|
A Tribune Special
How Braille helped the visually impaired |
|
|
Pitfalls of democracy
Profile On Record
|
A Tribune Special THE practice of paid news is not a recent phenomenon. It was blatantly evident in the recent Assembly and Lok Sabha elections. It has been there all along coverage of corporates also. Earlier, it was limited to a few journalists, and covertly. It has now become an overt and institutionalised affair as if there is nothing unusual or deviant about. It has now reached the proportion of being described as the “fourth estate on sale”. This practice is no longer limited to smaller or regional language news media, but happening all across news media. Like “overzealous advertisement managers”. There are also overzealous journalists. This practice, if not addressed now, would become formally overt as a normal course of news media’s function. It is difficult to define “paid news”. It could also be described as “quid pro quo news”. It may be better to describe the phenomenon as “unfair” or “camouflaged” news or ad. It may not always be possible to establish something as unfair or camouflaged. But it should be possible to develop a methodology even without “circumstantial evidence”. There could be an independent monitoring and analysis arrangement in a transparent way for six months period before an Assembly poll. An Advertising Standards Council of India-like arrangement could be mobilised by the Press Council of India (PCI) and the Election Commission together. Various bodies like the Indian Broadcasters Foundation should also be involved in formulating guidelines. But we should not wait for a consensus. The much talked about political reforms, particularly electoral reforms, are yet to see the light. In the meanwhile, it is too well known how money and media power in electoral politics of the country has been on increase. Now “note for vote” phenomena nationwide too has been brought out. Thus, transparency by way of disclosures both by political parties and contesting candidates is important. The Election Commission measures to restrain money power and media power should be viewed as within its purview. In a democracy, both “free and fair elections” and “free press” are equally important. Each should sustain the vibrancy of the other. The situation calls for protective measures and corrective initiatives by news media themselves on their own and in their own interest and by other stakeholders in the civil society. No single initiative or measure could curb such deviant behaviour. A combination of them is required in the spirit of “checks and balance”. The best bet of course is a more active audience and citizenry. However, in the absence of such sustained activism, three pronged efforts are needed — first from within news media themselves, individually and as a Fourth Estate institution. Secondly, professional bodies like academics, independent research and civil society groups. Thirdly, regulatory agencies like the Press Council of India, Election Commission, Information Commission, and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI), etc. There are corporate instruments, not editorial. Discussions on pros and cons of this syndrome need to be encouraged so that more reliable / relevant criteria could be evolved in such a way that the credibility of the news media is retained. The practice of disclosure should happen at two levels. One, by the news media to state conflict of interests in the course of news coverage or presentation. The media should also disclose its own ethical code or standards. It should indicate the responsible person for such disclosures periodically, like Readers’ editor, ombudsman or a panel of internal and external experts. There is need for redressal arrangements. Complaints about any aspect of media operations have positive implications, on contents. There should be some provision for readers/ viewers to “write back” or “talk back” and for an explanation in turn by the person responsible in the news media. The Readers Editor of The Hindu has set a good precedence of taking note of complaints and explaining where necessary as he did in the case of paid news phenomenon. The news media should promote such an arrangement so that readers/ viewers are aware of it. This is over and above what the state agencies are expected to do. In the more specific context of paid news during elections, the Election Commission should be both proactive and also take on measures to curb such practices on its own and preferably with the Press Council of India. Academic bodies, independent research agencies and civil society groups should be encouraged to monitor media contents and articulate their views from time to time. Several such independent media watch groups are needed in the country. Basic data based on trends as space/time for advertisements and the kind of analysis of ad contents is essential for preventive initiatives. The Centre for Media Studies has been doing this. In fact, way back in 1995, it described “Marketing media not mass media”. And in 2001 it brought out a publication for the first time Paradigm shifts in media. Professional bodies engaged or associated with news media in various capacities like the Editors Guild, the Advertising Standards Council of India, journalists’ associations, the Indian Broadcasters Foundation, etc should take initiative towards a more responsible and accountable news media. This could be done by setting up their own panel as the Editors Guild of India did in the case of paid news and codes or guidelines for their members particularly on conflict of interest. State bodies like the Press Council of India, Information Commissions, TRAI, and the Election Commission need to be proactive. Only then they could play their role. But their taking up deviation of individual news media is equally important. The Press Council should come up with guidelines after involving the media across the country (even if a consensus is not possible) and the Election Commission should take the responsibility to implement the same. The media should be brought under the RTI Act so that some accountability comes into media operations and management. Government media campaigns other than on specific occasions should be discouraged six months before the elections. Real time counselling service to individual journalists, leaders, candidates in specific situations how they should go about in a given context. This counselling could be by an independent body but specialised like the Press Council, Centre for Media Studies, etc. Guidelines for news media on poll coverage, however broad they may be, should be formulated. Both television channels and newspapers should be viewed together as to their coverage of the candidates, parties, issues and the campaign together. There should be limits on advertisements either in terms of percentage of space or time or in terms of percentage of revenue from commercials. But it may not be legally sustainable. This could be a voluntary and industrial effort. In addition, advertisements of all kinds should be positioned distinctly to demark from the edited space/time the same way as facts and comments. Pay news or practice of camouflaged news or advertisements is not limited to election time. It is not something new in 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The practice has been there in so many different contexts and for much longer too. It is not always possible to isolate such coverage. Circumstantial evidence may not always be possible. Nonetheless, guidelines can be evolved for effective monitoring and analysis. By not taking cognisance even when brought to their notice, the concerned agencies have failed and professional bodies went along. The malaise is much deeper. As free and fair elections are as important as a free and independent press, correctives are needed in our electoral process too. The issues involved need to be addressed holistically. The cleaning wounds approach would only have a temporal effect. The writer is Founder Chairman, Centre for Media Studies Academy of Communication and Convergence Studies, New Delhi
|
How Braille helped the visually impaired THERE
was a time, not long ago, when most people thought that blind people could never learn to read. People thought that the only way to read was to look at words with your eyes. A French boy named Louis Braille thought otherwise. Blind from the age of three, Louis desperately wanted to read. He realised the vast world of thought and ideas that was locked out to him because of his disability. And he was determined to find the key to this door for himself, and for all other blind persons. Louis Braille was born on January 4, 1809, in Coupvray near Paris. His father made harnesses and other leather goods. His father often used sharp tools to cut and punch holes in the leather. One of the tools he used to make holes was a sharp awl — a tool that looks like a short pointed stick with a round, wooden handle. While playing with an awl, Louis’ hand slipped and he accidentally poked one of his eyes. At first the injury didn’t seem serious, but then the wound became infected. Louis lost sight in both eyes. The first few days after becoming blind were very hard. Louis learned to adjust to the new life. He went to school and did well at his studies. He was both intelligent and creative. He wasn’t going to let his disability slow him down. As he grew older, he realised that the small school he attended did not have the money and resources he needed. He heard of a school for the blind in Paris. He got admitted there. The school did have books for the blind to read. But these books had large letters that were raised up off the page. Since the letters were so big, the 14 books in total were large, bulky and costly. Louis set about reading all the books in the library. He could feel each letter, but it took him time to read a sentence. It took a few seconds to reach each word and by the time he reached the end of a sentence, he almost forgot the beginning. He knew there must be a way for a blind to quickly feel the words on a page. That day he set himself the goal of thinking up a system for blind people to read. He would try to think of some alphabet code to make his ‘finger reading’ as quick and easy as sighted reading. Louis learned to play the cello and organ at a young age. He was so talented that he played at churches all over Paris. Indeed, music was his first love. It was also a steady source of income. Louis had great confidence in his creative abilities. One day somebody at the school heard about an alphabet code that was being used by the French Army. This code was used to deliver messages at night from officers to soldiers. The messages could not be written on paper because the soldier would have to strike a match to read it. The light from the match would give the enemy a target at which to shoot. The alphabet code was made up of small dots and dashes. These symbols were raised up off the paper so that soldiers could read them by running their fingers over them. Once the soldiers understood the code, everything worked fine. Louis got hold of this code and tried it out. It was much better than reading the gigantic books with gigantic raised letters. But the army code was still slow and cumbersome. The dashes took up a lot of space on a page. Each page could only hold one or two sentences. Louis knew that he could improve this alphabet in some way. On his next vacation home, he would spend all his time working on finding a way to make this improvement. When he arrived home for school vacation, he was greeted warmly by his parents. His mother and father always encouraged him on his music and other school projects. Louis sat down to think about how he could improve the system of dots and dashes. He liked the idea of the raised dots, but could do without the raised dashes. As he sat there in his father’s leather shop, he picked up one of the blunt awls. The idea came to him in a flash. The very tool which had caused him blindness could be used to make a raised dot alphabet that would enable him to read. The first form of writing by means of dots is attributed to Charles Barbier, an artillery officer. He developed an interest in rapid, secret writing as it pertains to matters of war, where speed and secrecy are mandatory. Barbier invented a method of “cutting out” writing with a pen knife. This method made it possible to scribe several copies at once. Barbier’s experience may have made him aware of the benefit to an officer able to write messages in the dark and decipher them with his fingers. Louis was about 12 years old when Charles Barbier brought his writing system, called ‘sonography’ to the school. Louis saw the potential as well as the problems with the system. The Barbier system was based on a 12-dot cell and phonetic soundings. Over the next three years, Louis worked on simplifying the system, which is how the 6-dot braille system came into being. He eventually evolved his new system to include notation for numbers and music. The next few days he spent working on an alphabet made up entirely of six dots. The position of the different dots would represent the different letters of the alphabet. Louis contracted tuberculosis at the age of 26. In early December 1851, Louis began to hemorrhage. This was attributed to a cold but got progressively worse. He died on January 6, 1852, at the age of 46. To mark his death centenary in 1952, the French government moved Louis’ body to the Pantheon in Paris in recognition of his contribution to improving the quality of life of the visually impaired.
|
Pitfalls of democracy THE case of molestation of an adolescent girl at the hands of the top cop of Haryana, driving the girl to suicide and unspeakable misery heaped on the aggrieved family and the epic battle fought by the parents of the deceased girl’s friend for 19 years for justice is too well known to bear any repetition, thanks to the role of the mass media and the civil society in highlighting it to the extent that it gave a severe jolt to the sleeping conscience of the nation. The report of the magisterial inquiry into expulsion of the unfortunate girl from a top missionary school of Chandigarh, holding the principal of the school guilty of an arbitrary, harsh and mala fide act under the apparent pressure of the powerful accused underscores the ugly fact that the rot of moral decay and spiritual atrophy is too deep in our system. Expelling the girl on the charge of non-payment of fee for a certain period when over 135 such cases failed to attract any attention of the management – the harsh treatment meted out to the girl when she needed moral support and counseling – is the putrid icing on the rotten cake. The case of a school’s head who became nun, took the vow of celibacy and donned the white robe – a symbol of pristine purity – for the ostentatious cause of social service amply shows how the religion has become a hoax at the hands of nuns, priests, pandits and god men in our times. The case has larger social dimensions. How is it that after more than six decades of Independence such things happen in our society? And this is not an isolated case. Women, especially of Dalit and other weaker sections in our male-dominated society, are often victims at the hands of the mighty and the powerful in our system and many such cases go unreported. How healthy and agile or sickly and fragile is our democratic system to protect the dignity of its vulnerable members is a question that needs reasoned scrutiny. Democracy in Europe evolved in its present form after a prolonged and tortuous struggle of the emergent forces against the feudal relations of production and societal arrangements. The French Revolution inspired by the ideas of Rousseau and Voltaire with its ringing slogan of liberty, equality and fraternity was one important landmark in this historical process. Indian democracy has been bereft of this process. Here Westminster style of democracy was superimposed on a social organism which had strong feudal, semi-feudal remnants with tribal hangover. Capitalist relations of production has developed in a society marked strongly by communal, casteist, ethnic and regional divisive forces, keeping the democratic ethos in its moribund state. This is more true of a culturally backward state like Haryana where the irrational social phenomenon like khap panchayat still plays havoc in society. Ruling elites in such a state tend to treat the state as a private fiefdom – the seat of power becoming an extension of one’s farm house or an adjunct of one’s household. Police force in such a case is an effective instrument to strengthen one’s stranglehold on the state apparatus. This alone can explain the support lent to the guilty top cop of the state by four successive chief ministers of the state. What is true of Haryana is true of other states as well in varying degrees. The comparison is not between good and better but between bad and worse. Such a social milieu throws up ruling elites – political, bureaucratic, industrial, mercantile etc – who are acquisitive and rapacious in their approach and grow insensitive to the suffering and injustice around. Exceptions only prove the rule. Thus, in our developmental model we have miniscule minority in the country whose standard of living is higher than that of the affluent Americans. India tops in Asia in the number of dollar billionaires. The average assets of a member of the present Lok Sabha in India, as stated at the times of elections, is Rs five crore while that of a member of the Council of Ministers at the Centre is Rs 7.5 crore. This is besides the hidden assets. Madhu Koda of Jharkhand is not an exception. On the other hand, the Commission on Unorganisd Enterprises set up by the Centre under the chairmanship of Dr. Arjun Sen Gupta makes a chilling revelation that the per capita per day consumption expenditure of 77 per cent of Indian population is less than Rs 20 a day. This kind of social cleavage is not sustainable for all times to come. This explains growing violence in large parts of the country which, according to the Prime Minister’s assessment, is the major threat to India’s security. One may take pride in calling India as the largest democracy. However, our democracy is still on probation and it has yet to strike roots in the Indian soil. Indian democracy is a sluggish horse which needs constant whipping to make it gallop. A strong civil society – ever vigilant mass media, NGOs, pressure groups, professional organisations and associations and public spirited individuals etc. – is the ring master which can wield this whip. All social welfare measures adopted by the state so far – the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, pensions for the senior citizens among the poor, the Right to Information Act, the Forest Rights Act, the Right to Education Act etc – are largely an outcome of the pressure of the civil society. Wherever the pressure of the civil society is strong, the ruling elites relent. The Centre yielded after the fast of an important political figure on the question of a separate Telangana in Andhra Pradesh because of a vibrant civil society there and the importance of the state in the country. On the other hand, a young woman, Irom Sharmila has been on hunger strike for the last 10 years and is being kept on forced feeding in a hospital in Manipur against the atrocities committed by some personnel of the Army and paramilitary forces by misusing the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Travails of this brave young lady have largely gone unnoticed in our country as Manipur is a small state tucked in farthest corner of the country and can easily be ignored. The situation demands a vibrant and strong civil society all over the country. This alone can save the Indian democracy. The role of mass media and civil society in the case of Ruchika Girhotra in Haryana and several other such cases relating to Jessica Lal and others provides an ample
hope.
The writer is Member, Haryana Administrative Reforms Commission, Chandigarh
|
Profile Renowned
cinematographer, V.K. Murthy, 87, has retired and settled down in Bagalore after having worked in Mumbai for five decades. He was in for surprise when one fine morning, newspapers across the country carried the news that the octogenarian camera wizard would be honoured with Dada Saheb Phalke Award. This is for the first time since its inception in 1969 that the prestigious award was conferred on a technician. The honour has, however, come to Murthy a bit too late when he is in the evening of his life. Why no one spotted him earlier? He was, after all, known for long years as “the hero behind screen”, one who provided some of Indian cinema’s breathtaking images in starkly contrasted black and white. He had the credit of shooting India’s first cinemascope (75mm) movie – Kaagaz Ke Phool. It is said that legendary Guru Dutt would not have been such a roaring success as a director and actor without Murthy’s genius. He was Dutt Sahab’s regular cameraman, constant companion and never worked with any other director during his (Dutt’s) lifetime. Imagine the scene in Pyssa – given up for dead, poet Vijaya (Guru Dutt) appears at a function where he is being remembered… As he stands at the door with his arms stretched out, dark patches slowly give way to semi-lightness, revealing his physical form. It was indeed a mesmerising scene. It is, perhaps, a coincidence that Dada Sahab Phalke too made his film debut as cinematographer but subsequently became producer-director-screenwriter, and came to be known as the father of Indian Cinema. He photographed his pioneering feature film Raja Harishchandra. Murthy says “I never expected this prestigious award” as he dedicated it to the memory of Guru Dutt. Few may be knowing that Murthy was once a violinist and jailed during Independence movement. As a child, he was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s ideals. His faith in Gandhiji grew stronger over the years and as a college student he decided to defy the British rule. Hearing Gandhiji’s speech, enumerating the concept of Satyagraha, Murthy organised a group of 150-odd students to a cycle protest . He assumed leadership of the protesters, who decided to move from the city to the police chowki. The Goras (whites) had been informed by someone before hand and as the protesters reached Chowki they were promptly arrested. The anti-climax was that when he turned back to seek support, there were only seven left. Murthy’s childhood was tough; he lost his parents early in life and brought up by relatives and friends. Soon he was able to eke out a earning. His first love – music – stood him in good stead, enabled him to relax in moments of tension. He learnt violin and mastered the instrument to such an extent that he scored 175 out of 200 marks. He had an ambition to become an actor quite young in life. While still in school, he ran to Bombay, did rounds of studios and lived with relatives but, to his misfortune, he did not know Hindi. He decided to return home and complete his education but did not give up ambition to join the film industry. He started teaching students and playing violin at Ganpathi festivals to earn some money. Later, he did a course in cinematography which benefited him a lot. Murthy’s first break in the film industry came in 1946 in Jayant Desai’s Maharana Pratap where he assisted cinematographer Dhronacharya. His chance meeting with Guru Dutt changed the course of his life. He met him while working for ‘Famous Studios’ as an assistant cameraman. Dev Anand Navketan had hired the studio to make the film Baazi. Murthy suggested a difficult shot, which Dev Anand rejected saying his cameramen would not be able to execute it. Murthy then requested that he may be given a chance and he did it.
After the day’s work, Guru Dutt asked him if he would work with him. Of course “Yes” was Murthy’s reply. Thus began the life-long partnership between two prodigies. “Working with him was a terrific experience”, he
says.
|
|
On Record THE Tenth Auto Expo in New Delhi has generated a lot of excitement among the car manufacturers within the country and abroad. This was also visible from the number of new cars being launched and some of the concept cars unveiled, which have specially been made for the Indian market. The Tribune caught up with C.V. Raman, Chief General Manager, Maruti Suzuki India Ltd, responsible for the hybrid car and Pankaj Dhamane and Rajesh Kumar Gogu, the designers of the MPV called the rIII to examine the two indigenous cars. Excerpts: Q: What is the concept behind the car rIII? A: It is a next generation vehicle. Built on a central theme of ‘togetherness’, Concept rIII brings forth an interesting mobility solution for those users who want to move together as a ‘big family’. It offers elegance, sportiness and excellent roominess for the `big family’ with `bigger needs’. Q: What is your level of R&D? A:
rIII displays a quantum leap for R&D at the MSIL. It displays the carmaker’s confidence and calibre to work on segments other than small cars. It is a truly Indian concept car. Q: What is the car theme? A: To bring in the togetherness flavour, the young team studied the evolving urban Indian landscape. The fusion of glass and metal used in contemporary architecture became a starting point for the designers. Q: What are its special features? A: The interior has been designed keeping the family in mind. It has been designed as an extension of the exterior. However, contrary to the bold and aggressive look of the exterior, the interiors specifically address family needs and offer high engagement solutions. The seats have been given a contemporary look keeping in mind comfort and usability. The simple yet futuristic design, flowing with the overall architecture of the Concept rIII, reflects the elegance of the concept and enhances the interior. Q: You have put a lot of emphasis on interior lights. Why? A: Mood light themes give a dynamic personality to the exterior and interior. The Concept rIII uses mood lights to add subtle elements of style. Three sets of mood lights for interiors and exteriors reflect emotions of the car user. In the Zen theme only the lights in the roof glow and reflect a mood of aloofness. After a hectic day at work, the Zen theme is ideal to compose thoughts and help plan for yet another day. Lounge lights theme has the soft diffused lights in the interiors of Concept rIII, giving a magical twist to the evening. Q: What are the main features of a hybrid concept car? A: ‘SX4 Hybrid’ is a full parallel hybrid concept with automated manual transmission (AMT) on a sedan platform. The full parallel hybrid system being used in the ‘SX4 Hybrid’ concept features an electric motor and twin clutch arrangement with advance Lithium-ion battery technology. This concept combines a 1.2 litre petrol engine and a 50 kW electric motor along with 5 speed Automated Manual Transmission to provide high fuel economy with lower emissions. Q: What is the main reason behind the initiative? A:
While Toyota’s is a complete hybrid car, Honda’s is a semi-hybrid one. We also want to keep a concept car ready to be launched when the technology is in the reach of the common man. The team of engineers have worked under the government-initiated, National Hybrid Propulsion Programme (NHPP) and the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy Sources (MNRE)’s High Energy Density Battery Development Programme to develop this car. Maruti Suzuki will demonstrate a fleet of the ‘SX4 Hybrid’ for the Commonwealth Games in October 2010. It is one of our exciting initiatives to enhance its R&D capabilities and gear itself for greener
technologies.
|
|
HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Letters | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |