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Colours of democracy
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Encashing credit Himachal CM makes a point Chief Minister P.K. Dhumal has made an interesting demand. He has sought Rs 1,000 crore for Himachal Pradesh in lieu of carbon credits earned by the country for maintaining the ecological balance. The forests absorb polluting gases generated in the downhill areas.
Military offensive in Lanka
The lost childhood
Spring offensive How the UN destroyed one lakh books Delhi Durbar
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Colours of democracy The
victorious surge of the Maoists in Nepal’s Constituent Assembly elections is a dramatic assertion of democratic aspirations in one of the world’s poorest countries. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) appears to be unstoppable in its march towards making Nepal a republic. Even as counting is underway, the Maoists — who have bagged more than a 100 of the 240 directly elected seats — are set to emerge as the single largest party. The once-dominant Nepali Congress of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is way behind with less than a third of the seats won by the Maoists; and, the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) is trailing behind the Nepali Congress. Whatever the final picture, the exit of the present interim government led by Mr Koirala appears as certain as the abolition of the monarchy. Maoist chief Pushpa Kamal Dahal alias Prachanda is the undisputed hero of the democratic revolution sweeping Nepal. He will be the power behind the government and the critical factor in the Constituent Assembly’s drafting of a new constitution. Should the Maoists opt for a coalition government, the NC and CPN (UML) will have to settle for the role of junior partners. For all the promise of sweeping changes held out by the Maoist victory, uncertainties and imponderables will persist; not only till the final results are in, but long after that, too. First, it remains to be seen whether the Maoists succeed in securing a clear majority in the 335 seats to be filled under the proportional system. Second, how the Maoists deal with the Terai – where parties agitating for greater autonomy have put up an impressive show with almost as many seats as the CPN (UML) – will be decisive for maintaining peace and security. But, these are issues for the day after. Right now, Nepal is in a celebratory mood, and rightly so. The people have had a free and fair election that was largely peaceful, and the results reflect an astoundingly uncompromising vote for a robust democracy. Gone are yesterday’s men. |
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Clueless police THE attack on a police station at Jhajha in Bihar’s Jamui district in which six people, including security personnel, were killed shows how unequal the police is in the fight against the Naxalites. The police had no clue when over 500 Naxalites stormed the General Reserve Police station in the Jhajha railway station premises and took away all the weapons. Train services on this route were disrupted several times, and by the time things were brought under control, the Naxalites had made good their escape. Such attacks have become so common that there is an element of predictability to them. Yet, the police is caught unawares every time the Naxalites mount an attack, more to terrorise them than to carry away weapons. In fact, reports suggest that the Naxalites are better equipped than the police. Even in intelligence gathering, they are one up on the police. It was with a promise to improve law and order that Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar got the mandate of the people. While he has succeeded in restoring to a large extent the common man’s faith in the administrative machinery, he is yet to come to grips with the Naxalite problem which, of course, predates his government. Bihar is one of the few states which felt the reverberations of Naxalism when it struck first in West Bengal in the late 1960s. Few would remember that Sarvodaya leader Jayaprakash Narayan returned to active public life by organising people against the Naxalites who attacked a landlord in Muzaffarpur district. Jhajha is not very far from the Indo-Nepal border where the Red Corridor begins. It covers a vast area that includes north and central Bihar, not to mention Jharkhand and the contiguous areas in Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In as many as 160 districts in this region, it is the writ of the Naxalites, not the police’s, that runs. Instead of tackling Naxalism in a coordinated manner by addressing the socio-economic issues it highlights, state governments have been treating it as a mere law and order problem. States like Chhattisgarh have come up with questionable strategies like “salwa judum” to fight
Naxalites. As the Supreme Court has pointed out, the policy of giving arms to private militias cannot be approved of under any circumstances. Since governance and development alone can keep Naxalites at bay, there is no shortcut in the fight against Naxalism. |
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Encashing credit Chief Minister P.K. Dhumal has made an interesting demand. He has sought Rs 1,000 crore for Himachal Pradesh in lieu of carbon credits earned by the country for maintaining the ecological balance. The forests absorb polluting gases generated in the downhill areas. Since the Centre had taken control of forests in the country in 1976, Himachal has lost a sizeable income it used to earn from the forests, which, he says, before nationalisation, came to Rs 100 crore annually. A ban on tree felling has deprived people of their timber requirements. This part of Mr Dhumal’s list of grievances reported in a newspaper makes sense. While he tries to prove that the Centre has been neglecting Himachal Pradesh, he fails to mention the financial packages and tax holiday given to the hill state. The demand for compensation for preserving the forests and the general environment is of recent origin. The 11th Finance Commission has asked the Centre to set apart Rs 1,000 crore for rewarding those states where the forest cover is higher than the national average. Under the Kyoto Protocol carbon credits are traded. Those who save on energy consumption and cut polluting emissions like carbon dioxide get carbon emission certificates, which can be sold and bought like any other commodity. The buyers are those companies or entities which cannot lower their emissions. Since the forests absorb harmful gases, check land erosion and floods, and maintain bio-diversity, their value is beyond question. The problem arises in calculating the compensation. How has Mr Dhumal reached the figure of Rs 1,000 crore? How will one measure carbon saving done by the forests? If the state government had allowed the chopping of trees for setting up industrial projects, what would have been the overall gains and losses to the state? The state economy heavily depends on tourism. A barren, tree-less, industrial Himachal would not have attracted tourists. The issue definitely calls for a wider debate. |
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Action indeed is the sole medium of expression for ethics.
— Jane Adams |
Military offensive in Lanka Three months after the Sri Lankan Government (SLG) abrogated the Norway-brokered 2002 Cease Fire Agreement, local body elections have been held in Batticaloa, one of the three districts in the East, against the backdrop of the continued military offensive in the North.
The far-from-perfect elections were won by the TMVP, a breakaway faction of the LTTE which is armed and loosely allied with the government. The party was created by Karuna and after yet another internal feud, Pillayan has emerged as the true leader while Karuna is in a British jail facing charges of fraud. Two Opposition parties, the LTTE-supported TNA and main opposition UNP, boycotted the elections on grounds of insecurity. The TMVP which won eight out of the nine seats it contested has been allowed to carry arms for self-defence against the LTTE. Municipal elections in Trincomalee and Amparai were held earlier and could not be held in Batticaloa till the LTTE bases in the district were captured by the security forces last year. In a loosely formed alliance, moderate Tamil groups like the EPRLF, the EPDP, and PLOTE secured impressive number of votes but were obviously no match for the armed alliance. Showcasing the election as a victory for democracy and the military offensive against terrorism, President Mahinda Rajapakse swore in all the 101 office-bearers of the nine local bodies of Batticaloa. Surprisingly, there was neither any mention of Prabhakaran or Karuna nor any interference from the LTTE during the elections. The military offensive in the North is already six months old but barring minor successes on the ground in Mannar, it has made no headway in other sectors of Vavuniya, Weli Oya and Jaffna. Some reports suggest that a mechanised force of tanks and APCs is preparing to assault Elephant Pass. The Army has claimed it has killed more than 2500 Tigers this year for less than 200 of their own soldiers. Undeniably the LTTE is in a corner with serious damage to its offensive capacity. As the supply chains have been badly indicted, Tigers are facing a shortage of ammunition and war-like stores. The biggest weakness is the absence of an antidote against relentless attacks by MiG 27s, and soon, MiG 29 jets. Government forces have never before enjoyed military and moral ascendancy over the LTTE as now. But the way the Army is fighting this war, it could take two to three years before Prabhakaran can be brought to his knees. Tigers have a remarkable reputation for bouncing back. And the government does not have an infinite window for crushing terrorism. The LTTE has offered to return to the peace talks if the current offensive is halted. In the wake of the recent visit of Lt Gen Sarath Fonseka to India, Tigers spokesperson has accused Delhi of committing yet another historic blunder by encouraging SLG’s military offensive and genocide of Tamils. It is well known that India is helping with intelligence and defensive military equipment. According to an unconfirmed report, Pakistan, a long-time and reliable supplier of military equipment to Sri Lanka, is clandestinely siphoning military hardware to the LTTE also. This double dealing is not unusual in Sri Lanka’s civil war. The EU delegation recently in Sri Lanka as part of the co-chairs had sought access for Norway and other co chairs to the LTTE in Kilinochchi which the government is loath to provide. The war in the North has taken a severe toll on human rights. According to one estimate, the number of IDPs is 1 million. The International Eminent Persons Group has wound up its business complaining that there is lack of cooperation from the courts. The international community is applying gentle pressure through the US and the EU withdrawing the General System of Preferences (GSP) on tea and textiles. The government is being asked to accept a UN Special Envoy to monitor human rights, now that Scandinavian Monitoring Mission has been withdrawn. Article 99 of the UN Charter is the ultimate weapon of political and economic sanctions to bring the warring parties back to the negotiating table. Unless the US and India work to a common agenda to end the war, the battle of attrition and human rights violations in the North will get bloodier in the days to come. The SLG has moved swiftly to hold provincial elections in the East (10th May) last organised by the IPKF 20 years ago. Elections in the East are a big vindication for the Rajapakse brothers’ pursuit of a military solution. The victory in the East followed the delegitimisation of the merged North East Province by the Supreme Court. Surprisingly, GoC East, Maj Gen P. Pannipittiya, under whose command the East was liberated, was sacked recently and had to rush to court to restore his security and residence. The last elections in the East were held on 19 November 1988 enabled by the IPKF. Like now, no elections were held in the North but the 36 seats were represented in the combined NEPC in Trincomalee under Chief Minister Varatharaja Perumal from Jaffna. Trincomalee 10, Batticaloa 11 and Amparai 14 account for an aggregate of 35 seats in the East. The demography in the east has been the victim of colonisation, cartography and conflict. That is why Sinhalese will not hesitate to say that more Tamils live outside the North East than in the so-called homeland. The North is predominantly Tamil (90 per cent) after 90,000 Muslims were evicted by the LTTE in 1990. In the East the picture is different. In Batticaloa and Amparai, Tamils are 48 per cent and Muslims and Sinhalese 42 per cent. In Trincomalee the three communities are almost equally one third each. The combined percentage in the East works out to Muslims and Sinhalese, 60 per cent and Tamils, 40 per cent. In a merged North East, Tamils would make for 70 per cent and Muslims and Sinhalese 30 per cent of the population. Demerger means that demography rules out a Tamil Chief Minister for the East. This disqualification is buttressed by vote bank and provincial politics. In Trincomalee, Tamils at best can win three seats and in Batticaloa and Amparai together, another 9 to 10 seats, whereas Muslims and Sinhalese together would garner 21 to 22 seats. With the present disposition of alliances, TMVP with or without the ruling alliance would bag six to seven seats but chances are that the SLMC with its ally UNP could emerge as the single largest party. But TMVP claims its tally will be 17 seats: Batticaloa 10, Trincomalee 4 and Amparai 3. This is possible only if the Sinhalese don’t vote. The moderate Tamil alliance of EPRLF, PLOTE and TULF will also be in the fray. EPDP may join later. The wild card in the pack is the LTTE proxy, TNA which is unlikely to contest. If it decides otherwise, the Tamil votes will get split further to the advantage of Muslim parties. When asked recently if the east could have a Tamil Chief Minister, Basil Rajapakse the Chief Administrator of the region had no answer. The Sinhala chauvinist JVP-JHU is also likely to test the waters in the east, making next month’s Eastern Provincial election a mini national election. It is early days for electoral battles but value added to elections will be the complete implementation of devolution under the 13th Amendment, including financial powers. Pending will be three questions: will the east get asymmetric devolution or will the other seven provinces become equal beneficiaries? Will the JVP allow the devolution to take place? And what will be the framework for an interim Administrative Council for the North? Elections in the East are a positive first step towards power sharing. The SLG could, but won’t, seize the political initiative to end the war by giving the LTTE a last time-bound chance to rejoin the peace talks. Elections without the LTTE are possible. But lasting peace without the LTTE is a pipe dream, as Sunday’s suicide attack near Colombo has
shown. |
The lost childhood There was a sudden sharp shower at about four in the evening and the children all went home in the rain. Half an hour later an irate mother stormed into my office: “My son came home soaking wet. If he catches pneumonia who is going to be responsible?”
It seemed that the child went home in a scooter rickshaw pool, and the vehicle being late, the boy decided it would be fun to walk home in the rain — home being in the neighbouring sector.
I agreed wholeheartedly with the mother, gave her a cup of tea and asked her where she had grown up. She said it was in a village in the Midnapur district. “What is the most vivid memory of your childhood?”
She thought for a while and then her eyes lit up. When she spoke there was unalloyed excitement in her voice. “The summer would be long and hot and when the pre-monsoon showers broke we would run out and play and dance in the rain. Oh, it used to be —” she caught herself. Her face flushed with embarrassment and she ended lamely.
“Things were different then”. Yes, things were different. The incident brought back two other memories. It was 1987, my first year at YPS, Patiala. Then, too, there had been a sudden downpour of rain and the central field was flooded with water, looking like a miniature lake. I stood at the railing admiring the beauty of this sudden bonanza. Then, slowly at first and then with growing strength, I felt a conviction grow on me that there was something wrong, something missing. It hit me in a flash — on that vast pool of water there wasn’t a single paper boat. In a school of 1700 children, not one had thought of making a paper boat and setting it a sail on the “lake”. The other incident was connected with an inter-house volleyball match. It was a vigorously contested match and at one stage the ball was hit hard into the branches of a neighbouring tree, where it got stuck. I waited for one of the boys to scramble up and retrieve the ball but no one made a move. I finally called out to a boy whose father, I knew, had an orchard with hundreds of mango, guava and leechee trees. He hung his head and admitted sheepishly, that he had never climbed a tree. These incidents, strung together, brought to my mind that intensely poignant song in which the legendary Jagjit Singh longs, nostalgically, for the return of his childhood. I realised at last, that he was not mourning the loss of his childhood, he was singing a requiem for a way of life, now dead and almost forgotten: a way of life in which children sailed paper boats and flew paper aeroplanes, where children climbed trees to pluck semi-ripe fruit and were thrilled to be chased by vigilant chowkidars and, yes, they danced and played in the
rain. |
Spring offensive KANDAHAR – For weeks now, the men in black turbans have been coming. They travel in pairs or small groups, on battered motorbikes or in dusty pickups, materializing out of the desert with Kalashnikovs and rocket launchers slung from their shoulders. With the advent of warmer weather, villagers say, Taliban fighters are filtering back from their winter shelters in Pakistan, ensconcing themselves across Afghanistan’s wind-swept south.
“Every day we see more and more of them,” said Abdul Karim, a farmer who already had sent his family away for safety. The insurgents aren’t the only ones girding for battle. At the country’s main NATO base outside Kandahar, nearly 2,300 US Marines have arrived over the past two months, their presence heralded by the thunder of transport aircraft and the springing up of a tent city built on a newly cleared minefield. The Marine force’s final elements arrived days ago and began fanning out into the field, aiming to bolster British, Canadian and Dutch troops who until now have been bearing the brunt of fighting in Afghanistan’s south, considered the conflict’s strategic center. In Afghanistan, where presidential elections are due next year, opinion surveys consistently suggest that a majority of the population supports the presence of foreign forces. But people don’t want them to stay indefinitely. The first-time arrival in Afghanistan’s south of a large force of Marines, the 24th Expeditionary Unit based in Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, has provided what commanders say is a much-needed infusion of firepower. The Marines have doubled the coalition’s air capacity; rows of Harrier jump jets, lumbering cargo planes and combat helicopters line the freshly laid tarmac. Just as important, commanders say, the Marines’ deployment might give NATO-led troops the muscle and reach to choke off the flow of Taliban fighters and weaponry into neighboring Helmand province, consistently the most violence-racked in Afghanistan. It is the country’s epicenter of opium production and narco-trafficking, whose profits help fuel the insurgency. In this unforgiving environment, British troops, considered to be among the alliance’s most effective fighters, have been forced to confine their efforts largely to the province’s northern tier, making Helmand, with its plethora of infiltration routes from Pakistan, a likely zone of deployment for the Marines. Allied commanders express satisfaction with the battlefield edge the Marines will bring, and the Taliban professes unconcern. “We have heard all about these Americans, and we are waiting – let them come,” said a local Taliban field commander, reached by telephone in the Panjwai district outside Kandahar. “They will learn what others before them have learned.” Beaten badly in previous large-scale frontal assaults on NATO-led troops, Taliban fighters vow to attack them with more powerful and sophisticated roadside bombs, suicide attacks and methodical targeting of Afghans who are helping coalition forces. Coalition commanders are well aware that the Taliban will try to steer the conflict toward hit-and-run strikes but say it is they, not the insurgents, who will seize the initiative.
Many Taliban fighters are essentially part-timers; villagers say the ranks of locally recruited insurgents will swell after the opium poppy crop has been planted. And with fighting seemingly poised to escalate, one major worry for the coalition is civilian casualties, which spiked during combat last spring. Coalition commanders, in turn, have expressed frustration with what they describe as insurgents’ willful endangering of civilians by launching attacks from within their midst, combined with what they say is the common Taliban practice of reporting their own battle dead as civilians. With harsh winter weather bringing a relative lull in fighting, the coalition has made a concerted effort to hunt down Taliban field commanders, either capturing them or killing them in pinpoint airstrikes. Senior Western military officials acknowledge, however, that in many cases, these leaders have been swiftly replaced, in some cases by younger and even more ruthless commanders. “It’s a new generation we are seeing, capable of the worst kind of atrocities,” said Brig. Gen. Carlos Branco, spokesman of the NATO-led force.
Last week, insurgents slaughtered 17 Afghan road workers in neighboring Zabul province. In response, Afghan and coalition forces hunted down and killed two dozen Taliban blamed for the attack, military officials said this weekend. Part of the Western alliance’s overall strategy is to turn more of the fighting and policing over to the Afghan security forces. American trainers believe they are turning a corner. Recruitment, pay and morale are up, they say. But although Afghan security forces have played a more prominent role in policing and battlefield engagements over the past year, serious problems remain. For example, Afghan forces are used whenever possible for house searches, a culturally charged encounter that in the past has inflamed local resentment when carried out by foreign troops. However, commanders acknowledge that without careful monitoring, looting sometimes takes place during such Afghan-conducted searches. Moreover, the Taliban find Afghan police a “softer” target than coalition troops and have killed scores in suicide strikes. Senior police officials say they believe the insurgents have marked them for death. “The Taliban have warned me so many times to leave this job,” said Haji Saifullah, the district police commissioner in Maywand, a district of Kandahar province that borders Helmand and has become an insurgent stronghold. Longtime observers of the conflict say even if the insurgents’ strength is flagging, a protracted battle lies ahead. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post |
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How the UN destroyed one lakh books PARIS – For more than two decades, 250 historians and specialists labored to produce the first six volumes of the General History of Latin America, an exhaustive work financed by UNESCO, the United Nations organisation created to preserve global culture and heritage. Then, over the course of two years, UNESCO paid to destroy many of those books and nearly 100,000 others by turning them to pulp, according to an external audit.
“This is the intellectual organisation of the United Nations system,” Aziza Bennani, Morocco’s ambassador to UNESCO, said in an interview. “How could an employee of UNESCO make a decision to destroy these books?” Homero Aridjis, Mexico’s ambassador, said at the organisation’s executive council meeting this past week, “This is not only a blow to the culture and knowledge of entire populations and nations, it contradicts the mandate entrusted to UNESCO.” He demanded an internal investigation. UNESCO Director General Koichiro Matsuura said it was “completely incomprehensible and inappropriate” that some of the organisation’s “most important and successful collections” were ordered destroyed, including histories of humanity and Africa, and surveys of ancient monuments. It was unclear who was responsible, he said. “We have launched an inquiry, consulting publications officers of the period, now retired, in order to discover the reasons which led them to take this decision and not to consider other options,” the audit report quotes him as saying. South African Ambassador Nomasonto Maria Sibanda-Thusi told the executive board: “We believe that some decisive disciplinary action is needed. The main player may have retired, but what about those that knew but chose to remain silent?” According to the report, the destruction occurred in 2004 and 2005, when UNESCO’s overflowing book storage warehouses in Paris were relocated to Brussels. Rather than pay to move 94,500 books, auditors reported, UNESCO officials ordered them destroyed. The books were turned to pulp for recycling, the audit says.
Nino Munoz Gomez, director of UNESCO’s Bureau of Public Information and chief of the publishing division, said that at least half of the destroyed volumes were outdated and contained obsolete statistical data. The audit notes that some publications were out of date but says others “on historical or purely literary themes (poetry anthologies, stories from all lands in translation) were not at all affected by obsolescence.” It says a “solution other than destruction” should have been considered, “such as free distribution to libraries.” Several irate African and Latin American ambassadors said libraries and schools in their impoverished countries would have been eager to receive comprehensive history books.
The auditors found that at least 4,990 copies of the General History of Latin America – one-quarter of those published – were destroyed. Records show that pulping of the first six volumes – which sell for 30.5 euros each, or about $48, at the UNESCO bookstore – was ordered even as historians and authors were working on the final three volumes of the nine-book set. In addition, more than 10,000 French and English copies of “General History of Africa” (about $72 each) were destroyed, as were 3,572 copies of “The Different Aspects of Islamic Culture” ($72 each) and 2,944 paperback copies of the French-language “History of Humanity,” a 1,500-page tome that sells for about $41. The list of pulped publications also included books about the ancient Incan capital, Cuzco, in Peru, and the 2,000 Buddhist monuments at the ancient Burmese capital of Pagan.
Auditors made the discovery during a wide-ranging investigation of abuses and waste in UNESCO’s book publication and distribution operations. Because too many books often were ordered and others were never distributed properly, tens of thousands piled up in UNESCO’s storage facilities at a cost of about $100,000 a year, until the agency decided to shift distribution functions to a Brussels company and move its stocks there. Washington Post researcher Corinne Gavard contributed to this report. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post |
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Delhi Durbar Though nobody could disagree with him in public, human resource development minister Arjun Singh had come in for a lot of criticism in private from a sizeable section in the Congress, when he first mooted the proposal to introduce OBC quotas in centrally-funded institutions. So, when the Supreme Court upheld the quota law, the politically astute minister was, in his own words, vindicated. Clearly pleased at having scored a political victory, Arjun Singh made it a point to turn up for the Union Cabinet meeting last week, even though there was no item dealing with his ministry on the agenda. Needless to say, all his Cabinet colleagues congratulated him profusely. That included science and technology minister Kapil Sibal, who had differed with the HRD minister on the quota issue when it first surfaced. Sibal had later been forced to retract his statement.
Shuffled lot If anybody is upset with Union minister Mani Shankar Aiyar’s constant change of portfolios, it is not the minister himself, but his staff members. They are apparently upset at having to move office so often. After the first reshuffle, they had to move out of the petroleum ministry. And now, when they were just about settling down in the sports ministry, they have to move out again to make way for the new minister
M.S. Gill’s staff. Although fiercely loyal to Aiyar, his staff members are quite exasperated that even after constant counseling from them, the irrepressible minister has not kicked the habit of speaking out of turn, which keeps landing him in trouble.
Congress bickering Congress president Sonia Gandhi never tires of advising party members to refrain from bickering with one another, but to little avail. And the worst culprits in the factional feuds in the state units are none other than the party’s seniors, who are generally expected to ensure discipline in the ranks. This came out openly when Sonia Gandhi travelled to Tamil Nadu last week at the invitation of finance minister P. Chidambaram, for a public rally in his constituency. Given the finance minister’s on-going battle with his colleagues in the Tamil Nadu Congress, it was not surprising that he failed to invite them for the programme. The state unit leaders were, however, undeterred and landed up at the rally uninvited. “How could we stay away when our leader was visiting our state,” remarked a senior Tamil Nadu Congress leader.
Roar of the tiger The World Wide Fund for Nature had launched a national ‘Roar of the tiger’ signature campaign last August. Within eight months, WWF has succeeded in collecting about three lakh signatures on banners, by setting up kiosks across the country. It plans to hold a rally in Delhi in July to raise awareness on tiger conservation. In order to drive home the message, WWF now plans to involve school children as volunteers to hold all the 600 banners, some bearing signatures of celebrities and politicians. It is estimated that the banners hemmed together lengthwise, would measure up to three kilometres in length. Contributed by Anita Katyal and Tripti Nath |
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