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Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka
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Wit of the week
Hasina’s arrest makes
critics’ voice stronger
On Record Look beyond aircraft
carriers
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Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka TODAY is the 20th anniversary of the India-Sri Lanka Accord (ISLA) and dispatch of the India Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka. The ISLA in 1987 was the culmination of a tripartite political process between India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil Tigers in finding a resolution to the ethnic conflict rooted in the conflicting demand of Tamil statehood and Sinhalese nationhood.
1983, the watershed year, was marked by anti-Tamil riots and 300,000 refugees fleeing to Tamil Nadu. This kick-started a series of political dialogues in Thimpu, Delhi, Bangalore and Colombo. High drama and anti-accord riots in the South of Sri Lanka accompanied the signing of the ISLA. President Jayewardene requested for the IPKF — of which he was to become the Supreme Commander — which was also to help in implementing the accord. The 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution which was the outcome of the ISLA and is still in vogue, led to a devolution package, the temporary merger of the North and the East into the North East Provincial Council (NEPC) and an elected provincial government located at Trincomalee. Both the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan Government (SLG) reneged on the accord and a change of government in Delhi — Prime Minister V.P. Singh replaced Rajiv Gandhi — scuttled the accord resulting in the withdrawal of the IPKF before it could complete its mission. By the time the IPKF returned in March 1990, it was being called the Indian Tamil Killing Force and its welcome ceremony in Chennai was boycotted by Tamil Nadu leaders. As Prime Minister V.P. Singh was advised not to join the ceremony, a token IPKF was flown to Delhi to enable the Prime Minister to meet the contingent. The ISLA has been called a failure of India’s coercive diplomacy and various reasons are attributed to the great haste with which the accord was signed and an advance contingent of IPKF sent to Jaffna. The Bofors scandal was certainly one reason linked to the ISLA. In his book, Assignment Colombo, J.N. Dixit, a key architect of the accord, says Rajiv Gandhi was guided by the advice of MEA, Army and Intelligence. The advice given to him was obviously flawed. R&AW chief Anand Verma underestimated the capabilities and motives of the LTTE and kept referring to them as “Our Boys”. Army Chief General Sundarji told Gandhi the Army would disarm LTTE within three weeks if required. A new book, Intervention in Sri Lanka: IPKF Experience Retold by Maj-Gen Harkirat Singh who was the first senior commander to reach Jaffna has criticised J.N. Dixit, RAW and the Army Chief. He says his formation went to Sri Lanka with a tourist map and that Prabhakaran made a commitment to him in writing that he would surrender all his weapons. This must have been the first document that Prabhakaran signed. And the rest is history. It is instructive to recall the reasons for signing the ISLA. The SLG pursuit of a military solution against the LTTE through Operation Liberation in Vadamarachchi in early 1987 had cornered Prabhakaran. It was Delhi’s breadbombing that halted military operations and brought the warring sides back to the negotiating table. Pressure from Tamil Nadu was instrumental in India’s intervention. The purpose of ISLA was to give the Tamils a devolution package. Although not at par with what was expected, the political power sharing arrangement was about the best offered to the Tamils so far. It recognised the NEPC as the historical habitation of Sri Lankan Tamil speaking people. The merged NEPC had an elected council, a Governor and a first ever Chief This happened when it became clear that the LTTE was not going to join the political mainstream and fight elections. The devolution of power was incomplete as Indian political and diplomatic efforts got diverted by President Premadasa’s ultimatum to the IPKF to leave Sri Lanka. The IPKF has a substantial record of achievements. It prevented the breakup of Sri Lanka by thwarting the LTTE design of secession and militarily weakened it. This left the SLA free to deal with the JVP. The IPKF helped organise provincial and presidential elections, assist in the implementation of ISLA to the extent feasible, restore democratic institutions and processes in the North East and helped rebuild the province with its limited resources. The After Action Report of the IPKF like the Henderson Brooks Report is under wraps. It would be a fitting tribute to the unjustly maligned and forgotten soldiers to declassify the report so that military, diplomatic and political lessons can be learnt by all. It was patently unfair to transfer the onus of blame to the IPKF. Unfortunately, the ISLA was doomed to failure once there was a change of government in India and a new President in Sri Lanka, both opposed to ISLA. The accord itself was flawed as LTTE was not part of it. President Premadasa’s secret agreement with LTTE to get IPKF out of Sri Lanka was the last nail in the coffin. The ISLA provided the framework for a political settlement of the ethnic problem but Sri Lanka chose to negate it and has now rolled back the concept of a Tamil homeland through the demerger. What President Mahinda Rajapakse is doing in Sri Lanka is the complete reversal of ISLA and pursuit of a military solution in the North as he has in the East. Will India, the self-proclaimed Big Power in the region watch the war in the North as a silent spectator or intervene as it did in 1987 to prevent the decimation of the Tamil cause? The IPKF will be remembered for maintaining the unity of Sri Lanka. As many as 1200 Indian soldiers laid down their lives doing so. Unfortunately, they are a forgotten force but Sri Lankans lament the premature return of the IPKF and keep promising to build a memorial to IPKF in Colombo. History will remember the three strategic errors committed by the three players involved in the still unsolved ethnic conflict. India, for arming the LTTE; LTTE for killing Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lanka for returning the IPKF.
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Profile Unlike Najma, Ansari is non-political though he was never far away from politics. He says, “I come from a family of freedom fighters. My father was in the forefront of the independence struggle. My uncle Farid-ul-Haq was Secretary-General of the erstwhile Praja Socialist Party and was elected to the second Lok Sabha”. However, Najma has been active in politics since Indira Gandhi got her elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1980. Ansari was a diplomat. He was India’s Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, Afghanistan, Iran and Saudi Arabia. He is the author of Iran Today — Twenty years After the Islamic Revolution. Najma too is well-known in the Arab world and is regarded as India’s unofficial “ambassador of goodwill” to the Arab world. As leader of a goodwill delegation to Iraq in September 2001, she met Saddam Hussain in Baghdad and delivered a message to him from the then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. An intellectual with left-of-the-centre inclination, Ansari has carved out a niche for himself as a diplomat, academician and specialist writer on international issues. Rajiv Gandhi pitch-forked Najma to the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairperson post in 1985. She was the most visible face on TV as she conducted the proceedings of the Upper House. Members had a grouse against her — that she talked too much, sometime at their cost. During her long tenure there, she had known the rules, regulations and parliamentary procedures on her fingertips. Comparatively, Ansari lacks parliamentary experience. In anticipation of his victory, reports say, he has begun apprising himself with procedures and may master them before his election to the high office. By December 2003, Najma was a worried person as her term in the Rajya Sabha was coming to an end in six months time. Najma was not so visible in the Congress since Sonia took over the reigns and the gulf between the two gradually widened. She was made to believe that Najma was not trustworthy as she had managed to get close to V.P. Singh when he was the Prime Minister, remained in the P.V. Narasimha Rao’s book and “charmed” Vajpayee. Sensing the lurking danger, Najma began cultivating the BJP’s leadership and her good rapport with Vajpayee brought the reward. She became the Chairperson of the Indian Council of Cultural Relations. Najma left the Congress and joined the BJP. Ansari’s tenure at the UN coincided with the special efforts made by Pakistan to gain ground on Kashmir. The cold war had ended and Islamabad wanted to bring to focus the Kashmir issue again. His mastery of the subject and quiet behind-the-scenes diplomacy frustrated Islamabad’s move to get a resolution relating to Kashmir adopted at any of UN forum. India won the diplomatic battle under Ansari’s leadership. Unlike mud-raking in the presidential election this time, Ansari’s nomination has been widely welcomed. With the UPA and Left claiming the support of 406 of 792 Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha MPs, his victory appears imminent. Doubtless, he will bring dignity and grace to the high office.
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— Mrs Pratibha Patil after she was sworn in as the President of India
— Former President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s farewell address to the nation — Fali S. Nariman, jurist The IAS and corporate firms are different. IAS is all authority and no accountability. It is all self-imposed. In a corporate set-up, however, there is greater accountability and responsibility and decision-making is much quicker. — Jagdish Khattar, CEO and MD of Maruti Udyog One can check global warming by freeing the neck of a tight fitting tie. By doing so, body temperature will immediately get cooled by 2 to 3 degrees centigrade. In Japan, the Cool Biz campaign by this method had kept 4,60,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere. — Italian Health Ministry’s
communique to workers — Astronaut Sunita Williams — Harry Potter star Daniel Radcliffe |
Hasina’s arrest makes
critics’ voice stronger WHEN I returned from Dhaka the other day, I had my doubts about the restoration of democracy in Bangla-desh. Still I felt assured after talking to Chief Adviser Iftikhar Ahmed who said that the military was only in charge of law and order and the “cleansing operation.” It would leave after doing the job and arranging elections before the end of next year, he said. The caretaker government, headed by the Chief Adviser, is a constitutional authority which quits after conducting elections within three months. The interim arrangement has continued beyond the fixed period because the electoral rolls are still defective. The revision which former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina demanded for a free and fair election was the bone of contention. The army intervened in January to ensure that the corruption of politicians was eliminated and conditions were created for a free and fair poll. Most of what the armed forces have done was applauded. Politicians had, indeed, polluted the atmosphere with the extorted money. The public did not mind the detention of “corrupt and undesirable” elements — more than two lakh people are reportedly under detention — because some unbelievable example of corruption cases came to the fore. Preparations for elections were lacking. But there was the general belief — it is still there — that elections would be held before long. The Bangladeshis became suspicious when Chief of Army Staff Lt-Gen Mooen-ul-ahmed made a speech at Regional Conference of International Political Science Association that “democracy itself requires a secure environment for it to try and spread its roots. Both democracy and security are complimentary features of the system now being put in place by the current initiatives.” People read between the lines. Still they did not react. The arrest of Sheikh Hasina, president of the Awami League, has stirred the confidence of the public. Her inveterate rival, Khalida Zia, president of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), has protested against Hasina’s arrest. This has made the voice of criticism stronger. However unhappy the lobby of intellectuals, it is veering round to support Hasina. Her arrest before the charges are framed and filed in the court looks vindictive. New Delhi’s reaction is too tepid and too late. It should have criticised the military takeover in January itself. But India seems to be under the influence of America which believes that the Harkat Islami and the Jammat people, who have not been touched by the military, are a liberal Muslim force. As the two emissaries of Hasina, recently at Delhi, have warned the Manmohan Singh government that the reason why the military had scrupulously stayed away from taking any action against the two outfits was the thinking to help them to come to power. America, thousands of miles away, can live with this dangerous prospect but India cannot because Bangladesh is the main centre from where cross-border terrorism has been emanating. It is hard to get democracy back once you have lost it. This is not a pious statement but a fact. I know of no country which has rolled back dictatorship once it has come. Even after the lawyers’ victory in Pakistan, the problem before the people there is how to get rid of the military. Musharraf may go but not the military. True, a semblance of democracy returns when the military becomes unpopular. But the real power stays with the dictators. I am probably saying the obvious. But my purpose is to interpret the happenings in Bangladesh in the light of what has happened where the military has taken over “for the time being.” There are chances of Dhaka becoming another Islamabad, a civilian setup in the front and the khaki control at the rear. The Pakistanis have been fighting to dislodge the military rule for the last 45 years. I pray Bangladesh does not have to have the military rule beyond the period needed to hold elections. The Election Commission in Bangladesh has realised that it will have to do a door-to-door scrutiny to update the electoral rolls. Months have been wasted unnecessarily. Maybe, the progressive forces or the unity of Awami League and the BNP has nudged the military to have correct electoral rolls. Unfortunately, Bangladesh has not settled down after the liberation from Pakistan some 35 years ago. First, the nation’s birth in blood shook the psyche of Bangladeshis because their Muslim brethren wreaked vengeance from them for having raised the standard of independence. Then, the struggle for succession, even when the father of the nation, Sheikh Mujib-ur Rahman, was living, was in the open. He was killed in the process. His successors were lesser people, both in stature and commitment. Alternating between strong rulers and the calls of democratic system, Bangladesh began to emerge as a middling South Asian country with the annual growth rate of 6 to 7 per cent. Still, the political side remained messy. Fortunately, people have developed tenacity and determination to overcome their problems. To a large extent, they have in the economic field. They would have gone farther and quicker if political criminalisation of the state had not taken place. This writer’s worry is that because of the military the other institutions may be affected. I already find that Parliament Speaker Jamiruddin Sircar saying publicly that his position was below that of the Chief of Army Staff. The latter, however exalted, is a government servant. The Speaker presides over the house that sustains the government itself. He is elected by the people and the elected representatives. Punishing leaders for the misdeeds is one thing but hijacking the system is another. Those who believe that they can have the “guided democracy,” as Pakistan has, are committing the same mistake which West Pakistan did while dealing with East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. The history of this part of the subcontinent is different. The Bangladeshis are different. It may take them time. But they will get back democracy sans fundamentalism.n |
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On Record
Rajendra
Singh, known as India’s water man, is responsible for five dead rivers in Alwar, Dosa and Jaipur districts in Rajasthan — Aravari, Ruparel, Sarsa, Bhagani and Jahajvali — coming alive and flowing once again. His water conservation efforts for the past 25 years won him the Magsaysay award in 2002. For Singh, it has not been an easy journey. He had to face resistance from politicians and legal hassles. But using knowledge and engineering techniques, he and his team succeeded in giving society the most precious gift — water. Excerpts: Q: What about the Centre’s proposal to conserve rivers by declaring them as national rivers? A: River conservation is much more than rescuing it from pollution and contamination. I believe the Yamuna has been selected as the first river in the pilot project. But it is just a proposal. My reaction will depend upon whether the plan will progress in the right direction or end up like previous projects in the past as disasters. If it is another plan like Ganga Action Plan, the result will be as disastrous as had been with the Ganga, the Damodar valley, the Yamuna, the Gomti, the Kosi or the Kamla projects. It is not just about mere pollution. There are several other factors that have to be dealt with. A river is an ecological system in itself and part of a larger ecological system. We cannot protect or conserve a river unless the system as a whole is protected. Q: What is your proposal for river conservation? A: Any river or water conservation project should have an intrinsic relationship with people and local communities. Conservation is not just a question of rescuing a river from pollution and contamination. What we are proposing is a five-point plan specific to a particular river depending upon the geographic and cultural intricacies. First, a river needs space. If we keep reducing the space available to a river, consequences will be serious. Therefore natural flood-plains of a river must be respected and the treatment of river catchment areas done in a way that erosion stops. This can only be achieved with the help of good forest and agricultural practices. There should be no chemical-based agriculture and industry along the banks to ensure that the river remains unpolluted. Secondly, since all rivers are fed by rivulets and streams, we must revive and rejuvenate all small streams so that the main river maintains a perennial flow. A river must flow in all circumstances and there should be no lean periods or times when there are flash floods. If dry rivers are not treated properly the flood water will come rushing down and overflow into the plains. Thirdly, the principal of polluter pays should be followed strictly and every industry must take the responsibility and set up decentralised industrial treatment plants. It should return back to the river the kind of water it is taking from it and maintain the balance between the industry and the river. And finally, rivers are a part of Indian culture and civilisation and there is a deep relationship between society and rivers. The effort should be to link the minds and hearts of the people with the rivers. Rivers, along with underground water and acquifers, meet 99 per cent of our water needs, and yet most of us are not aware of this. Q: What about the interlinking of rivers project? A: This is to privatise water and hand over it to big companies. The government is not saying it clearly. When it says that the project will be undertaken through Built-Operate-Transfer (BOT) mode, it means they will take money from big MNCs and hand them over portions of rivers. I have nothing against BOT. The procedure can work for roads and highways but not for rivers which are living beings. They have their own characteristics, biodiversity and gene pool. If all this gets threatened, there will be a bigger environmental crisis at hand. Q: What is your next step on the Yamuna conservation ? A: We must respect and protect our rivers like our mothers. We will not allow the Commonwealth Games village on the Yamuna riverbed. This is illegal and unethical. On August 8, the Kranti Divas, we will tell the government not to play with the river and continue our awareness programme till August 15. On that day, we expect the Prime Minister to tell the world that the Commonwealth Games village will not come up on the Yamuna’s
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Look beyond aircraft
carriers Since the Second World War, aircraft carriers have been projected as the most powerful element of sea power. Defensive deployment calls for an assessment of the enemy air threat and limiting aircraft carriers operations to the safe zone outside the threat area from the enemy land based aircraft. The history of Indian aircraft carrier operations falls into the defensive deployment category. During the 1961 Goa liberation, INS Vikrant was deployed at a safe distance of 75 miles seawards from Goa. The 1965 war was fought with the only aircraft carrier of Indian Navy idling at Mumbai dockyard. Though the 1971 war is projected as a well planned war by all services, for some reason, INS Vikrant’s engine problems were never rectified due to its unsuitability for the success of naval war plans or its vulnerability. Most high value economic installations at sea are protected by local anti-aircraft weapons and land-based Air Defence (AD) aircraft. The air-to-air refuelling combined with potent standoff weapons have allowed the airpower to be deployed over high seas from the safety of land bases. The long-range maritime patrol aircraft (LRMP) are land-based aircraft. The Navy has also opted for future acquisition of land based version of AWACS aircraft instead of carrier based version. The naval fleets cannot operate in a hostile environment without adequate air cover or a favourable air situation. The concept of fleet operation itself had evolved out of this need to keep all ships in mutual support and within the air cover from the aircraft carrier. This is an expensive strategy of concentrating all elements in a defined sea space which may prove to be a naval waterloo against a superior airpower. The Indian Navy with one carrier battle group may find it difficult to protect our vast coastal resources. We need a maritime fighter or bomber aircraft. Most of our maritime area is within the range of modern maritime fighters like Jaguar or MiG 27. India has an ambitious plan to maintain a two aircraft carrier navy since Independence. We need to fine-tune the deployment over sea in future wars. We must set up a Maritime Air Command (MAC) under the Chief of Defence Staff. Both Navy and Air Force may not be keen on this for various service-centric reasons. This concept of independent but joint MAC may be more acceptable to all. India does not nurture any national ambition to occupy foreign land or dominate any area beyond its maritime interest. There is a need to look beyond the aircraft carriers for future role of airpower at sea. The state of the art aircraft are required for watertight maritime security of our great nation. India’s maritime airpower strategy needs a review. We need to plan for a stronger deterrence and integrated maritime security with ability to project airpower over high seas.
The writer, a retired Indian Air Force fighter pilot, is presently doing research on India’s maritime security at Punjabi University, Patiala |
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ONE thing is strikingly common between Hamid Ansari and Najma Heptullah, candidates of the UPA and the NDA for the Vice-Presidential election. While the former is a grandnephew of Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari, who presided over the Indian National Congress session in Madras in 1927, the latter is the grandniece of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. 
Empowerment of women is particularly important to me as I believe this leads to the empowerment of the nation. We must invest in their capabilities and empower them with modern education and health care.
I want India to be a nation where education with a value system is not denied to any meritorious candidate because of societal or economic discrimination. India should become the best destination for the most talented scholars, scientists and investors.
Dr Kalam was a President whose simplicity and integrity were unquestioned. A President we could have asked to stay on. He has set a high benchmark of rectitude in public office by paying Rs 3,54,924 from his pocket towards his relatives’ stay in Rashtrapati Bhavan for a week.
I would prefer to go to the moon than Mars as I can have a spectacular view of the earth from it. The Mars is a different planet and it would prove a longer journey compared to moon.
Tailpiece: The 20-million pounds won’t cast a spell on me. I don’t plan to be one of those people who, as soon as they turn 18, suddenly buy themselves a massive sports car collection or something similar. I don’t think I’ll be particularly extravagant. The things I like buying are things that cost about 10 pounds — books, CDs and
DVDs.