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Profiles of courage Profile |
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Women who carry on
despite militancy
On Record He breathed and lived
Gurbani
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Profiles of courage Cats, they say, have nine lives. But myths, it seems, have many more. Even in the worst of circumstances, they continue to live on and thrive for long. The myth of Sikh loyalty in 1857 is a case in point. The fact is: the Sikhs were not loyal to the British. The British occupied their kingdom in 1849. Dalhousie, the governor-general was happy but a little worried too. He counselled his commander-in-chief, General Charles Napier to be specially watchful of that portion of the Punjab, specially “the Majha, which lies between the Ravee and the Beas or Sutlej. The whole of the district is occupied almost exclusively by Sikhs… If formidable insurrection is to be apprehended, it most probably within the Majha to the north of the city of Amritsar that it will take place”. Gen. Napier carried on his order, but they could not check Sikhs. About nine hours before the outbreak of the mutiny at Meerut (May 10, 1857), the sepoys stationed at Ambala blared the bugle of ‘mutiny’. Prompt action on the part of the British authorities and troops saved the situation, however, and kept the sepoys away from the harm’s way. But they could not check the civil populace in the district. On hearing their call, a Sikh Kardar of Rupar, Sardar Mohar Singh, came forward to obliterate all vestiges of the British rule from his locale. He established contact with several hill chiefs and some others and exhorted them to rise up against the Feringhee. The enemy attacked him with full force. Mohar Singh replied back befittingly but, for obvious reasons, he lost the day. He was arrested and brought to Ambala where he was hanged. Douglas Forsyth, the then deputy commissioner of Ambala paid him, albeit indirectly, a great tribute when he said: “It is a curious fact that the first man, not a soldier, in the Punjab - and I dare say in all upper India — who was hanged for sedition was a Sikh”. A faquir named Sham Das raised the banner of revolt at Jaito, in Nabha state. Among others, a large number of Sikhs from Nabha and Faridkot states joined the Faquir. They gave a tough fight to the combined forces of Nabha, Jind and the British at Dabri, a Sikh village. The Faquir lost the day. He was brought to Ambala and hanged. The rebel Sikh village, (Dabri) was wiped out of existence. The Sikh chiefs were loyal to the British. But not their subjects — the Sikh masses. According to Sir (later Field Marshal) Evelyn Wood: Maharaja Nabha’s “people were inimical and his advisors disloyal (to the British) at heart”. They paid them in bad coins wherever they could. The situation was still worse in Patiala. Forsyth, the deputy commissioner of Ambala, tells us that there was a serious revolt in the house of the Maharaja of Patiala over the question of extending help to the British. The Maharaja’s own brother opposed the move. The Maharaja “overpowered him and put him behind bars to prevent him from doing mischief”. Despite this, the general populace, especially the Sikh masses, remained ‘disloyal’. There was unrest in Ludhiana. According to Ricketts, the deputy commissioner, the rebel Sikh sepoys from Jhansi, Neemuch and Bareilly had made a good deal of contribution there. When the Jullundur mutineers came to Ludhiana, almost all sections including Sikhs were for them. When they left Ludhiana, the British “overpowered the locals”, and punished “almost every class” by sending their representatives to the gallows. A lot of false propaganda was carried out regarding Sikhs’ role in the uprising to mislead people. F.B. Gubbons has cleared a part of it if not whole thus: “The part played by the Sikhs during the Mutiny crisis, has been largely misunderstood, and far too much credit has been given to them for an enthusiastic loyalty that was never theirs, owing to the practice of classing all Punjabis indiscriminately as Sikhs — a short and easy but misleading term”. There were hardly any real Sikhs-in-uniform around to help the British. Nor did their brothers in civil uniform did any such thing. It is a baseless thesis that the Sikhs in the village were loyal to the Feringhee. Outside Punjab, where the British noose was relatively loose, the Sikhs played still greater role in the uprising. There was a serious mutiny at Jhansi on June 3. The 12 NI played a significant part in it. Lieut. Scott, an eyewitness to the whole affair says that several Sikh sepoys led the show. There was a rising at Nowgong (UP) on June 10, 1857. There, too, a wing of the 12 NI stationed there, has Sikh sepoys. They played a leading role there too. On July 1, 1857, there was mutiny of troops at Mhow. The 23 NI took prominent part in it. According to the ‘muster roll’ of the regiment, it was composed of 124 Punjabis of all ranks, 68 of whom were Sikhs, mostly from Majha. They did many a daring deed. On June 4, 1857, the Ludhiana Regiment, which was composed mostly of Sikhs, revolted at Benaras. The Sikhs “fired at the European soldiers and charged them”. Thereafter, they went to Delhi “bringing the cheering assurance that the mutiny had triumphed even to the borders of Bengal”. A platoon of the Ludhiana Sikh Regiment revolted at Jaunpur about this very time. The rebel sepoys shot dead the local joint magistrate, took away the treasure and marched to Lucknow. The Sikhs fought valiantly against Kunwar Singh, the rebel prince of Bihar. But what is not generally reported is that there were also Sikhs who fought with equal valour if not more on the side of Kunwar Singh during the siege of Arah. It were the Sikhs who repulsed the British attack on the city. John Lawrence and Co. have made a big case without any basis that a pretty large number of Sikhs came on their appeal and fought on their side to capture Delhi. The truth is the other way round; and no better words than those of Gen. Innes can be found to expose it: “One often reads loosely worded allusion to John Lawrence having sent down large bodies of newly raised Sikhs to Delhi. In point of fact, he sent none”. His repeated pleas fell on deaf ears. No “true Sikh” came to help the British in their worst times. On the other side, a large number of them — a little over 2,500 — went to Delhi, on their own, to help their countrymen fight the British. Even the Emperor praised their valour and fighting spirit. Everyone was proud of them. John Lawrence was depressed. He took to mean tactics to save the situation. He incited the Sikhs against the Muslims. The stories of execution of their Gurus and the wholesale persecution of their forefathers for centuries were retold. He exploited the enmity between Sikhs and Hindustanis (Poorbias) on account of the Anglo-Sikh wars. These things had, however, no effect. The Sikhs did not deviate from their path. Rather, there are instances that they left the British ranks and joined their rebel-brethren, Muslims and the so-called Poorbias at a number of places. There were desertions in the Nicholson’s column when it reached before Delhi. “Three Sikhs raised the standard of revolt”, reports Nicholson, “killed the Regimental Seargent at Chhatarpur (near Mehrauli, Delhi) and fled with 87 Sipahis”. A little later, the British spies reported the advent of “more Sikhs into Delhi to fight against the British along with their countrymen”. This shows that the Sikhs were by and large hostile to the men who had taken away their freedom, humiliated their Maharaja and his mother, humbled their chiefs and sardars, insulted their religion and tradition, and who had ruined their economy and culture. They worked against them, as much they could, in and outside Punjab. There is absolutely no truth in the popular perception that the Sikhs were loyal to the British in 1857. The Sikh chiefs (Patiala, Nabha, Jind, etc.) were loyal, as the Rajput, Maratha and other princes of their class were. The writer, Professor of History, Haryana Institute of Public Administration, Gurgaon, is the
author of several books on 1857 |
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Profile
THE CPM Politburo reprimanded and suspended Kerala Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan and state party secretary, Pinarayi Vijayan, from the apex body. However, in an unprecedented decision, it allowed the two to continue in their respective posts. The cause for the Politburo’s immediate provocation was certain remarks made by Achuthanandan, popularly known as VS, and Vijayan against each other. Eighty-four-year-old VS and Vijayan, who has just turned 63, were known to be having differences over some issues, though not ideological. The day after the Politburo handed down punishment to both of them, they humbly admitted that they had erred in airing their views in public. VS, is a much taller leader in the party’s hierarchy and has become indispensable in Kerala. He habitually goes after issues as a “one-man army”. His campaigns over various issues have been receiving wide media attention. The octogenarian Chief Minister is a rare brand of political leaders and a match to him may not be found in any other party. A high school drop out, VS has no stature of an intellectual giant but, paradoxically, people wait for hours to listen to him on all issues. He has no charisma of a Namboodiripad or E.K. Nayanar, yet people flock around him. This is for the first time that he has entered the portals of power but he is known to possess phenomenal organisational skills. One can find this leader amidst the people whenever and wherever an atrocity is committed. A humanitarian to the core, no barrier could ever stop him from his life motto - to be with the people in distress. This explains why VS is so popular among masses and Marxist leadership could not dare remove him from office. As the 84-year-old took over as the 20th Chief Minister, myths about him have been broken. It was said sarcastically that “when the party wins, VS loses and if VS wins, the party loses”. VS has countered that belief by winning the April-May 2006 election by a whopping margin of 20,017 votes and ensuring a majority for his party. He lost the 1996 elections, but the party secured the majority. Had he not been defeated, possibly, he would have been the Chief Minister. In 2001 elections, it was a thumping victory for him but the Congress ousted the Marxists. Defeat in 1996 was unexpected as he had never before lost an election, having represented his party in the Kerala Assembly in 1967, 1970, 1991, 2001 and now since 2006. Ironically, when the party list of candidates for 2006 election was released, his name was missing. This evoked protests in the state in his support Conceding the popular demand, the Politburo reversed its decision and fielded VS from Malampuzha of Palghat district. His selection to head the Left Front government was also marked by inner party manipulation. VS’ image was projected as rustic and anti-reformist, but the party leadership could not dump him owing to fear of a revolt. After taking over as the Chief Minister, he sought to dispel his anti-reformist icon by meeting members of Technopark-based US Technology Resources. He also visited the Technopark, Kerala’s showpiece in the IT sector, sending right vibes to this sector. Pradeep Gopi, head of the strategic recruitment of US Technology Resources said, “what is most satisfying is the Chief Minister’s keenness to learn all about this sector in general and know what could be done from the government’s side”. IT is an entirely new area for VS. His crusades had been mostly against sand mafia, sandalwood gangs and sex racketeers. Born in 1925, VS was attracted to politics right from his school days. He gave up studies and joined active politics, after completing Class VII, through labour movement and trade union work. He joined the Kerala Congress in 1938. Soon he was disillusioned with the Congress’ policies and joined the CPI in 1940. He was imprisoned for five years during the freedom struggle and had to go underground. VS emerged as a popular leader in 1946 Punnapra-Vayalar uprising and arrested. He was also jailed in 1962, 1963 and 1965 when he led the agitation to protest against the government’s policies. He was among 32 comrades who played important role in the CPI split and CPM formation in 1964. |
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— Ruskin Bond, author, who
turned 73 — Stephan Zenz, world renowned hairstylist The amount of fuel needed to put on this summer’s series of Live Earth rock concerts across the globe contradicts the whole reason these are being held in the first place — to raise awareness about climate change. The last thing the planet needs is a rock concert. I can’t believe it… — Roger Daltrey, the Who rocker I pray several times everyday, but I do not believe in rituals. I pray from my heart, at any place. For example, often during my walks, I chant the Gayatri Mantra. Nothing stops me from connecting with my God. — Mandira Bedi, TV personality I care profoundly about cranes and tigers, not only as magnificent and stirring creatures, but as heralds and symbols of all that is being lost! — Peter Matthiessen, nature writer I am a good actor and am capable of doing a fantastic job. I like being unpredictable. I have created such an identity for myself that for every two Yash Raj films, I have a Parineeta to strike the balance. — Saif Ali Khan, actor Tailpiece: When I was four, I nearly drowned. Since then, I was very scared of water. To help me get over my fear, my mother made me climb a coconut tree. From atop the tree, I threw stones at the water and felt that I had avenged myself. I feel happy when I think of
that. — Lola Kutty of Channel V |
Women who carry on
despite militancy
Long
ago before the violence erupted in Kashmir, Haseena Bano lived with her parents in a peaceful, picturesque village of Wangama in South Kashmir district of Anantnag. She would partly spend time by attending a nearby school and then help her mother in household chores. Her father Ghulam Nabi Shiekh was working in the postal department. But as destiny had it, Haseena’s mother died young and her father became so protected about her that he made her discontinue her studies. A few years later, Haseena was married off to Amin Shah, a carpenter. But her family could not remain untouched by the winds of change in the early 90s. Amin quit his work, picked up the gun and joined the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen. The security forces killed Amin in Ashajipora in 1996 leaving her to fend for herself and kids. From a sheltered life, she was suddenly exposed to the vagaries of life. Haseena works on crewel embroidery in the local Social Welfare Centre in Zalangam. Her daughter Raeesa, 14, is in Class IX. Sadly, her son Parvez Ahmed, 16, had to quit studies after Class VIII due to economic conditions. “But I want Raeesa to study hard”, she says. Haseena is among hundreds of women who were forced to eke out a living as their husbands had either been killed by the security forces, militants or simply caught in the crossfire. Thousands of widows and half widows (the women whose husbands have been missing for long ) in Kashmir are trying to sustain their families in the conflict-hit region. They are deeply affected directly or indirectly by the continuing conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. Rough estimates suggest that there are over 25,000 widows and 40,000 orphans in the state due to the protracted conflict. Such Kashmiri women who have come out of their houses to work have broken the stereotypes related to women, especially in the background that they had no work experience and were forced to support their families and thus take over the role of a patriarch. Despite the adversities, the conflict has a somewhat empowering impact on Kashmiri women. It has provided them a space to resist, negotiate, cope and survive. Many ordinary Kashmiri women, who have lost their fathers, husbands, sons in the violence, have come out of the initial shock, and have taken up new roles. One of them is Shehzada Yusuf Begum. When she married Idrees Khan, he was already a militant with the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). Idrees was killed in 1995 leaving behind Shehzada and two daughters. “My husband sacrificed his life for Yasin Malik and the party did not do anything for us,” rues Shehzada. Her in-laws threw her and two daughters, now 9 and 12, out of the house. Her daughters are now studying Classes VIII and VI. She works in a women welfare centre at Darishkadal. It is run by Hashim Qureshi, a Kashmir based NGO called the Maqbool National Welfare Association. She teaches Kashmiri girls stitching and tailoring. Kashmir valley is full of such examples of women who have survived the most difficult situations alone in all these years of turbulence. Significantly, they aren't the passive recipients of conflict as most agencies see them but have an inborn, innate resilience, the will to survive the most challenging situations. “Kashmiri women have not only lived through political turbulence but have also negotiated and renegotiated their roles in the conflict that also does not remain static but keeps on changing”, says Rekha Chowdhary, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Jammu. Kulsooma Jan’s father Abdul Jabbar Dar, District President of Congress in Kupwara, was killed by the militants in 1996 during the peak of militancy. No party member visited Dar’s family of a handicapped wife and her five daughters. “My father served the Congress for 30-35 years. We did not get any ex-gratia relief after his killing. There was no job, no help from any quarters,” says Kulsooma who studied up to Class XII. Of the five sisters, Nusrat and Ameena are now married while she looks after her kids, Saima and Iqra (who is in Class II). Though the pain and agony suffered by these women is tremendous, their strength of character is clearly visible from the various difficult situations that they faced. Interestingly, Kashmiri women who might have supported the “Mujahids” at some point of time in the past 17 years of violence, are now emerging as agents of peace. The women victims of militancy aren’t the passive recipients of conflict as most of the agencies see them but have an inborn, innate resilience and the will to survive. “The donning of the role of a mother and father both in the conflict zones gives some supremacy to the women who have learnt to survive against existing odds. Besides, there is an increase in women’s adaptability to new challenging situations,” says Professor Bashir Dabla, a sociologist from Kashmir. Perhaps it is this yearning for peace that is a crucial turning point in Kashmir. These victims of militancy fervently hope that peace on the borders will extend to their villages, towns and homes. For most of them, peace begins with their immediate family and extends to cover the whole region, country and the world.n — Charkha Features |
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On Record
Sunil Bharti
Mittal, Chairman and Group CEO of Bharti Enterprises, India’s leading telecommunications conglomerate, took over as the President of Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) on May 25. Mr Mittal, who hails Excerpts: Q: Should the government review the SEZ policy further in the backdrop of Nandigram and Singur? A: I won’t be able to comment specifically on Nandigram as the issue there is that some land has been acquired and there is resentment among the people who have been affected by it. So, when we look at the macro level, we will need land for industrialisation. The government will, therefore, have to see how land is made available for industrialisation. While acquiring land the people who will get affected need to be taken care of. So, it is not merely the issue of taking the land or giving compensation but the people really having a stake in the development of the area and the growth of the economy. The government will have to deal with this dilemma. Q: Is the industry happy with the Centre’s decision to reduce the SEZ size? A: In the overall concept of industrialisation, it does not matter whether the SEZ is big or small. It is the industry in totality will need land, whether you cut the area of land or not. The issue is getting land for industrialisation or how will you take care of the related issues. Q: How do you react to the Prime Minister’s warning against cartelisation at the recent CII conclave? A: The CII feels that there is no cartelisation in the market place. The Prime Minister said that there are high prices prevalent in certain industry. This is a clear case of supply versus demand. Supply has fallen in certain areas like cement and Q: Is the Prime Minister’s advice on CEO salary a political statement? A: When we talk of CEOs’ pay, we are talking about a handful of people. This is not a national or a major issue. But this particular reference in PM’s speech was blown out of proportion. The overall thrust of the PM’s remark was that the economy is growing and enjoy your success with responsibility. In that context, he had pointed to the large section of society which wants to enjoy this success and referred to the uneven growth and inequality in the country. In that context, he referred to CEOs’ salaries and unnecessary spending being indulged in by a few persons. Q: What is your opinion on the Centre’s plan to extend the Right to Information ambit to the industry? A: Indian industry is already sharing high level of disclosures through quarterly, half-yearly and annual reports. Those companies, which are doing extensive disclosures are getting hugely rewarded in the market. Pick up any two companies from an industry, if a company’s disclosure is not proper, its market cap is half of the other. There are many such cases we see in the market. The SEBI is enforcing certain disclosure norms and now certain companies are going beyond that. I am not saying that the RTI will touch the companies formulation, patents, competitive process in the market place. They can’t be Q: Do you think that the Centre’s export target this year is too ambitious, especially in the backdrop of the hardening of the rupee and the spurt in interest rates? A: It will be met because of the buoyancy in the market and lot of inputs becoming cheaper due to hardening of the rupee. But it is a fact that the rupee has hardened in a short period which has given a shock to some exporters particularly the SMEs. But I feel over a period of time it will get calibrated. |
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He breathed and lived
Gurbani
I look at his picture and time stops. It has been years since his death, but he lives on! Bhagat Puran Singh, whose birth anniversary falls tomorrow, was humility personified. He breathed and lived Gurbani! Inspired very early in life by Mahatma Gandhi, he lived like a true Gandhian. He was born a Hindu, but lived like a true Khalsa and died a Gurmukh. Having made him my idol very early in life, it is very difficult to trace his steps, but still one can try! He brought an awareness to Punjabis and just anyone who would listen to him on issues like environment, pollution, female foeticide, sensitive caring of mentally and physically challenged kids and women. He gave to Punjab a home for the homeless. Called Pingalwara, it is a heritage which the Punjab Government and every Punjabi should be proud of and promote. When I see Sikh clergy fighting over issues which could best be ignored, I remember Babaji sitting on the steps outside the Golden Temple begging for humans in his Pingalwara. What a study in contrast! He was epitome of nobility and humility, a true Sikh of Guru Gobind Singh, with no sword in his hand, just a kalam and a begging bowl. Yet the Sikh community world over bows to his memory in reverence. Without the aid of any ‘Takht diktat’, he achieved a stature, where intellectuals, politicians and social workers stopped and listened to him. How many of our modern-day Sants, look down while walking and see to it that they don’t step on an ant and kill it accidentally? Babaji did and I am a witness to it. He was an endless crusader for issues which concerned humans, animals and environment. His pen never stopped scrawling, even when his eyes were dimming. He kept away from politics even during the height of terrorism, and even then was concerned about humanitarian issues and environment. He practiced what he taught and that earned him immense respect within and outside Sikh community. I can only pray that our politicians and so-called office bearers of highest temporal seats remember this great man who once sat at their doorstep but could not inspire them to imbibe Sikhism. He never gave himself any name, except a sewadar, gurughar da sewadar for he saw his guru in all! Do any hyped about Sikh personalities fit in this category? |
All religions are true. God can be reached by different religions. Many rivers flow by many ways but they fall into the sea. They all are one. He who abides by the will of God, is accepted and treasured by him. Action prompted by pleasure of profit cannot help anyone to cross this sea. Seek a teacher who has realised the
Self Imbued with God, one is ever full of joy.
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One is only as old as one thinks in the heart…Next to nature and humour, animals are closest to me. I mostly like to write about people. When I run out of ideas regarding people, I write about animals and when I run out of ideas relating to animals, I write about ghosts.
Indian women lack sense about hair styling. They are fashion conscious when it comes to dressing but when it comes to hair fashion, they are not well up. Hair fashion in India is just about aping celebrities and the sad part is, even celebrities like to play it safe.
