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Challenge of education Profile |
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Wit of the
week
The
numbers game On
Record Weaponisation
of space
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Profile His long-pending wish
was fulfilled last week when the Congress High Command allowed him to
quit the Governor’s post and return to poll-bound Karnataka. “
Quite relieved” was his impromptu comment as he packed up his
baggage to leave for Bangalore to take up the challenge of leading the
Congress for the elections, expected some time in May. Whether Krishna will avenge the defeat of his party in 2004 when he was the Chief Minister remains to be seen but immediately he poses a formidable challenge to H D Deve Gowda, a powerful Vokkaligga leader. Krishna too hails from the same community. He led the Congress to victory in the 1999 assembly elections and was made the Chief Minister. There was a sense of elation in the party rank and file as Krishna headed for Bangalore but a remarkable reaction came from a team of young software professionals working in the state capital. They
posted their reaction on a web-site, identifying themselves as IT
professionals and not part of any political party or religious group.
“We are just aam admi ( common men)”. “ We all agree on one
thing that Mr S M Krishna is the right person to lead Karnataka ( in
the election). We support him because of the progress he achieved in
the past ( in IT sector) and we strongly believe that he is capable of
bringing more prosperity to the state of Karnataka. We do not have any
platform or microphone to tell the world what we think. This is the
only way we can express our views,” the software engineers felt . Indeed,
the credit of making Karnataka an investor-friendly state goes to
Krishna when he headed the government. He is the man who made
Bangalore the hub of India’s booming IT industry and took tangible
steps towards the promotion of bio-technology . So much so that
many began describing this garden city as the “Biotech city”. The
words — S M — stand for Somanahalli Malliah and, of course,
Krishna everybody knows. At a seminar a Chief Executive of an IT
company said, as a matter of fact, the letters “S M” stand for “Simply
Marvellous” Krishna. The gathering of IT engineers unanimously
agreed. Considered one of the most educated Congress leaders, Krishna completed his BA from Maharaja College, Mysore, obtained a law degree from the prestigious Government Law College, Bangalore, and went for higher education to the United States. He graduated from southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas, and George Washington University where he was a Fulbright scholar. Krishna took to teaching after his return to Bangalore and taught international law for six years. Meanwhile, politics attracted him and he plunged into the hurly-burly of elections, having been elected to the state assembly in 1962. Since then there has been no looking back from him. He was elected to the fourth and fifth Lok Sabha in 1968 and 1971. Shuttling between the state and the Centre, Krishna became the Deputy Chief Minister of Karnataka in 1992. After the 1999 assembly elections, he became the Chief Minister. He
was away from active politics for barely four years when he was
appointed Governor of Maharashtra in 2004. Krishna is back again in
the uncertain world of politics as the Congress braces itself for the
assembly elections in three months’ time. |
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Wit of the week — Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor I have never criticised an Army Chief during my seven terms in Parliament. I am disappointed because he is saying things that are harmful to the dignity of this high office. He is no authority to comment on these (China, Pak) matters. —
Jaswant Singh, Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha —
Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray They are dependent on us, we are dependent
on them, to keep the BJP away. I don’t know how long this arrangement will
continue. We have told them not to proceed (with)… the (nuclear) deal. How
can they say the Hyde Act is not binding on India? — CPM veteran Jyoti
Basu —
Dr Manmohan Singh, Prime Minister —
Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee All persons not having a plot in the cemetery and wishing to be buried in Sarpourenx are forbidden from dying in the parish. Offenders will be severely punished —
Gerard Lalanne, Mayor of the village of Sarpourenx in sourhwest
France In language, numbers count. There are more people speaking English
in India than in the rest of the native English-speaking world. Even now, if
you ring a call centre, often it’s an Indian voice you hear at the end of the
phone. As the Indian economy grows, so might the influence of Indian English. —
Prof David Crystal, author of the Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English
Language |
The numbers game The
most obvious conclusion of the election results in Pakistan is that the people have overwhelmingly voted against President Pervez Musharraf’s political cronies. At the same time, the verdict is so badly split that unless Musharraf’s opponents are able to forge a workable and stable coalition, there is every chance that Musharraf’s allies might once again get to enjoy the fruits of government and, in the process, rescue their political godfather. In the excitement over the performance of the PPP and the
PML(N) in the elections, and given the fact that these two parties, together with the ANP managed to get nearly a 2/3rds majority, the pivotal position of the smaller players has been ignored. The numbers thrown up by the Pakistani election are such that even if the two biggest parties – PPP and
PML(N) – are unable to pull together, other combinations could come into play to cobble together a majority in the next national assembly. Except for Sindh where the PPP enjoys a simple majority on its own, the coalitions in the provinces will largely depend on the combine that takes power in the centre. This is not to deny the possibility that two or more parties might join hands in the centre but oppose each other in the provinces, or vice-versa. There is precedence for this sort of an arrangement. After the 2002 elections, the MMA and the
PML(Q) were coalition partners in Balochistan but in NWFP the PML(Q) was sitting in opposition to a MMA government while in Islamabad, the MMA was heading the opposition to a PML-led coalition. For the moment, all efforts of PPP chairman Asif Zardari are directed to forming a government of national consensus, which has at its core the centrist parties but which also enjoys support of all credible political forces in the country. The reasons are simple: One, he wants to involve all important stakeholders in taking the tough decisions needed for putting the country back on the rails. Second, and equally important, he probably wants to ensure that if one big partner walks out of the coalition, the others will have the numbers to keep the government in power. After all, isn’t politics the art of the possible? Of course, any political arrangement in which the PPP and the
PML(N) are not partners will be seen as a betrayal of the mandate of the Pakistani voter. Not only will it lead to a situation that will be a throwback to the 1990s when confrontation between political parties was the order of the day, it will also lead to very weak coalitions in which even a couple of legislators will have the potential to hold the government hostage to their demands, both at the centre as well as in the provinces. Most importantly, while such unprincipled and inherently unstable coalitions will strengthen the position of President Musharraf, they will at the same time worsen the huge political problems the country faces. As things stand there are four possible coalitions that can assume power in Islamabad. The first option is of course a
PPP-PML(N)-ANP coalition with smaller parties like MMA, MQM, NPP and
PML(F) either giving issue-based support or joining the PML(Q) in opposing the government. Such a coalition will also ensure very comfortable majorities in Sindh, Punjab and
NWFP. But in Balochistan, unless this coalition is able to bring on board the MMA and also win support of a large chunk of the independents, it will not be able to form the government. The second option is a
PPP-ANP-MQM alliance which is supported by the MMA, the PML(F), the independent MNA’s from FATA (who normally back whoever is in government). In this case, the
PML(N) and the PML(Q) will occupy the opposition space. As far as the provinces are concerned, Sindh and NWFP will have a government comprising alliance partners. Balochistan could also see a similar coalition but with the MMA insisting on a lead role. There will, however, be a problem in Punjab where the verdict is split three-ways. In fact in Punjab unless the largest party
-PML(N) - has the support of either the PPP or of its bete noire, the
PML(Q), even a simple majority will not be possible. There are other very big problems with this alliance. The PPP and the MQM will find it difficult to cohabit in Sindh simply because the PPP will never allow the MQM the run of the place it was given under the erstwhile dispensation. On its part, since the MQM will be holding the central government’s fate in its hands it will assert itself in both Islamabad and in Karachi. What is more, the MQM will insist Musharraf staying on in the presidency. Apart from
PPP-MQM problems, the bitter ANP-MQM relationship will be another potential flashpoint that could unravel the alliance. The third option is a
PPP-PML(Q)-MQM-PML(F)-NPP-PPP(S) alliance at the centre. The ANP, MMA and independents could be part of this coalition, they could support it from the outside or decide to sit in the opposition with
PML(N). Under this option, the coalition partners will be in a position to form governments in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan. In
NWFP, unless they get the MMA and/or the ANP on their side, they will have to live with an opposition government. Option 3 shares many of the problems of option 2, and has some major ones of its own. The most obvious one is that it will invoke outrage in the public and decimate all chances of the PPP in the future politics of Pakistan. The PPP will also find it impossible to justify jumping into bed with the Chaudhries of Gujarat who carried out a vilification campaign against Asif Zardari during the election campaign and even accused him of complicity in Benazir Bhutto’s assassination. There is always a chance that the
PML(Q) members carry out a coup within the party and sideline the
Chaudhries. With the Chaudhries out and other undesirable people like Sheikh Rashid and Ejazul Haq having lost, the PPP can get into bed with the
PML(Q). But the PPP will still have to decide whether or not it wants to work under Musharraf. The final option is also the most implausible, but one that cannot be ruled out completely – a
PML(N)-PML(Q)-MQM-PPP(Sherpao) coalition with the PPP sitting in opposition. This coalition can easily form the government in Punjab. If the ANP joins in then it will form the government in
NWFP. Rather than forging a national consensus on the existential crises confronting the country, politics will once again get
polarised, something that Pakistan simply cannot afford. Another major irritant in any
non-PPP-PML(N) coalition will be that President Musharraf will continue to call the shots because except option one, all other options merely give a simple majority to the next government, not the 2/3rds majority it needs if it wants to restore the supremacy of
parliament.
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On Record
The
waiver of farmers’ debt has been a talking point in many post-budget debates. Concerns have been raised about what the debt waiver can really do for farmers and whether it is enough to just waive the debt. Has the present government in its four-year term sorted out concerns of the industry? What really is good about the budget? Dr LK Malhotra, the newly elected President of the PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry, provides some answers. Excerpts: Q. What measures will help farmers besides the debt relief ? A. The solution does not lie in debt relief. The solution lies in changes that have to be brought about in the system. Like improving the food storage system of the Food Corporation of India (FCI) which nearly wastes 10 per cent of the food stocks. Paying farmers adequately for their produce by raising the minimum support price, which is at the present moment missing. In addition to this we need to make laws, especially at the state level, that will enable a better movement of goods so that agriculture produce can be moved without any hindrance and go from the surplus states to the deficit states . More often than not there is a problem of plenty and there are people on the other hand who do not have enough food. The government must concentrate on these issues. Q. Has the government addressed the problem by giving debt relief to farmers ? A. The government is talking of welfare of the farmers after four years in power. This is only a one-time remedy. The government has to be forward thinking and a permanent solution has to found to the problem. There is no point if the government of the day blames others for its failures. If the people have elected them to power then they should find solutions. Q. Does the budget address issues of the common man? A.
Budgeting is becoming a futile exercise. We announce the oil price hike before the budget. We increase the dividend tax some months before the budget. We cut or raise interest rates when the need is felt. So where is the relevance of the budget for the common man? Besides the common man is more interested in knowing whether he can afford a better standard of living, whether he can get cheaper food etc. Ideally, we should have a budget only once in five years and wait for the economy to take shape after making announcements. Q. How has this budget helped the industry? A. There are some positive features in the budget for the manufacturing sector such as a reduction in the excise duty and the status quo in the peak customs duty. Deductions for research and development and innovation initiated by industry are commendable. The continuation of the peak customs duty at 10 per cent due to the rupee appreciation is a welcome step and also the reduction of duty on project imports to 5 per cent will bring down the cost of projects. Q. Do you think that the tax slabs rejig can really help the common man? A. I think Indians are the among highest taxed in the world. When we talk of taxes, the government compares itself with the West. But when it comes to making concrete policies and taking effective steps to implement them, then it does not set a benchmark of the western countries. The government has exempted farmers from the income tax, but if an individual earns as much as a farmer, then he is taxed. Why should this disparity be created in the system when the quality of living in the rural areas is far better than in the urban areas? Restructuring of the IT slabs for individuals, particularly the increase in the threshold level of basic exemption limit from Rs 1.10 lakh to Rs 1.50 lakh, is a welcome measure and it would provide the much-needed relief to the individual tax payer. Q. Will the reduction in Cenvat help the industry? A. The reduction in Cenvat from 16 per cent to 14 per cent is a step in the right direction and will have the twin advantage of stimulating industrial activity through demand and a step towards the convergence of the Cenvat rate with the service tax rate for the implementation of the GST. Q. Will US recession affect the growth in India? A.
The recession in the US will not affect the growth in India as there is a lot of development waiting to happen. We have nearly 50 years of development waiting to happen. There is enough money the world over that can be used in development in nearly all sectors of the
economy. |
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Weaponisation of space Three
United States Navy warships equipped with the advanced Aegis missile defence system, manoeuvred into position in the Pacific Ocean recently on a special mission. On receiving their orders, one of them launched an SM-3 missile, which set off into space travelling at 5000 kmph. Its target was the US-193, a crippled American satellite orbiting above 153 miles above the earth, travelling at 17,000 miles per hour. It achieved Bull’s eye, we are told. As a technological demonstration of an advanced weapons capability, it was quite spectacular, perhaps more so than the Chinese demonstration of a similar capability in January 2007, when they chased down one of their own satellites with a ballistic missile. Techno-watchers will remember that the United States has done something like this before – it was a few years ago that, perhaps even more impressively, a huge chemical laser brought down a satellite in a blast of light into space. American did it, ostensibly, to avoid possible casualties from the re-entry of a lame satellite carrying 1000 gallons of hydrazine, a toxic fuel. Old-timers will recall the drama that accompanied the re-entry of the satellite Skylab, but many believe that the dangers of harm to humans were grossly exaggerated. Another theory reported in the papers was that the satellite, costing millions of dollars, carried military reconnaissance and surveillance technology the United States did not want anyone getting wind of. But while the protests and murmurs in world capitals and the media coverage died out quickly, there is no doubt that the test will leave a lasting impact on the whole issue of weaponisation of space. The topic is old – Ronald Reagan’s Star Wars and the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI) are still in memory, and classic Cold Warriors believe that it was America’s aggressive push on military hard-power that saw the Soviet Union crumble. In the post cold war world, America’s plans for missile defence have met with much opposition, especially from Russia. Russia’s Vladmir Putin loses almost no opportunity to warn of a new arms race, pointing to everything from US plans to locate missiles close to its border, to NATO expansion, to missile defence capability. The latest US test will not have helped matters. For India, the Test would have been intriguing in more ways than one. India has made its interests in missile defence very clear, and DRDO’s recent tests with modest interceptor missiles, based on the Israeli Green Pine radar, have been quite successful – enough for DRDO to begin talking about fielding defence batteries for important installations and cities. What is more, there have been reports in the media about Indian interest in the Aegis, though no formal offer or request for proposal has been made. The Aegis is made by Lockheed Martin, and its chief in India has been quoted as saying that “If you will ask for it, you will get it.” That might not apply to the latest versions though, encompassing all capabilities. The latest BMD 3.6 version has been reported to have successfully intercepted even a separating warhead of a target missile, on a test a couple of years ago. The Aegis is an old and established system that is constantly being upgraded, reaching its current anti-satellite capability. It can vertically launch the SM-3 Raytheon made missile, and has been sold only to close allies like Japan, South Korea and Australia. All this would suggest that the US was thinking of more than merely bringing down an old satellite when it sent that SM-3 on its way into space. And the criticism has not been from just hostile powers. Even within the American strategic establishment, there are worries that this would trigger a race for similar arms. Both Russia and China have submitted a draft treaty at the United Nations for banning the deployment of weapons in space and the use or threat of force against satellites. That did not prevent China from testing. Such a demonstration is not beyond Russia either. The United States rejects the idea of any such ban, and commentators worry that the new test will have strategic costs. The missile launch itself, according to some reports, cost in the 40 to 60 million dollar range. Well above the famous million- dollar-each Tomahawk cruise missile. If space is not to become a storehouse of weapons platforms, or a battle zone for intimidation and hostile action, it will take a lot of effort from the countries at the advanced spectrum of capability. Then again, the earth has learnt to live, however uneasily, with thousands of nuclear warheads practically breathing down our necks. Who is to argue that the same will not happen with
space? |
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S
M Krishna was never comfortable at his gubernatorial seat in Mumbai’s
picturesque sea-side Raj Bhavan and always preferred to return to
active politics in his home state, Karnataka. 
The
Chinese have a different perception of the Line of Actual Control, as do we.
When we come up to their perception, we call it incursion and likewise they
do... With the polls now having taken place (in Pak), I think the security
situation should improve”.
The UP-Bihari MPs have shown their ingratitude towards Mumbai and Maharashtra with their anti-Marathi tirade in Parliament. Those who criticised Maharashtrians in Parliament do not have a clean image. Some of them are even history-sheeters.
Doubts have been raised about the resources required for this write-off. Let me remind the Leader of the Opposition that what we have done is nothing more than picking up the unpaid distress bill which the NDA government left behind.
My name is Somnath. Instead of celebrating Shivratri in constituencies, you people can pour water on my head.