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The way of Buddha Moditva in Gujarat |
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Change in Australia Major setback for the US A government that is not as much bothered about the aspirations of its people as it is about remaining in the good books of the international community (read the US) cannot last long.
The unforgiving minute
Logic is their forte
Punjab paying too high a price
for national food security Why caste violence is on the rise Defence notes
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The way of Buddha West Bengal
Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya’s expression of regret on the Nandigram violence and admission that the violence was an “administrative and political failure” is welcome. Although late in the day, it comes as a breath of fresh air from the stalwart of a party known for its postural rigidity; and which is known to acknowledge “mistakes” only when neither the occurrence of a mistake nor its acknowledgement is of any relevance. It is not for nothing that the CPM was opposed to both perestroika and glasnost, the two words of such momentous force that it swept away not only the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, but the Soviet Union itself. Mr Bhattacharya’s expression of regret coupled with the admission of failure on Nandigram has, however, more than the virtue of mere candour. It reveals a flexibility that is rare in communist parties, especially the CPM in India. More importantly, though communist leaders unfailingly admit their mistakes, invariably, such admission comes so long after the situation that people wonder whether it serves any public purpose other than some minor changes in the archival tracts of the party, or for tactical reasons. The most memorable gem is the “historical blunder” when the CPM stonewalled a fairly vocal demand of non-Congress and non-BJP parties for Mr Jyoti Basu to be made the Prime Minister in 1996. In times past, the undivided CPI—the CPM’s parent party— also acknowledged its errors that led to the failure of the Telengana struggle. It also revised its perception of Jawaharlal Nehru’s role in the fight against imperialism. Yet, the 1990s witnessed more than one “historical blunder”. The CPM delegation returned from a fraternal conference in Bucharest with glowing tributes to Ceausescu just days before his repressive regime collapsed. The only time it reacted promptly – and fell on its face — was to the coup against Gorbachev, which was aborted before the ink on the CPM’s statement had dried. Given this brief history of communism, it remains to be seen whether Mr Bhattacharya will be hauled over the coals for breaking with communist tradition or the party, too, will join those who hail the West Bengal Chief Minister’s timely and candid confession. We hope he has consulted the bigwigs of the party before making the statement.
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Moditva in Gujarat GUJARAT Chief Minister Narendra Modi does not appear to be as invincible as he was when campaign for the Assembly elections started. Former Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel has come out openly against him even while remaining a “disciplined” member of the BJP. The lacklustre response of the people to his as well as his supporter and former Deputy Prime Minister Lal Krishna Advani’s meetings suggests he finds the going indeed tough. He has, therefore, been resorting to what he is good at —communalising the campaign. In the last elections his standard refrain was “Mian Musharraf”. This time he makes it a point to provocatively ask his audience what he should do if a “Sohrabuddin” is found with illegal weapons. At the prompting of his cheerleaders, they shout, “kill him, kill him”. He sees this as an endorsement of his policy. In giving such a response the people are not told that the case is sub-judice, the police has not recovered any weapons from his house and that his wife was also killed, though she never had any criminal background. Shakespeare in Julius Caesar has shown how a demagogic leader can influence a mob by conveniently twisting facts. In other words, Mr Modi is trying the strategy of Mark Antony in the Gujarat elections. One wonders what happened to all his claims of having developed the state as the pre-eminent destination of foreign and domestic direct investment. The Congress has, as usual, been sulking on the sidelines. It does not know how to take on Mr Modi, who has no qualms in going to any extent to attack his rivals. The Congress was provided with a campaign issue when a weekly newspaper published the verbatim claims of some Sangh Parivar leaders who played a nefarious role in the Gujarat riots, which the Prime Minister described as a “holocaust”. The Congress is so scared of the communal polarisation that it finds even a mention of the riots a risky proposition. All this has emboldened Mr Modi to set the tone for the campaign by frequently referring to Sohrabuddin’s murder. It is for the Election Commission to take note of his campaign style, which is patently insensitive to the feelings of all those who believe that elections should be fought on political, rather than religious and communal issues. |
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Change in Australia A government that is not as much bothered about the aspirations of its people as it is about remaining in the good books of the international community (read the US) cannot last long. This is what has happened in Australia, which went to the polls on November 24. Prime Minister John Howard’s Conservative Party has been voted out of power as people have not been happy with his policies. Though the Australian economy had been doing well, the people were disappointed with the government because it ignored their basic problems like housing and price rise. The conservative government was hiding its inefficiency behind its over-concentration on the fight against terrorism and supporting the US in Iraq. People had been sick of such issues on which Australia had been spending its resources liberally. That is why Mr Kevin Rudd of the Labour Party, which won 81 of the 150 seats in Parliament, announced withdrawal of his country’s troops from Iraq immediately after the results were declared. He also said that Australia would ratify the Kyoto Protocol on climate change. These policy changes indicate that the Labour government, which ends the 11-year conservative rule in Australia, will follow a line independent of that of the US at the international level. The Australian election results represent a major setback for the US. Australia and the UK, the two major members of the “coalition of the willing” which the US had created to perpetuate its control of Iraq, are no longer a part of it. Britain left the coalition after Mr Gordon Brown took over the reins of power from Mr Tony Blair, and Australia has done now with the Labour victory in the elections. This, however, does not mean that Australia will oppose the US on most issues of international significance. Australia with Mr Rudd as Prime Minister will support any US drive only when it suits Canberra’s national interests. |
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I think the king is but a man, as I am:/ the violet smells to him as it doth to me. — William Shakespeare
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The unforgiving minute
Rudyard Kipling’s
celebrated poem, “If”, exhorts youth to “fill the unforgiving minute with sixty seconds worth of distance run”. And the prize for those who do so, he said, is “the World and everything in it”. One was reminded of this when, releasing a book by his colleague Kamal Nath entitled “The Indian Century: The Age of Entrepreneurship in the World’s Biggest Democracy” recently, the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, lamented that India did not sufficiently value time. There is a huge contradiction in being a nation of lotus-eaters, scorning time, and yet aspiring to greatness. Hindi has the one word, kal, for both yesterday and tomorrow. Being an ancient civilisation is no reason to undervalue time and leave today’s business for tomorrow. Yet time is unrelenting and waits for no man. Lost time is lost opportunity and there is a large opportunity cost of delay that falls on the weakest and most vulnerable. These simple truisms bear repetition for they are so easily forgotten as a result of India’s politics of delay and, therefore, denial of its own potential and resolve. Look at the unmet promises of the Constitution relating to universal elementary education, nutrition, human equity and so much else. Almost 60 years later we find that we rank 127 in a field of 177 nations in our HDI rating. We have not necessarily regressed absolutely, but others have moved ahead more smartly. At the start of decolonisation in the 1950s and 1960s, India had a head start and was in advance of most others in the developing world — China, South Korea, all of South-East Asia, West Asia, Africa and even Latin America. No longer. Today we trail behind most, including sub-Saharan Africa, in respect of certain indices. True, we have registered many important successes, but even these have been limited by manifest failures. Size and civilization lend India great weight; but one cannot live forever on fat or the past. Look at the way Parliament wastes national time by preventing urgent debate, important legislation and programmatic action. Democracy has oftentimes been reduced to endless chatter. Bureaucratic delays are proverbial and process seems to matter more than performance. Approval procedures are dilatory and, very often, stop-go, leading to uncertainty, tentativeness, delay and time and cost overruns and postponement or forfeiture of the expected stream of benefits. Even in vital matters on which the welfare and security of millions rest and cannot or should not wait, tomorrow trumps today with the feeling that if we only wait for another day, another month, another year, another debate, another bid, another plan, another analysis or inquiry, the outcome will somehow be better. It is, in another sense, always jam tomorrow. However, as Keynes reminded us, in the long run we are all dead. Too many Indians also live in the mortal fear of “globalisation” which has become a catch-all notion of evil. It is seen as something foreign and intrusive. This ignores that fact that Indian civilisation thrived on and contributed so much to globalisation in thought and deed. Vasudhaiva kutumbakam, the World is my Family, was not an idle thought. It was only western imperialism and colonial dominance that snapped our ties with the world and brought insularity. The restoration of globalisation returns us to the natural order of things. Cautions there are, as in everything in life, and safeguards and safety nets are of course necessary. But recall Gandhi who said he did not wish the doors and windows of his dwelling to be stuffed. They should be open to the winds of the earth to blow through them; but he would not be blown off his feet. It was in this context that the Prime Minister approvingly cited the speed of China’s decision-making process once policy directions had been set. He also recalled his Chinese counterpart Wen Jiabao’s remark based on that country’s experience: “If you really want to get rid of poverty, if you want to become a nation that really counts, you have no option but to open up”. India was late in opening up and only did so in 1991. Many were fearful of opening up and quite a few on the Left remain so, determinedly poised with their heads in the sand. Dr Manmohan Singh further pointedly remarked that if we look at our 10 or 15 top business houses, many of them did not exist when India launched on economic reforms. Further financial, pension, banking, insurance and labour reform has been mindlessly thwarted. SEZs, industrialisation and more liberalisation are anathema to some even as they complain of unemployment and clamour for more and better goods and services. The 123 Agreement that would give India great freedom of action is opposed on false premises. Altogether, decision-making has got enmeshed in petty electoral calculations. The BJP lives in the past. The Left is afraid of the future. What is lost on most is that non-decision is also a decision — to forego the future. The clock keeps ticking. It is later than we
think.
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Logic is their forte
Early
in my career, as unit quartermaster, I learnt the ways of the auditors; their logic and reasoning. There were stock phrases, such as, “it would not be quoted as a precedent” and ‘it would be ensured that such lapses do not occur in the future,’ which could prove useful. One also learnt that they have a penchant for picking holes where there are none and like to read not only between the lines but underneath these as well and are hide-bound. Knowledge of the working of those, whose audit they carry out is not a strong point of the auditors. Therefore, when two similar aircraft flying between points A and B on two different days consumed vastly different quantity of fuel, it could not escape the auditors’ sharp eye. When it was explained that the aircraft which had taken more fuel, had lost its bearing, auditors were prompt in wanting to know if a “loss statement” for the lost bearing had been prepared and who was to pay for the lost bearing and make good the loss to the state. The more recent gaffe by the audit was the objection pertaining to supply of smaller eggs (40 gm instead of 60 gm) through a faulty contract by Northern Command (NC) over a period of five years resulting in a loss of a few hundred of crores of rupees. NC was quick to issue notices to 30-odd officers. It required no great intelligence or experience to note that it was a simple case of typing error in the contract papers; repeated over a period of five years and so I wrote to the Editor-in-Chief of The Tribune and so it finally turned out to be the case. It was a case of making a mountain out of an egg; which finally ended up on the faces of NC and the audit. When four soldiers and half a dozen mules were swept down the khud by an avalanche and buried under thousands of tons of snow, the loss of equipment, weapons and mules had to be written off. The rules require that the skins of dead mules are to be deposited (so that the Government of India can make that extra buck by selling these!) While the loss of men, weapons and equipment and mules was acceptable and monetary loss could be written off by the competent authority, the audit maintained that there was no provision under which non deposit of mule skins could be condoned. No explanation seemed to cut ice with the audit. That is when my long experience in dealing with audit, knowledge of their thinking and logic, came into play. The explanation recorded. “available records have been thoroughly scrutinised and the circumstances leading to the incident fully investigated. While the accident is highly regrettable, given the peculiar conditions prevailing then, it is difficult to pinpoint responsibility for the lapse in the non-collection of skins and the consequent loss to the state. “Further in-depth analysis of weather conditions, terrain, timings, unexpected and sudden occurrence of the event and evaluation of all available evidence leads one to conclude that in all probability the mules, as they were swept down the khud, took their skins with them and under the snow. “Admittedly, had the troops been more vigilant, they would have saved, not only their own skins, but more importantly, those of the mules. Considering the peculiar circumstances leading to the accident and viewing the case in its totality, it is requested that, as a special case and one time exception, the requirement of depositing mule skins be dispensed with. It is further confirmed that this would not be quoted as a precedent and not allowed to be repeated.” The audit saw logic in the argument and settled the
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Punjab paying too high a price
for national food security But should Punjab and its farmers bite the bait being offered by way of substantial increase in the minimum support price for wheat and paddy? Or should they diversify and move towards commercial crops, horticulture and dairying? Logically, based on the bitter experiences of the 1990’s when grains were rotting in tarpaulin covered stacks and farming issues were loathed, Punjab should not accept the “sugar-coated-pill” being offered in the name of improving “food security”. The state has been pushed to the margins of the ongoing new economic reform where food grain production had taken a back seat. Concrete, long-term solutions have to be created to solve the issues plaguing agriculture in Punjab or else the state runs the risk of falling into an environmental, economic and social abyss. Unlike other sectors, the central government decides on crucial issues in the agriculture sector. It can ban food grain export, it fixes price of fertilizers and pesticides and also supplies them, besides fixing the MSP. Punjab, which provides about 55 per cent of wheat and 30 per cent of rice to the national food grain pool, needs to tell the central government in clear terms the following: First, that the state alone cannot pay the subsidy bill for the power required to operate tube-wells for growing grains like paddy, that require huge amounts of water. While the mode of subsidy – free power for all types of farmers – is certainly flawed, a new formula targeted specifically at wheat and paddy producing farmers could be devised with ease. Second, the state should get royalty for mining its underground water for producing grain. This should not be difficult as coal producing states get a royalty. States like Himachal Pradesh, that allow hydro power plants on rivers passing through their areas, also get a royalty. Third, the use of pesticides is growing and it is causing repercussions, give the framers a health package as they are the ones spraying pesticides on the crops. Fourth, the MSP system has to be changed. A minimum support price should be announced at the time of sowing. When the crop is ready, a procurement price should be announced and that should be linked to international prices. Fifth, the central government should share the infrastructure costs of revamping the canal network as this will help not only Punjab but also help neighbouring Haryana and Rajasthan. A recent survey by the irrigation department said that the fabled canal network of Punjab was working at only 50 percent of its capacity. The Working president of the Shiromani Akali Dal, Sukhbir Badal, while speaking at a “roundtable discussion on agrarian crisis and food security of India” attended by noted economists organised by Institute for Development and Communication (IDC) in Chandigarh on November 17, gave a piece of his mind to noted policy makers when he demanded: “The centre should reimburse subsidies given by the state to the farmers or else raise the MSP for wheat from the present Rs 1,000 per quintal to Rs 1,600 per quintal, before asking for removal of subsidy”. The core question of subsidies and fixing of MSP to farmers was aptly addressed. Y.K. Alagh, former Union Minister for Planning, put it candidly in favour of farmers: “Inflation cannot be curbed by controlling agriculture prices alone”. Pramod Kumar, director of the IDC said that “the market forces never hear the inaudible voice of the poor”. The grain producers, the farmers, are starving while those in the business of selling the agriculture-produce are thriving. The power and canal water subsidy to Punjab farmers constitutes about 5 per cent of the incomes. In comparison, The Economist, London, had in 2004 pointed out that 52 per cent, 46 per cent and 56 per cent of the incomes of American, EU and Japanese farmers, respectively, comes from government subsidies. Notably, there was a 14 per cent decline in the profitability of agriculture since economic reforms were initiated. Agriculture has become a risky proposition due to high costs, new technology and non-availability of insurance cover. To diversify or not to diversify is the question the Punjab farmer faces now, even as the Central government wants more food grains. Punjab has set-up juicing plants in Abohar and Hoshiarpur and kinnow farming is giving return in excess of Rs 1 lakh per acre, that is more than double the return from wheat or paddy. And why should farmers not avail of the scheme for increasing the production of citrus fruits in the state by maximizing production of commercial crops? Noted economist, H S Shergill, predicts serious food shortages in the coming years due to the neglect of the agriculture sector. But why should the Punjab farmer alone be responsible for growing grain? Why should he not diversify? There is no other option, as otherwise the land of rivers will dry up. G.S. Bhalla, another Delhi-based economist, was of the view that the biggest task for the polity is to provide an alternative for marginal farmers who own small pieces of land. About 65 per cent of farmers fall in that category and they need to be given non-agriculture based jobs as farming cannot be viable for them. Apart from going by the view of experts, Punjab, if cajoled into growing more grain, should also bargain hard and seek an industrial tax holiday, at least for its four border districts, to match the industrial tax holiday offered by the Central government to its neighbours Himachal Pradesh and Jammu & Kashmir, where industry had shifted in large numbers. It will be natural to claim that the central government should count contributions to national “food security” while fixing central financial grants. |
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Why caste violence is on the rise Condemnation should ring out loud and clear against the rape of a Dalit women and her death in full public view in Bhopal and another incident of Bhubaneswar where 100 Dalit houses were set on fire by some upper caste people recently. In March, 2007 an upper caste mob burnt more than 200 houses of Dalits in Karnal, Haryana. These incidents are a disturbing reminder of an array of issues which the country is yet to come to grips with. During the last few years or so, the simmering rural unrest has continued to find its outlet in the form of caste clashes and atrocities. The violent conflict between Meenas and Gujjars in Rajasthan is yet another incident that has exposed the dynamics of caste conflicts in India. Such incidents are a fallout of the unequal treatment and the feudal mindset of dominant castes. The post-Independence period witnessed a shifting pattern in the traditional power structure from the upper castes to the backward castes, particularly after 1967. Power is now getting fragmented among different political players. Consequently, a pattern of changing caste loyalties from one political group to another has developed. The upsurge in the cases of atrocities on Scheduled Castes and incidents of caste violence has perturbed the entire socio-political ambience of the Indian society. The figures of atrocity on Scheduled Castes over the years has shown upward trend. They have suffered not only from economic exploitation but also from social discrimination. The situation has become worse than before because of the migration of population under economic pressure. This has led to problems in housing, employment, law and order and other areas. The presence of labour forces in the cities and towns has brought about a link between rural and urban areas. The rural and far-flung areas thus provide a base for the criminals to carry out their clandestine activities.The existing inequalities in urban areas have added a new dimension to the problem. As a result, some sections without sufficient means to propel their cause, found themselves in the lurch. Thus, violence is gradually becoming a common strategy. Gangs which initially confined themselves to committing murders and theft are now involved in full scale violence against those whom they consider responsible for taking a major share of their lives. The problems of the scheduled castes are compounded as conflict among them are very common in places like Balia, Dewaria, Ghazipur, Azamgarh, Jhundhpur and Faizabad ,etc. Some places had in past witnessed conflicts between Khatiks, Chamars and Dhobis. The Khatiks and the Dhobis are in a comparatively better position than the other scheduled castes. Khatiks who were traditionally butchers are now mainly vegetable and fruit vendors. Their traditional occupation is still pursued, though of late some of them have migrated to urban areas. By virtue of their recent fruits and vegetable business they have acquired a higher position among the scheduled castes of Uttar Pradesh. The Dhobis have also improved their position through their traditional association with upper castes. Some of them have migrated to cities and improved their economic condition in comparison to other scheduled castes. The attitude towards education and family planning has also been very encouraging. While the Khatiks and the Dhobis have shown some signs of improvement, the majority of the other scheduled castes such as Chamars and the Mushars are still landless many of them are employed as agricultural labourers. Some of them are also nowadays in household industries and mat weaving, as well as in factories as industrial labourers. A majority of them are unable to afford education. In urban areas, the majority of the Chamars, Mushars and Bhangis work as daily-wage labourers. Only a few are employed in government jobs. Child labour is very dominant in these communities. These are indicators of the continuing of their miserable conditions. As such, there is a direct cultivator-labour relationship between intermediary castes and scheduled castes. However, among the scheduled castes there is a struggle for dominance and higher status. The condition of the scheduled castes nevertheless, undergone a sea change during the last few years. In the last two decades the Scheduled Castes too made several attempts to emphasise their rights. Dissatisfied with social system and government policies, they have at times lashed out violently. Some of the specific reasons are the improper implementation of the Minimum Wages Act and non-payment of minimum wages fixed by the government for rural labourers; Absence of proper employment opportunities; Rigid caste based social structure; Atrocities on their women; Lack of industrialisation and other development programmes; Illegal occupation of uncultivated public land by landlords; Lack of irrigation facilities for rural poor mostly belonging to the Scheduled Castes; Denial of political rights to rural poor; Nexus between landowners and the police; Tussle over political domination; and Caste and class violence in rural areas. In addition to these causes, widespread unemployment, underdevelopment, poverty, the continuing feudal order and growing cases of corruption among local politicians and bureaucrats combined with socio-political and economic disparities among the upper, middle and Scheduled Castes have added new dimensions to the problem of naxal violence. For a permanent solution to emerge it is not sufficient to think about some policy changes in the attitude of the government towards the rural poor: the entire society should make substantial efforts at removing the disadvantages of the poor and maintaining the social equilibrium. |
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Defence notes Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Sureesh Mehta has now categorically stated that India should not rework the pricing of the aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov which Russia is to retrofit and deliver to India. The Government has set up an apex-level committee under Defence Secretary Vijay Singh to monitor the work on the warship, which has been delayed. Originally scheduled to have been delivered by 2008, it is now expected to be ready not earlier than 2010. While Russia has been demanding a higher price and a reworked schedule for what it says is the new job of relaying the entire cabling of the ship, India has been forcing it to finish the work at the earliest, as the warship is extremely important for the country’s strategic reach. India has now stationed a high-level team at the Russian shipyard where the upgradation work is underway, to ensure that there were no more delays. Stealth fighters The Indian Air Force (IAF) is planning to induct stealth technology and super manoeuvrability in its proposed fifth generation fighters, to be jointly developed with Russia. The new generation fighters would be equipped with supersonic cruise missiles, smart weapons and would perform as network-centric warfare platforms. For the purpose, officials from the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), IAF and the Russian Sukhoi Aviation have also held meetings to prepare a detailed project report on the new fighters. The delivery schedule, cost of development and cost sharing was also being worked between India and Russia. New Delhi would greatly enhance its air power capability through the development of these new fifth generation fighter aircraft. Siachen pilferage The Army has initiated administrative action against three officers and three junior commissioned officers for the alleged pilferage of special rations meant for soldiers serving in the icy heights of the Siachen Glacier. Jammu and Kashmir police had carried out raids and recovered certain items of the special rations from Chumathang, Tangtse, Hunder, Khalsar, Sasoma and Nubra regions of Ladakh. As many as 11 FIRs were lodged with the police leading to the arrest of 31 civilians. The army also carried out two Courts of Inquiries, following the first one. Three officers and two JCOs have been found guilty and appropriate administrative action taken against them. The second inquiry is in an advanced stage. Red Arrows in smog The capital's notorious smog has been famous for keeping visitors away and this time the famed aerobatic team from the Royal Air Force (RAF) – the Red Arrows – has been forced to return without displaying their aerobatic skills in the sky. The Red Arrows were to perform at the Hindon Air Force base recently but with smog hanging heavy over the city and adjoining areas, they chose not to take any risk. This, however, did not keep them from sharing their experiences with the people at a reception hosted by the British High Commission. And they did have a lot to share. |
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AS the country faces a crisis in producing enough food grain to feed a burgeoning population, the focus of national policy makers – forty years after the green revolution – has again shifted to Punjab. They are urging upon the “granary” to produce more for a fast-consuming nation.