in-law and my dearest friend got together one evening. They were so determined to make me commence my alcoholic career that day that I almost succumbed to the incessant pressure. Fortunately for me, my mother-in-law arrived on the scene at that very moment and the above mentioned gentlemen retreated hastily into their shells. My status as a teetotaller thus secure, I sipped my apple juice and smiled at no one in
particular.
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Forced into early marriage or denied sexual and reproductive choices…. a large majority of women have yet to find their place in what is essentially a man’s world. It's
convenient to push ugly truths under the carpet and pretend everything is fine with the world. That has precisely been the case with women's empowerment in India. Few flashy vignettes of successful women here and there and we consider ourselves "redeemed" for good. But we do so at our own risk. Consider this 50 per cent of the complaints the National Commission for Women (NCW) receives annually relate to instances of wife battering and desertions on account of dowry or adultery at the hands of local and NRI men. The rest of the lot comprises cases of crimes against women sexual assault leading the list followed by acid attacks. In most such instances, perpetrators have unleashed violence to get even with women who ignored their overtures. These of course are extreme scenarios, where appropriate laws feels the NCW can undo some damage. That explains Chairperson Girija Vyas's clamour for the law to prevent sexual assault at workplace and another to alter the definition of assault to include child rape. But inherent in the demand for a scheme to rehabilitate rape victims is the admission that rapes will happen. This admission is the starkest reflection of gender imbalances which still pervade our society. Now for the first time, scientific evidence show how, after 63 years of freedom, gender inequalities continue to define man-woman relationships even in mundane spheres of life where divides are least expected. Who would, for instance, believe that 50 per cent of young Indian women continue to get married before 18 years and four of every 10 girls don't know what the legal marriageable age is.. By contrast, just seven per cent young boys marry before 18. If that was less, while one in 10 boys consent to marrying the partner their parents choose for them, just one in four women do that. This is happening in 21st century India, where young girls, a quarter of them, recently told researchers from the Indian Institute of Population Studies, Mumbai and Population Council, Delhi that their first sexual encounter within the marriage was forced. Over 33 per cent women in the age group 15 to 24 years admitted to have been forced to engage in sex by their husbands. Over half of young men and women (54 and 58 per cent respectively) justified wife beating when asked if the practice was acceptable. These truths cut across urban and rural divides. Even the Census 2011 results may not be encouraging on the gender equality front, with the first sub-national study on the aspirations and needs of young Indian men and women painting a gloomy picture. Evidence reiterates the reigning Indian obsession for sons, with a quarter of young men and women still preferring sons over daughters; just 3 to 5 per cent want daughters over sons. So where have the policies from the National Population Policy 2000, the National Youth Policy 2003, the National Adolescent Reproductive and Sexual Health Strategy and the National Rural Health Mission 2005 led us ? "Not far," says Usha Ram, a lead author of the study, conducted on 50, 848 male and female respondents (15 to 24 years) across six socially and geographically representative states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu. The objective of the study was to determine key transitions experienced by the youth pertaining to sexual and reproductive activity, marriage and freedom and highlight gaps in this knowledge. "Findings highlight young women's limited powers to negotiate. Only 27 per cent of them reported independent decision-making on issues like decision on choosing friends, spending money or purchasing clothes. Just a quarter of rural women reported the freedom to visit at least one place outside the village," says Shireen Jejeebhoy of the PCI. From access and control of finances (only two in five young women own bank accounts and one in 10 operate it) to freedom of movement, women continue to report lack of equality. "More than two thirds of young men acknowledged they had more freedom to move out than their sisters," the findings suggest. Most striking however is the lack of sexual and reproductive choices with young women. The majority said they never wanted their first pregnancy but had no access to information on how to end it or even the choice to end it. "This shows lack of women's power to engage on sexual matters. Use of contraceptives is acutely limited, with just 49 per cent young Indian women reporting accurate knowledge of non-terminal contraceptive methods such as a condom, an intrauterine device, oral or emergency contraceptives," researcher Ranjib Acharya points out. Findings of considerable gender differences in comprehensive awareness about contraception and HIV/AIDS raise deep concerns about the vulnerability of girls, half of who have never had information on sexual matters all their lives. Dangers of this ignorance are particularly grave considering norms prohibiting pre-marital and opposite-sex mixing opportunities in India. Researchers have documented experiences of youngsters who have had sex before marriage without having any knowledge of sexual safety. The challenge is to offer family life and sex education to youngsters and enable them to make informed choices. As of now, youngsters are entering into relationships and marriages with minds full of misconceptions about sex, pregnancy and contraception. In 2007 when the National AIDS Control Organization (NACO) and the NCERT created a life-skills module for school educators, most state governments, primarily BJP-ruled, refused to offer it, saying it was "embarrassing". The NACO revised the content to make it "decent". Yet, 11 states haven't cared to roll it. If embarrassment continues to be cited as an excuse to stifle knowledge, India can hardly expect to capitalise on its demographic dividend or stabilise its population by pinning the fertility rate down at 2.1.
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Don’t marry them early Childhood
and adolescence are usually the greatest years of one’s life. This period is cut short, however, when marriage and adult responsibilities come too early. Although most nations have declared 18 as the legal minimum age to enter into marriage, in many developing countries the practice of early marriage for girls is widespread. The Population Council estimates that more than 100 million girls worldwide marry before their 18th birthday. Some of these girls marry as young as eight or nine, and many will marry against their will. India is heterogeneous country, both socially and culturally. The north western and central states of India namely Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhy Pradesh and Maharashtra witness same kind of gender biases. The similarity is that here patriarchy works in a dangerous way to undermine women’s right to dignified lives. There are similarities in women’s lived experiences due to these gendering existences. These are in the form of adverse sex ratio, low education and health status and violence and crime against them. Early marriage is also one such phenomenon. It is seen as a way to provide male guardianship for daughters, protect them from sexual assault, ensure obedience to the husband’s household. But it is a gross violation of human rights. In the conventional sense, adolescence is understood to be a period relatively free from morbidity. The insularity of adolescence from morbidity is getting undermined owing to risks associated with early marriages. The practice of early marriage has adverse consequences on young girls’ reproductive health and many of the meaningful life experiences of adolescence are lost forever. Other than this, it becomes an obstacle in attaining developmental goal of a civilized society. It is a well-known fact that early marriages lead to many women specific diseases. Girls in this age group are twice as likely to die during pregnancy or childbirth as women in their 20’s. It results in low birth weight babies, under nutrition, anaemia, low body mass index (BMI) etc. When mothers themselves are immature and do not have full physical development, one can imagine the fate of the next generation. Further maternal mortality in India is the second highest in the world and 55 per cent women in the age group of 15 to 49 years were found to be suffering from anaemia. The proportion of anaemia is much higher when only expectant mothers are considered. It is estimated that 14 million adolescents between 15 and 19 years give birth each year. The median age of marriage for girls in India is only 16.4 years. In case of rural Haryana, it is 16.9 years (Census, 2001). It is disheartening to note that a state like Haryana is bracketed with those poor countries of the world where early marriages take place due to economic compulsions. Only the north and eastern districts namely Ambala, Panchkula, Kurukshetra, Yamunanagar and Karnal have come up to the expectations where median age of marriage is 18 years. It hovers around 16.3 to 16.9 in rest of the districts in state. The districts of Bhiwani, Hisar, Mahendragarh, Rewari, Gurgaon, Rohtak, Jhajjar and Jind fair poorly in this regard. In southern districts there is not much gap in rural and urban areas. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS, III, 2006) reveals that while at all-India level 55 per cent women are anaemic, in case of Haryana it is 56 per cent. Further in the 15 to 19 age group around 58 per cent suffer from anaemia, meaning thereby that the economic prosperity has little to do with women’s health and well-being. It should be noted that women’s nutrition assumes greater significance due to its crucial association with other aspects of their well-being and human development in general. And this is intrinsically linked with age at marriage. Studies have also revealed that delay by just two years of marriage has significant bearing on birth rate and health of women. Marriage age shows a correspondence with birth rate in Haryana too where all the northern districts have high age at marriage and low total fertility rate (TFR). TFR is high in case of Mewat, Bhiwani, rural Gurgaon, Faridabad, Panipat, Jind and in these districts, median age of girls marriage is also low. When the number of living sons rather than living children matters, then the situation becomes even more alarming. An unchanging and obsessive preference for sons has reinforced gender bias, led to female foeticide and taken a toll on women’s existence. The role of the government and civil institutions should strive to develop and implement systems to prevent and discourage this practice. There is a need to adopt a life cycle approach to women’s life. The process of empowerment is long term and an isolated event like participation in literacy campaign does not really make a significant change in women’s lives unless accompanied by more challenging levels of social participation. Addressing attitudinal change is crucial. The government should be committed to provide a congenial atmosphere to reduce violence against women. To foster behavioural change within community, human rights should be emphasised. Human rights based development and education programmes can create dynamics leading to change in customs, hierarchies and prejudices linked to the tradition of early marriages. (The writer is an Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Kurukshetra
University, Kurukshetra.)
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Sexual/Reproductive
Rights
According to the UNICEF report on “State of World’s Children” (2009), 40 per cent of world’s child marriage takes place in India. It also reported that 47 per cent of Indian women are married before the legal age of 18, with 56 per cent in rural areas. While in many societies, adolescence means an opening up of opportunities, for girls especially in rural India, it often means goodbye to opportunities and personal freedom even today. Early marriages prevent their access to various opportunities in life the most common are education, health, economic, or social opportunities. Historically, early marriages have been used to secure critical social, economic and political alliances for families or clans. Today, poverty, malnutrition, poor educational and economic options, concerns regarding violence and safeguarding virginity, as well as traditions and cultural norms, are cited as contextual factors that lead to child marriage.