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The revolt of 1857 Profile |
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Punjab’s rural economy needs a big push
On Record Nuclear plants to meet power
shortage
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The revolt of 1857 During
2006, lot of fresh material was made available on the revolt of 1857. The National Book Trust released a number of papers and a book on Rebellion of 1857, apart from reprinting P.C. Joshi’s edited much valued book. The annual conference of the Indian History Congress held some months ago devoted a major part of its session on the subject. The Last Mughal, written by a British author, was widely noticed by reviewers, academics and laymen. This recent interest is obviously due to the national celebrations to mark 150 years of the historic event. Much more had already been written, starting from British scholars who called its mutiny to nationalists like Veer Savarkar who called it the First War of Independence. Is there any room for a fresh interpretation of the event, circumstances that led to it and its after effects? The earlier work, however, exhausted most of the secondary sources. Of late, people, in some parts depending on oral history, are projecting their local unsung and unrecorded heroes, who were not kings and queens but commoners. May be some enterprising scholars get some fresh clues about their role, individually or collectively. There may also be scope for deeper study into or causes of varying response to the rebellion in different parts of the country. But there is far greater potentiality of collaboration with historians of Pakistan who have done and are doing research on the basis of secondary or primary sources. Enthusiasm generated on the occasion of 150th anniversary of 1857 in India and Pakistan is so immense that it provides a rare opportunity for joint celebrations and promoting closer understanding between the two peoples. Of course, many lessons have to be leant about the course of Indian history that followed 1857. However, its own uniqueness cannot be underrated, the British rule was not the first rule of foreigners over India. But there was a vital difference between the earlier foreigners and the British. From Aryan invaders to Mughals, all of them adopted India as their home like the local inhabitants. But the British continued to rule from a foreign land. How much deeply Bahadurshah Zafar, the last Mughal ruler, for instance, was in love with the country is eloquently expressed in one of his last poems. In one verse, he says: Kitna badnasib tha Zafar ke madfan kailiye\ Do gar zamina mil saki kue yar mein (How unfortunate was Zafar that he could not get two yards of land for his burial in the lane of his beloved). The choice of Bahadur Shah, as leader and symbol of the revolt, was therefore natural. His rule did not extend beyond some miles around Delhi. But Delhi was centre of India and capital of the erstwhile vast Mughal empire. As the last descendant of the great family, 3,75,000 rebel soldiers from all over the country rallied round him for leadership. He was the finest symbol of composite culture of India at that time Immediate consequence of 1857 revolt was the British government’s realisation that India could not be governed by British traders called East India Company. It was substituted by a government responsible to the British Parliament and manned by a cadre of trained officers. Britain was hardly a democratic country in the modern sense at that time but gradually it evolved in that direction. The freedom movement in India did learn some lessons from the British experience in democratisation. A far more profound impact of 1857 revolt was that India which was a rich and ancient civilisation got itself transformed into a nation. As we found later that the ideology of nationalism could not retain all the profound values of that civilisation. No less a person than Rabindranath Tagore warned Mahatma Gandhi of the dangers of transforming India from a civilisation to a nation which might not be able to retain its unity. M.N. Roy, great thinker and philosopher, who also hailed from Bengal, was more forthright in condemning the cult of nationalism, which he was afraid might degenerate into fascism. Such warnings were also issued by many Western philosophers. They were influenced by the threat the two world wars, fought in the name of imperialism and fascism, the forms that nationalism had taken, posed. True, when a nation fights for Independence, it is inevitably inspired by the ideology of nationalism. But it may be right time and also desirable to examine relevance and possibility of revival of some of the unique values of pre-1857 Indian civilisation, which had a longer continuity than most other civilisations of the world. It consisted of series of what social scientists call “Little Traditions”, living in harmony with one another. It was influenced by various indigenous and foreign movements of ideas, religions and cultures. Charuvakya, Buddha and Mahavir rejected all the scriptures of the Aryans. But they were absorbed in the pantheon of Indian gods and separate existence of their followers became almost irrelevant. Christ’s message reached India before it did in Europe. What we call Hinduism was of an amorphous and evolutionary character. According to Stephen Neil, “Hinduism was ready to absorb Jesus Christ into itself, His teachings as an ethical ideal and His life as an example, it can revere Him as one of the greatest teacher of the world. Though Christ, the oriental teacher, is to be revered but not the Church as a western importation and part of the exploitation of India by the West”. (Builders of the Indian Church). Islam’s impact on indigenous thought has been most profound. However, as much larger number of its followers came to India than of any other religion, it had political overtones also. It enriched India’s religious thought. But according to Murray T. Titus, “when all is said, there seems to be little doubt that Hinduism has wrought a far greater change in Islam than Islam has wrought in Hinduism” (Islam in India and Pakistan). Indeed, India’s Muslims are among the most advanced Muslim community, intellectually and culturally. After 1857, the process of mutual assimilation of diverse cultures and religious came to a halt. A centralised administration and faster communications replaced syncretic “Little Traditions” by pan-Indian identities of religions. Apart from government policies, Western scholars who rediscovered India, through western academic tools, too, widened the gulf between the communities. The ancient scriptures, manuscripts and documents were resurrected to glorify India’s past, in which Hinduism and Indian nationalism became indistinguishable. Thus, Indian schools of philosophy, mythology, epics and their heroes became a part of modern Hinduism. As Nehru admitted, in his communication to Iqbal, “Indian nationalism was dominated by Hindus and had a Hinduised look.” Indian nationalism took three broad forms symbolised by Gandhi, Subhash Chandra Bose and Veer Savarkar. The latter two were inspired by Hitler and Mussolini, except that Bose strongly believed in secular nationalism. Gandhi could isolate Savarkar, an atheist, and Golwalkar school of thought as he was the greatest praticising Hindu in the image of religious saints. However, his religious approach to nationalism along with Maulana Azad alienated modern educated Muslims led by a non-practising Muslim like Jinnah. Owing to its inadequacies, Indian nationalism could not inspire all communities alike. Admittedly, it is very sketchy account of post-1857 evolution of Indian thought. It merely underlines the fact that 1857 is a major watershed in the process of its evolution. Every Indian, irrespective of his political or religious beliefs, is proud of the valiant fight that their ancestors put against a foreign rule in that year and should proudly celebrate 150th year of the great event. But it is also the right time for Indian scholarship to dispassionately study the course that Indian nationalism took thereafter. |
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Profile
Satish Chandra Mishra
was a little known Rajya Sabha member from the Bahujan Samaj Party. This, of course till he established his credentials as the chief architect of the Brahmin participation in the BSP’s thumping victory in the recent elections to Uttar Pradesh Assembly. Mishra is now one of the key advisors of Chief Minister Mayawati. As a Cabinet Minister, it is believed, he will run the administration so that Mayawati will concentrate on politics. Truly, Mishra motivated her to transform the primarily Dalit-based BSP into a collective force of the Brahmins, Dalits and others. Notably, Brahmins command 13.8 per cent vote share in the most populous state of the Union. Mishra undertook a grueling 22,000-km trip across the 70 districts of UP, holding Brahmin sammelans (conclaves) six months before the elections. Though he speeded up the Brahmin sammelans before the elections, Mishra had been quietly and steadily carrying out this exercise for the last two years, sending the message that all parties had used Brahmins as a vote bank and that it was time they realised their clout. Mishra convinced his audience by arguing that Brahmins were not the exploiters of the have-not Dalits. The exploiters were, in fact, the powerful landowners. The argument gelled with the socially downtrodden sections. He would also make it a point to persuade Brahmins go to the nearest Dalit pockets for the goodwill rallies. A Brahmin himself, 55-year-old Mishra is an accomplished lawyer. He belonged to a respectable family of UP. His father, T.S. Mishra, was a High Court Judge. It was from his father that Mishra inherited a legally sharp mind. Mayawati was so impressed by his legal acumen that when she became the Chief Minister in 2002, she appointed him the Advocate-General. Mishra fought many legal battles for her including the Supreme Court case involving the defected BSP MLAs. Mishra often recalls a conversation between him and Mayawati when she appointed him the AG. He told the Chief Minister that, perhaps, she did not know that “I am a Brahmin”. A surprised Mayawati equipped: “It is a misconception that I am against Brahmins or high caste.” About two and half years back, when Mishra was offered the BSP membership, he was quite shaky; he could hardly see any future for someone coming from a totally apolitical high class Brahmin family in a party “of Dalits, for Dalits and by Dalits”. In course of time, Mishra wrote a new script for the BSP, evolved a new formula of the Dalit-Brahmin-Muslim axis which has come to be known as a marvel in social engineering. Historians say that the Congress had established its roots in UP by adopting this formula and ruled the state for four decades till the party’s leadership used Dalits as vote bank and did practically nothing for them. Mishra was briefly in the Central Hall of Parliament on the last day of the Budget session. He was naturally the focus of attention as fellow MPs and equally inquisitive media persons wanted to know the new road map, he may be chalking out for Mayawati. Mishra minced no words in stating that the BSP’s immediate objective is to take the “social engineering”, as seen in UP, to the neighbouring states. The aim is to expand the transformed BSP’s base in other parts of the country. “Our ultimate objective is to make Mayawati the Prime Minister”, he said, adding “the UP experiment’s success would go a long way in eventually re-writing the nation’s political destiny”. Mishra, who is known to talk less and listen more, was sarcastic as he referred to those who scoffed at him when he was holding Brahmin conclaves. “I have taken away the smile from their lips”, was his cryptic comment. Few may be knowing that Mishra was the poll manager of the late UP Chief Miinister H.N. Bahuguna in 1976. He was a political novice at that time. There was a time when he was the BJP’s sympathiser till circumstances made him Mayawati’s most trusted lieutenant. It was when Mayawati was out of office and embroiled in litigation that the relationship got strengthened. |
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— Anjoli Ela Menon, reputed artist — Vyjanthimala Bali, yesteryear actor Anti-fans are obsessive haters. They love to hate, just like fans love to love. And this hate is triggered by some strong emotional restlessness in their lives, which they are projecting on to the celebrity. — Dr Avdesh Sharma, psychiatrist — Sarika whose role in Bheja Fry, Parzania and Babul has been well received. The smaller and more intimate the audience, the better I rap with them. I like to do intimate concerts where people know the music and understand it. It’s all on a spiritual level specially with percussion and the vibrations it transmits. —Talvin Singh, noted musician — Aamir Khan, actor I am contemplating quitting acting as I am so tired of fame. I have decided I want a life instead. The celebrity thing is completely crazy. I think I just have to move away or give it up altogether. — Actor Keira Knightley Tailpiece: Life is like a game, but the biggest challenge is to win yet another game…Every journey has a meaning. Sometimes when you don’t know the exact destination, you find the most exciting
road. — Vishwanathan Anand,
Chess Grandmaster |
Punjab’s rural economy needs a big push During
a meeting with Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal, Secretary to Government of India, Panchayati Raj, Meenakshi Dutta Ghosh told him that the Centre will not give grants worth Rs 270 crore to the state for the rural sector as the state government has failed to observe several guidelines. It is not for the first time that the Punjab government has been warned about the stoppage of Central funds. On many occasions in the past also the state has lost crores of rupees because of its apathy and failure to take track of Central funds. Even a recent report (The Tribune, April 24, 2007) shows that under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewable Mission (JNNRUM), Punjab was to get Rs 520 crore out of the total Rs 50,000 crore earmarked for the purpose. However, because of the indifferent attitude of state machinery, Punjab could get a paltry sum of Rs 20 crore. Further, the Union Ministry for Panchayati Raj has also decided to set up an annual Incentive Fund amounting to Rs 5,000 crore for the period of Eleventh Five-Year Plan. What to talk of availing such facilities, one wonders if the state machinery is even aware of it. Presently, the crucial issue appears to be the propagation of the decentralisation model for economic development. According to the recommendations of the Twelfth Finance Commission (TFC), Punjab will get Rs 495 crore for local self governments out of which Rs 325 crore will flow to PRIs. But one thing which is not known to the higher ups is that Punjab’s share would have been substantially reduced had not the TFC abandoned the earlier decentralisation index as one of the important determinants to work out the inter-state share whereby it was mandatory for the state to implement the recommendations of the State Finance Commission. Already Punjab has appointed three State Finance Commissions, though the Third SFC has just submitted the interim report. However, the fate of the earlier two SFCs’ reports is not very encouraging. Unfortunately, local bodies in Punjab, particularly PRIs, have not received the attention they deserved. Punjab’s 66.08 per cent population still lives in rural areas, while the percentage contribution of agriculture as a whole, i.e., primary sector, has been declining. It is nearly 35 per cent today. This declining level of income has made Punjab farmers debt-ridden. Lack of employment opportunities in non-farm sector and poor health and educational facilities in the rural areas has added to their woes. Conventional mindset and inertia of the official machinery have further accentuated the problem. It is only the involvement of people at the grassroot level which can stem the rot. A decentralised model of economic development is the need of the hour. People living on agricultural income alone have to be provided with some supplementary sources of income at their doorsteps. Rural focal points need to be revived. However, in view of the non-availability of land for full fledged focal points, mini focal points or shopping centres can be created on centrally located panchayat land which could serve as a base for generating direct and indirect employment opportunities for semi-educated, semi-skilled and even unskilled workers by forming self-help groups (SHGs). Agencies like NABARD and commercial banks can be associated for financing such projects of the panchayats. The Union Ministry for Rural Development and Panchayats has been emphasising the need for creating rural business hubs to help panchayats collaborate with industry and strengthening the rural economy. Another concrete measure through which the Punjab government can help the farm community is to adopt crop insurance scheme in a big way. To begin with, the entire premium should be borne by such agencies as the Punjab Mandi Board. Since 50 per cent of the premium charged from the small and marginal farmers is subsidised, this will not impose much financial burden. Of late, increasing emphasis is being laid on inviting the mega projects which may accelerate the growth process in the state’s economy. However, it must be understood that they are reluctant to invest until and unless substantial tax benefits and freebies are offered to them. Secondly, these are mostly labour saving projects, and whatever labour is employed would be mostly the cheap migratory labour. Thus, salvation of the Punjab economy lies in strengthening its rural economy through decentralised planning model, where PRIs can play a dominant role. One cannot belittle the important role which PRIs can play in augmenting and improving infrastructural services in rural areas. Panchayats are in a better position to induce the NRIs and other donors for financing such services which can lead to substantial reduction in public expenditure. However, strengthening PRIs is not an easy task due to the prevailing mindset of the bureaucracy. It is often alleged by vested interests that it is not possible to transfer powers to the PRIs because these are belligerent with political rivalries. But is the state legislature and even Parliament free from such distractions? This has not belittled the importance of these institutions. Punjab can rejuvenate its sluggish economy and regain its lost glory on the social and economic fronts if PRIs are revitalised in a scientific way as has been done in Kerala. This southern state has consistently maintained its top notch position in the country insofar as human development index is concerned. n The writer is UGC Emeritus Fellow, Department of Economics, Punjabi
University,Patiala |
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On Record
The
Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, which has completed three years in office, has faced several internal security problems. How far the Centre succeeded in tackling them? In an interview to The Sunday Tribune, Union Minister of State for Home Sriprakash Jaiswal presents the Centre’s perspective. Excerpts: Q: The situation in Jammu and Kashmir does not seem to have changed either in the NDA or UPA rule. Why? A: There has been remarkable improvement in Kashmir. There was a record tourist inflow into the state. Same is the case with Amarnath yatris. The inflow is likely to be even more this year. I won’t say the Kashmir problem has been resolved. However, violent incidents and infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir has definitely decreased. Compared to the situation 15 years ago, there is a sea change today. Some separatist groups may have sighing away from coming to the negotiating table, but we are confident that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s effort to bring all Kashmiri groups to the negotiating table, to ensure lasting peace in the Valley will succeed. Q: Did the confidence building measures with Pakistan achieve the desired results? A: The CBMs with Pakistan and peace initiatives with Kashmiri groups coupled with massive developmental activities in Jammu and Kashmir are bringing about positive changes at the ground level. As for the CBMs’ impact on reduction in infiltration and terror strikes, there has been some positive impact, but we believe that in the years to come it would be more. Q: Naxalism is posing a big threat to Internal Security. How and why is it spreading? A: There were deliberate attempts by some sections to project some incidents in Haryana as Naxalism. But Naxalism gained ground only in those states where for years there was no economic development and land reforms. During the past 3-4 years, Andhra Pradesh, which was the worst Naxal-affected state, has successfully tackled the situation through economic development and by taking firm action against those indulging in violence. The key to effective tackling of Naxalism lies with the states. They should infuse economic development in the Naxal-hit districts, create employment opportunities to prevent the youth from getting influenced by Naxalites, fill vacancies in the police force and modernise it. Q: Which state has been found wanting in checking Naxalism? A: A big gap has been seen in Chhattisgarh followed by Jharkhand. The Chhattisgarh government has taken some steps to tackle the problem. However, a lot more needs to be done Q: Is the Centre in favour of the Salva Judum movement in Chhattisgarh? A: No state would like to create a problem for itself. If Chhattisgarh wants to carry forward the Salva Judum movement, we have no objection as it is basically aimed at curbing Naxalism. But the government must provide full security to the people joining the movement. As the government has failed to ensure this, attacks have increased of late. Q: What about the situation in the North-East? A: The internal security situation there has been problematic for several years. However, it is normal in Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Sikkim. As for Nagaland and Manipur, the situation is fluctuating due to racial clashes. But there is some improvement after the initiation of peace talks with NSCN (IM) and NSCK (K). In Assam, the ULFA has been creating problems now and then. The Centre, in association with the state governments, has been constantly working towards bringing normalcy in the region. Q: How are you tackling the ULFA problem? A: The Centre is extending all possible help to the state to prevent killings. The ULFA’s design to create a wedge between the Hindi-speaking and non-Hindi speaking people in Assam is highly condemnable. However, the people have not fallen into the trap. I admire their grit in facing the situation. Q: Why is the Centre reluctant to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers Act? A: As stated by the Prime Minister, we will bring about some amendments in the Act to make it more humane. Our effort will be to adopt a middle path to provide relief to the people as also protect the morale of the
forces. |
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Nuclear plants to meet power
shortage Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh’s announcement that a nuclear power plant would be set up in Haryana assumes special significance. Addressing a meeting at Barwala (Hisar) on May 20, he said that the government had already selected a site in Fatehabad district and that work on the project would begin soon. Punjab too needs a nuclear plant though it would involve problems like land acquisition and displacement of population. In 1997, there was a plan to instal a plant at Daroli in Patiala district. However, following stiff opposition from farmers, it was dropped. The new government in Punjab plans to revive the proposal as the state is facing a severe power shortage of 3000 MW. The other alternative being considered is to go for equity in the nuclear plant being built by Rajasthan. Both these proposals need careful study. After internalising the costs involved on account of waste management and provision of a reasonable value, the cost of generation of nuclear power compares favourably with coal-based thermal power for states like Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. These states are situated far away from the pit heads and have even imported coal from China. It would be better to go in for equity investement in a plant to be installed in Haryana or Rajasthan where barren land and sparse population density areas are available. There is, of course, the ‘Nimby’ (not in my back-yard) phenomenon. Local communities oppose the nuclear plant idea for safety reasons. Many developed countries have decided to opt out of this mode of power generation and evolved plans to reduce their dependence on nuclear electricity. Nuclear plants should be located in sparsely populated areas which are distant from large population centres. This is necessary to minimise the community’s opposition and to reduce the complexity associated with emergency pluming. To minimise the health and safety risks, the regulators require “staged buffer zones” around the nuclear power plants. According to elaborate guidelines evolved by Finland, a nuclear plant needs a three-layered buffer zone. Zone I extends to one km from the facility within which permanent settlement is prohibited. Zone II, known as ‘protective zone’, extends to 5 km around the plant and excludes sensitive activities such as hospitals and high density settlement growth. Zone III, called ‘emergency planning zone’, extends to about 20 km from the plant. Plans are prepared for complete evacuation from this zone in case of a mishap. In the US, the cost of nuclear power generation is equal to coal-fired thermal plants. However, gas-fired thermal plants remain a cheaper source. In India, nuclear power generation remains competitive with thermal plants located at over 1200 km from the coal pit heads. While nuclear plants suffer from high capital cost due to high safety standards, thermal plants suffer from huge transportation cost of coal or other fuel.n The writer is a former Chief Engineer (Irrigation), Punjab |
Speak of Indira, Mitra, Varuna, Agni and the divine Gurutman. They are reflection on one Reality which the sages call by many names — Agni, Yama, Matarisvan etc. |
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Why this sudden objection to contemporary artists who are using nudity as a symbol in art? When did the devi cease to be clad in air? Why have we now embraced an imported Victorian prudery?…The great gift of Republic of India to the creative community was freedom of expression. This has led to immense flowering of arts. We will fight tooth and nail to preserve this gift.
God gave me the energy to dance. Dancing is a passion for me, something that I always love to do. I don’t really miss the camera; channels still screen my films and many in the younger generation still know me. So the memories are still there.
If you are honest in whatever you set out to do in life, you need not be scared at all. No matter how uphill your task is, you will be able to do it if you decide to do it.
Whatever I do in my life, I like to do it on my terms. I like doing things that I believe in. I can see that I am an oddball and I don’t fit the requirements of what is recognised as a star today.
