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Taking shelter under RTI
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Another VC forced to quit Education must conform to the region’s psyche
On Record
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Taking shelter under RTI
Amaar
gaaonvor unnayan kiyo hua
naai?” (Why hasn’t our village developed yet?) is the plaintive cry of a young feminine voice singing over the mike. Close to 200 people have gathered to attend the first-ever public hearing in Sipajhar, Assam, on the implementation of the Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) – a housing scheme for the rural poor. Satra — a grass roots advocacy organisation — organised this event very recently to mark the third anniversary of the Right to Information (RTI) Act. Records of the IAY scheme have been obtained through the RTI and painstakingly verified during a survey conducted in seven villages located in five panchayats of Darrang district. Bukuli from Bordolgouri Panchayat is called upon to testify. On paper, she already has a house built in 2004-05. A widow, Bukuli is mighty surprised — she does not even know she had been given assistance to build a house. The Block Development Officer explains this away as the result of bureaucratic delay — it takes more than a year to complete the construction of a house after sanction has been given. Yet, according to the records, the full amount has been disbursed. By whom? To whom? The official does not have an answer; save the assurance that Bukuli’s house will be built within a month. In all, seven beneficiaries from Bon Majha panchayat testify next. Records show that construction material has been supplied and financial assistance sanctioned in all cases. Yet Satra’s survey shows that the houses are either incomplete or construction has not begun. The panchayat official declares that they got Rs 9,000 each as the first installment. The beneficiaries do not deny this but they tell the public that they did not get the rest of the money because they refused to bribe the officials. Again the block official gives his assurance: “We will complete the construction of all houses within…” you guessed it — “one month”! Manjula Rajbansi, an orphaned girl child, – barely 10 years old – is next in the list of beneficiaries whose IAY house has been completed. Satra’s volunteers show photographic evidence from the survey: only six courses of bricks have been laid so far. The panchayat official explains that only half the assistance has been disbursed. Her brother steps forward claiming, the officials told him that funds had not been released from above, so they could not give her the remaining amount. The panchayat official replies sheepishly — “I have been recently transferred to this post; the house will be completed in 15 days”. We are making progress on time limits, it seems. Biliti Borua, an 80- year- old widow, tells everybody how she was made to run from pillar to post for the last two years. Yet, today, the walls of her houses are standing only a couple of feet tall; there is are neither a doors nor windows nor a roof. The officials allegedly asked Biliti Borua for a bribe and tried to get her signature on some blank sheets of paper. She resisted both. Today she is growing vegetables in the middle of her IAY plot — talk about improvisation! Harichandra Nath of Lokrai panchayat claims they were sold inferior quality building material like tinpats at prices much higher than the market rate. His panchayat representative calls him a liar, “His house is completed, I have seen it myself”, he shouts. Harichandra does not lose his calm. “If I am a liar, so are you Sir. I completed my house after mortgaging away my tiny plot of land to the cooperative society. No thanks to you.” The block official assures that all guilty officials will be punished and Harichandra will get justice. By noon, at least 30 official ‘“beneficiaries’” have testified about the state of their IAY houses. No house is complete, yet the records tell a different story. Livid with rage, an elderly gentleman shouts at the officers – “Are you from Assam or are you from outside? Why are you looting your own people?” An official rubs his brow vigorously – is it the heat of the October sun? Perhaps it is the glare of public scrutiny that is causing so much discomfort. Next social activists quiz the officials about the absence of smokeless chulhas, sanitary latrines and free electricity connections in all IAY houses. It comes as a shock to the beneficiaries that they are entitled to all that fancy stuff. The block official claims that these accessories are expensive and cannot be covered by the meagre amount sanctioned under the IAY. Social activists remind him, according to Government of India guidelines, use of cement or steel should be avoided. Instead locally available materials including bricks, lime, timber and tinpats should be used. So construction of IAY houses is not an expensive affair as is being made out. Under the Rajiv Gandhi Gram Vidyutikaran Yojana every IAY house is entitled to a free electricity connection. One official tries to wriggle out of the situation saying, “After the money is sanctioned it is the Ppanchayat’s look out. We cannot interfere in its working as it is an autonomous body.” Social activists read out from the GOI guidelines – “Block level officials have the responsibility of visiting the work site to inspect and ensure proper implementation of IAY.” The officials have no more excuses left. The public hearing ends with the block officials giving an assurance that all beneficiaries would be given their dues within two months. Some officials have been suspended over allegations of corruption, the public is told. Satra promises to hold another public hearing after a few months to track compliance with these promises. Satra has put to good use the RTI training it acquired from the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative and the North East Network. Since 1986 under IAY, about 139 lakh houses have been constructed for the rural poor at a cost of Rs. 25,500 crore. The Centre aims to spend another Rs 12,000 crore over the next few years. Until two years ago, people had little access to information to ground public hearings like the one in Sipajhar to account for the taxpayers’ money wasted due to corruption and wrong doing. The RTI Act has changed this power equation. If people like Manjula, Biliti and Harichandra are speaking up against corruption and asking officials what they are doing with the money earmarked for them, it is because of the strength that RTI lends to their voice. – “The truth shall set you free; and make you stronger.” Some skeptics may bemoan the failure of RTI, but transparency is making slow but sure progress in rural India. Venkatesh Nayak is Programme Coordinator, Access to Information Programme, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi |
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Profile Padamsee was awarded the Jawaharlal Nehru Fellowship as far back as 1969 with which he started an inter-arts workshop in Mumbai which became a forum for “all people who think”. The workshop provided a platform to filmmakers, psycho analysts et al with the objective of bringing all creative people under one roof. It was during this period that Padamsee donned the director’s hat and made four short films. Mani Kaul’s Duvidha, which was later remade as Paheli by Amol Palekar and Shah Rukh Khan, was product of this workshop. He is, however, best known as a painter with his work ranging from the figure to non-figuration; form, volume, space, time and colour remained his main pre-occupation. Padmasee was, as if, born with a brush in his hands. He started wielding the brush at the age of four. He has been quoted as saying “painting is not a hobby but a compulsion for me. Since childhood I have always thought in terms of images and not words. Sometime I think my hand starts painting by itself”. In school, he would watch his teacher not going for lunch but utilising the recess in painting. He
was greatly inspired. When Padmasee was enrolled in Mumbai’s prestigious J.J. School of Arts, many people asked his father if his son was retarded. In those days art schools were only recourse for children with mental problems. In the late 1940s, Padamsee and his fellow painters from the Progressive Artists’ Group vowed to “invent modernism for India”. To achieve this objective, they looked to the contemporary art of Paris for inspiration. Personal reason forced Padmasee to live in Paris from 1951 to 1967 even though he wanted to return to India. His French wife, a great source of inspiration to him, was a doctor who did not have license to practice in India. Padamsee, however, visited India,
at least, once a year. The artist — doctor couple returned to India in the late Sixties and in 1969, Padamsee was awarded Jawaharlal Nehru Fellowship. That was an interesting phase in his life. Besides setting up inter-arts workshop in Mumbai, he experienced with short film-making, sculpting and critical art-writing. His experiment with the Chinese method of ‘ki fu’ lent his figures an agile grace. Till a few years ago, Padamsee choose to paint the human form — capturing both the spiritual as well as the sensual aspects of it. In 80s, he shifted to painting landscapes and surprised everybody by taking up computer graphics. His wife had brought a computer and he found graphics on the computer was fascinating. Padamsee had many anecdotes which he narrates to his friends. On a visit to the New York Metropolitan Museum in the Seventies, he found a couple staring at a couple of Van Gogh’s paintings that the museum had acquired. He bluntly told the Director accompanying him that that these were not Van Gogh’s strokes. The director refused to believe. Six months later, the paintings were found to be fake. Padamsee was quoted as saying, “I was looking at the arm in the painting and found that the strokes were not Van Gogh’s. I would always recognise his strokes anywhere”. Few know that he is also a Sanskrit scholar, having mastered the ancient language when he was
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— Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in the Lok Sabha — External Affairs Minister
Pranab Mukherjee Tibet shouldn’t keep India, China apart…The relations between the two countries should be good and strong. The Hindi-Cheeni Bhai-Bhai spirit should go on. — The Dalai Lama A process of dramatic social change always causes anxiety. It is the government’s job to manage that anxiety…Opening up of markets will bring all-round benefits. — British High Commissioner to India Richard Stagg It is natural that people have been demoralised and it could have its own implications. But I will try to settle things. — BJP leader Shanta Kumar after Prem Kumar Dhumal was projected as the BJP’s chief ministerial
candidate in HP By projecting Dhumal on the forefront, the BJP has again chosen to promote corruption. Dhumal’s candidature will benefit the Congress in the elections. — Himachal CM Virbhadra Singh I and my party (Congress) will win the Gujarat elections 101 per cent…I will send Narendra Modi packing. — Union Minister Dinsha Patel
fielded against Modi from Mani Nagar I will take the resignation in my stride…When I am not sad over the resignation, why should you be sad? — Punjabi University Vice-Chancellor S.S. Boparai after quitting his office — Kiran Bedi, after seeking voluntary retirement from the IPS |
Another VC forced to quit THE Vice-Chancellor’s post has now been downgraded to the level of political appointments throughout the country. Aspirants manoeuver, plead, undercut and use all possible methods and political connections to occupy this most challenging and virtually sacred position. In some states, monetary consideration too plays an important role. Naturally, such appointments often end up in political dismissals as governments change. Any resistance to change in these positions does embarrass the new government, but it harms the interests and working of the universities and makes the management of the boards or syndicates tizzy. The divided management quarrels more and decides less to the disadvantage of the institution. The government nominees go loggerheads with the Vice-Chancellor and his supporters. If he does not succumb to the pressures of the new government, it pushes more political nominations, in addition to the ex-officio government members to leave the representatives of the academic community in minority. Such a large presence of the government nominated and ex-officio members disrupt the normal functioning of the university by way of being obstructive even in rational decisions. This helps the disgruntled elements in the university who are out to discredit and dislodge the Vice-Chancellor. This approach of the government provides boost to the misplaced expectations of unscrupulous elements and open alignment of influential politicians with them encourages them to go more irrational. It is not the question of the ability and suitability or lack of these or even the good work the Vice-Chancellor might be doing. It is simply the reason that he had been appointed by the previous regime. It is not surprising in our vitiated political environment where even good development projects come to a standstill with the change of the government. Therefore, it will perhaps be more appropriate if the Vice-Chancellor’s post is declared a political one and made co-terminus with the government’s term. This will provide some legitimacy, though devious, to the uncalled for actions of the new government. The Vice-Chancellor of the Punjab Agricultural University appears to have acted wisely and left the post in response to the new government’s very first push. Otherwise, the opening or closing of the university gate was no issue. He perhaps knew that if he did not leave, he would be forced to quit. By that action, he earned mental peace for himself and the university got a person of the ruling party’s choice. Though it does not justify the new government’s action, it indicates the Vice-Chancellor’s sensitivity to the impending difficulties in running the institution. The Punjabi University’s Vice-Chancellor, however, adopted a rigid approach; he tried to function irrespective of the difficulties created by the new government. He banked upon the good work he did during his term in spreading higher and technical education in the rural areas by creating neighbourhood campuses through donations raised in and out of the country. He did not realise that wherever money matters are involved, unexpected moles also appear, creating difficulties and embarrassment. Dissenting voices on the campus are always enough as a leverage to dislodge the Vice-Chancellor. The academic members’ support won’t help ease the situation. Every attempt at resolving the tangles in this university met with hard rock reactions. One wishes, he realised the gravity of the situation much earlier to save himself from personal embarrassment and mental tensions and rescue the university from holdups. The end result, this Vice-Chancellor has also been pushed off the turf and decks have been cleared for another political appointment. Unfortunately, the third Vice-Chancellor of the Guru Nanak Dev University is also not comfortable. No doubt, he is an ace scientist in human genetics and is recognised nationally and internationally for his outstanding work. Yet, our political bosses do not consider it to be enough to put him easy on the job. The same drama is being replayed in this university, as was happening in the Punjabi University. If the recent senate meeting is of any indication, there are possibilities of confrontation between the academia represented on the senate and syndicate on one hand and the nominated political members and ex-officio government members on the other. It will be sad if this Vice-Chancellor is also forced to quit. It will set yet another unhealthy precedent. It goes to the credit of the earlier Congress government that it did not change any Vice-Chancellor appointed by the previous Akali-BJP government. The Vice-Chancellor of Baba Farid University of Health Sciences was given another term, though at the fag end of his second term, he landed into some controversy and had to resign. The PAU Vice-Chancellor was given another term, which ended abruptly when the present government took over. The Guru Nanak Dev University Vice-Chancellor also completed his term; he even got two extensions. This government, however, appears to be in tearing hurry to replace the Vice-Chancellors appointed by the previous government. What will they gain out of this? The Vice-Chancellor’s post is being made subservient to the wishes of the politicians and unabashed attempts are being made to put universities under the political influence of the ruling parties. It does not augur well for higher education in Punjab. While the universities are starved of funds, they cannot deliver in a hostile political environment. The powers that be should look rationally into the degenerating academic environment in the higher seats of learning due to political interference and pull back from uncalled for politicisation of the functioning of these institutions in their own interest and society at large. The writer is a former Vice-Chancellor of Punjabi University,
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Education must conform to the region’s psyche During
the Green revolution, Punjabis were feeling on top of the world with piles of grain stocks lined along temporary godowns across the national highways. The glory of the hardy native of Punjab was sung day in and out. He was the favourite of the tractor companies, agro-chemicals, industry dealers, the consumer durables traders and the lifestyle gurus all thrusting their ad campaigns to target and lure him to spend his cash when he sold his produce after six months in the market. However, as the ruthless exploitation of the rural psyche seems to have become a norm, with each passing day, the poor fellow stretched himself beyond the endurance of his means. The native of Punjab became neck deep in debt before he knew and then the WTO was borne. The exploitation increased as the means of communication increased, because it became easier to escape. Operating in rural areas with such impunity and cashing on the gullibility of the rural masses has been the most profitable business for over two decades. The targeted promotion campaign forever increasing sale and profit targets, for the commercialised consumerist lifestyle has taken the toll of the traditional rural set up. In this one-up race for “showing off” the ability to own the branded lifestyle, the rural people have walked into the trap of loans and debts, lured by zero initial down payments and the rest is history. In this scenario, education — the only guiding force — has become a casualty. The magnitude of the impact was not comprehended on its onset, but now when we are at the tether’s end, the perceptible effect is hurting everyone. We are worried about not only the sustainability of food security, but also the lack of work culture, increased lifestyle-induced ailments, rampant drug use, increasing crime, breakdown of traditional support systems in the families, inappropriate education and, of course, the skewed gender ratio. All this point to a society having gone astray. As a small state, Punjab should have been able to define its basic needs when the initial prosperity was ushered in. The challenge to produce more was supported with MSP and other allurements by the government. But the ensuing economic gains were frittered away on the advertisement induced allurements of the market. Relevant social and market education at that juncture would have made a difference in the thinking and sharpening of the common earth sense of the rural masses. In the traditional set up, the sustenance of the rural populations is well buffered and in-built and that is why an average villager was ill-equipped to face the challenges of the consumerist ad mad world and cope with the change. The native of Punjab failed in the first stage of prosperity and now a realty boom has ignited another flame of the so-called prosperity due to the agricultural land being sold to develop malls, mega cities and SEZs et al and the money going down in similar fashion. The social set up has taken a U-turn, the local land owners, after having sold their land and acquiring current craze gizmos, a designer house, a flashy car or fast motorbike, when the cash dries, are working as guards in front of the palatial houses and marriage palaces built on their lands, with no future beyond. In such circumstances, one’s self-respect would definitely get hurt or has to be compromised with a heavy heart. Though the government was coming forward with the schemes for imparting employable skills to the Punjabi youth, will these meet their aspirations? As they were so badly trapped in the easy life syndrome, look for greener pastures in Canada, Australia or the US, whether they will come forward to take benefit from these remains to be seen. But then, one thing is crystal clear: Punjabis need relevant education to make them understand the need to acquire the sense of money management, learn how to use their money with discretion, make money work for them and also learn to compromise on the flashy lifestyle. The government needs to intervene to impart such education and make it available at their doorstep that will conform to the psyche of the region, where self-respect was the backbone of the social fabric and believed in either do or die. The failure of the native was because of not comprehending how fast the markets were moving. A man from the village only knew what he could buy for the celebration of marriage in the family with the money pouring in after six months of harvest, but how the savings had to be recycled was never given much of a thought. In this quick-buck era, where new thrusts are made daily for squeezing every penny from the others’ pocket, education for awareness, self-management of finances and ability to compete has to be developed for the
survival. The writer is Professor and Head, Department of Plant Pathology, Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana |
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On Record
ANDREW WHITEHEAD’s genesis of the Kashmir problem is a gripping read. It is drawn from personal histories of people who have lived through these turbulent times on both sides of the border. He is a known figure in South Asia and has a commanding presence in the BBC. He is both a journalist and social historian. He has been in and out of India since 1992 as a BBC correspondent and has divided his time between Delhi and London. Clearly, his passion is Kashmir. His recently released book on the valley holds the readers attention as it provides an analytical account of the Kashmir crisis. Q: How does the situation in the valley now compare with your frequent forays there in the 1990s? A: I shall be honest. I have tried not to speculate and also tried to be as impartial as possible, both vis-a-vis this book and my reporting. The idea has been not to take any sides in this highly complex conflict. As for changes, my last visit to the valley was in June and Srinagar is happier now than before. There is more prosperity, shops are well-stocked, violence levels are down, the military presence is down but it is not normal yet. There is still a strong military presence. So, there is a feeling that the dispute has not been settled. Q: The ongoing Pakistan crisis is likely to impact Kashmir somehow. What will this mean for Kashmir? A: This is a very complex situation. Nobody knows how the Pakistan issue will take shape though theories abound. Now as a nation, they have to concentrate within as they have an issue closer to home to resolve. Q: What inspired you to write this book? A: Like most journalists do, in the Nineties, developments were serious in Kashmir and I felt that I had a strong story to write. Ten years ago, I was in the valley on work when by chance I went to St Joseph’s mission and met a nun Sister Amelia and heard her personal account of her rather difficult life during this period in the valley. She spoke of attacks, the damage the mission suffered, her fears, the desecration of a convent and mission hospital in the river-side town of Baramulla. This was really her personal and not political story. Q: Can you elaborate? A: The book talks of the attacks in the Nineties and people’s responses to them. I really focused on people’s narratives and stories, the lives they have lived in Kashmir through this period and I feel that the people’s opinion is extremely important. I have many times reported out of both sides of the Kashmir border and have come across narratives of people from both sides. My attempt has all along been to stay an impartial observer on the crisis and report it as it happened. The stories I have mentioned are from all categories involved with the dispute. For instance, I have used first-hand accounts of both the survivors as well as attackers, the looters and the looted, civilians stories from both sides of the border. I have especially focused on the first-hand account given by a nun based at the convent near Baramulla, her story is extremely original and describes her experiences during these years especially when the convent was desecrated. I also unearthed a letter by the Maharaja of Kashmir at the height of the crisis, which requested immediate accession to India. Q: What was the people’s response? A: Ah! Among people there is a yearning for peace, for a normal life though there are a lot of wounds and a lot of sense of grievance. On the whole, I thought it was easier for Kashmiris to talk of 1947 than to talk of 1989. In the past year, I’ve visited thrice, the important thing is that there are parallels between 1947 and 18 years of insurgency. The violence then was external; now it is local. The major grievance itself is from within Kashmir and I think that is a big difference. On the whole, there is less tension in Kashmir now. The valley is definitely more cheerful and there is more vitality, but the general feeling is that things have got better and the solution is not yet in sight. |
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Honouring
There is nothing in the 123 Agreement that prevented India from conducting further nuclear tests, if necessary. 
The Hyde Act is an enabling law that would allow the US to have a waiver to enter into a civil nuclear programme with India which was a nuclear weapon country but not a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The Hyde Act is not binding on us just as our laws are not binding on the US.
It’s good to retire while you are still needed. Whatever happened, whatever I said, it’s behind me. A load is off my shoulders now.
Tailpiece: I was nervous when I faced the camera for the