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Murder in Modiland Go by the Constitution |
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Champions at work
Caution: danger ahead
Who moved my idli?
Immunity no longer the journalist’s defence Inside Pakistan Chatterati
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Murder in Modiland THE case involving the killing of Sheikh Sohrabuddin in a fake encounter by Gujarat’s anti-terrorist squad is getting murkier. After accepting that the encounter was fake, the state government has now also admitted before the Supreme Court that it was not sure whether his wife Kausar Bi, who was accompanying him on that fateful day, was alive. She has been missing ever since Sohrabuddin was eliminated on November 26, 2005, and it was claimed that he was a LeT operative targeting certain leaders, including Chief Minister Narendra Modi. In fact, the police went to town claiming credit for nipping a terrorist attack in the bud. The Sheikh’s relatives have been running from the proverbial pillar to post since then and it is only now, when the Supreme Court has taken up the matter, that the government has arrested three IPS officers involved in the “encounter” that was nothing less than cold-blooded murder. Intriguingly, the queries of the family about Kausar Bi have been ignored all this while. To add insult to injury, certain leaders have been shouting from the rooftop that Sohrabuddin was not an innocent person and was involved in 68 cases of heinous crimes in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. Even if he was, did it give the anti-terrorism squad any right to eliminate him in a staged encounter? Not only that, the third man accompanying him, Tulsiram Prajapati, was also later killed in another encounter. The government’s stand that it was not sure whether Kausar Bi was alive is as good as an admission that she too has perished in the fake shootout. What was her fault? Will an attempt be made to prove that she, too, was a notorious criminal involved in many heinous crimes? The trigger-happy policemen have put a question mark on the authenticity of all such operations. Next time an actual terrorist is arrested or killed, there will be an incredulous look on the face of even those who think that the police is a disciplined force and not a band of killers. And what about Modi’s claim, endorsed by his mentor Lal Krishna Advani, that his is the best administered state in the country? |
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Go by the Constitution LOK Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee’s caution against “judicial activism” must be seen against the background of the Centre’s failure to get vacated the Supreme Court’s stay order on the 27 per cent quota for the OBCs in institutions like the IIMs and the IITs. Significantly, in his Kailash Nath Katju memorial lecture, he spoke at length about the separation of powers among the three organs of the Constitution -- the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. All the organs are equal and there is no “super organ” because the Constitution does not confer overriding powers on any particular one, he said. Few will disagree with his views. However, problems are bound to arise if even one of them oversteps its limits. Thus, all the three ought to function within their limits. If the apex court stays or quashes any impugned legislation, Parliament should try to understand and appreciate the ruling. As the protector of the Constitution, the judiciary has to ensure that the laws (or amendments) passed by Parliament or state assemblies are constitutionally valid. Judicial review is an essential component of the Constitution and the politicians cannot grudge this. Who will check arbitrary exercise of power by the legislature or the executive if there is no judicial scrutiny as enshrined in the Constitution? The tirade of the UPA allies against the judiciary on the OBC quota issue is deplorable. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s threat of a nationwide agitation by pro-quota students if the Centre fails to obtain vacation of the stay order comes close to blackmail. Those holding constitutional posts should refrain from doing anything that would disturb the equilibrium. In this context, the Supreme Court’s review of its stand regarding the composition of the Centre’s Forest Advisory Committee (FAC) is realistic and welcome. The apex court was in favour of including experts in FAC as suggested by the Central Empowered Committee. However, the Centre was opposed to this. The court’s decision reflects its willingness to end the five-month-long impasse. This is the kind of spirit that should guide the three organs of the state. |
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Champions at work AT
the end, it was sheer dominance that continued as the Aussies lifted the Cricket World Cup
third time in a row. But even apart from the rain interruptions and the farcical false finishes played out in the dark, and the simple fact that the most deserving side in the game did indeed win, and as convincingly as ever, it wasn’t just another win for the Aussies. For the World Cup 2007 final was lit up by an incandescent performance that comes just once in a while, and can only be played by a cricketer who belongs to the category of the greats. Adam Gilchrist’s 149 in 104 balls, with 13 fours and 8 sixes, will never be forgotten by those who saw it. Even those catching only glimpses on replays cannot miss the clean hitting, the straight bat always playing through the line, never across, and the timing and power that rained sixes and fours at the Kensington Oval at Barbados. Great performances at finals is something we have come to expect from the Aussies. We are still reeling from Ricky Ponting’s “shock-and-awe” innings of 140 against India in the last World Cup final in 2003. And as for this cup, Mathew Hayden played some astonishing innings, and it is, in fact, his return to form and the return of Symonds from injury that ensured that the cup was not as “open” as it felt at the start. This cup will also be remembered for the player of the tournament, the out-going Glenn McGrath, who made such outstanding contributions not only to his own team but also to the art of fast bowling. He will remain an inspiration for all. In the days to come, plenty will be found to criticise this cup. There was the tedious schedule, the poor cricket that many teams played to make the game so one-sided, the high-priced tickets that kept many genuine fans out, and the security regime that took the calypso party feel out of the entire tournament. Apart from the Australians and the Sri Lankans, many a cricketer with the “great player” tag had nothing to show from the cup. But there is no denying the excellence of one team that swept like a raging bush fire over the tournament and cindered everything in its path. |
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The trouble with referees is that they just don’t care which side wins. —
Tom Canterbury |
Caution: danger ahead THE unravelling of a human trafficking ring engaged in illicit immigration abroad, featuring some MPs and rouge travel agents, is another shocking reminder of the rot that most political parties have so assiduously cultivated to undermine the Indian State and its core values. That Babubhai Katara is a BJP MP from Gujarat and VHP member since suspended by the party in a show of righteous indignation is beside the point. All the major political parties, national and regional, are tarred with the same brush, repeat offenders who brazen it out every time they are wrong-footed. Katara used his privileged status as an MP to doctor his wife’s passport in a bid to smuggle a Punjabi woman and her son to Toronto for Rs 30 lakh. It now appears that at least three other MPs are allegedly involved in the ring - Tahir Khan (BSP, UP), Ramswaroop Koli (BJP, Rajasthan) and a third, now deceased, parliamentarian. These are not first-time offenders. Katara has been previously charged with booth capturing and looting and his elder son was arrested on a murder charge related to the post-Godhra riots. Tahir has been charged with rioting and land-grab, while Koli was among the MPs suspended by the Lok Sabha earlier for fraud in regard to the MP Local Area Development Scheme. All parties disown the wicked as soon as they are found out, but are ready to embrace these power brokers again. The BJP’s distancing of the party from Katara recalls Bangaru Laxman, former president of the party, and Dilip Singh Judeo, the minister caught on camera in a sting operation. The cash-for-questions scam and the CNN-IBN exposures of UP MLAs engaged in narcotics peddling, gun running and similar nefarious hobbies are chilling. But the show goes on and all parties are glad to reap the rewards of money, caste, a contrived riot here or there, a convenient murder and whatever else helps win votes and remain in power. The ends, howsoever selfish, appear to justify the means. The lust for power seems to bring on a certain madness or acts as an opiate that dulls the senses to every kind of shenanigans. Look at the latest polls and count the number of persons with shameful criminal records who are in the fray from every side. The disclosure regime for electoral candidates appears to have made precious little difference in the three or four years since it was introduced. People have been shaken by the disclosures; not the candidates nor their parties. Follow up on the disclosures has been largely left to the media and some civil society election-watch groups and the State has been chary of intervening for whatever reason, possibly because nobody’s hands are clean. The BJP compact disc prepared cynically to exploit the anti-Muslim communal card during the current UP polls is disgusting and dangerous. The excuses from the top that the tapes were not authorised or were released before the election code became applicable are specious and disingenuous. Consider the sad and, now, sinister sequence of events. First, the politicians went to the mafia and bootleggers for electoral and party funding and incurred unspoken obligations to protect these elements. Then the mafia (and corporates) purchased MPs and MLAs to represent and mediate their interests in the legislature and executive branch. Gradually the mafia dons became kingmakers, from which it was but a short leap to try and assume the role of king. Dons entered legislatures and took office or held plum positions with vast discretionary powers. Criminals, dacoit gangs and insurgent groups have provided parties with money and muscle to contest and win elections. For years they had made an art of booth-capturing and rigging until the CEC clamped down. The bureaucracy, the police and the lower judiciary were drawn into the racket, many honourable exceptions notwithstanding. In the Northeast, various insurgent groups have partnered the regional and national parties. Such unlikely but cosy coalitions are spreading. The Naxals have joined in agitations and movements against SEZs and Nandigrams and have been happily welcomed as partners by the most unlikely elements in a marriage of convenience. The enemy’s enemy is your friend it seems. So, new Trojan Horses are being designed. In J&K, the Maoists have reportedly been in dialogue with the jehadis about joining hands. In every case the message seems to be that principles do not matter; power does. Many mistakenly worry about political coalitions. We have had the NDA and the UPA and similar types of alliances and united fronts in the states. This is not a bad thing by any means and has made for a measure of consensual government. But are we heading towards a “higher” stage of coalition-building, where all manner of dons, mafias, insurgent and subversive groups join hands in a united front to confront a hollowed-out state and civil society? Corruption and malfeasance go unpunished and cases linger for years. There is no due process. Impunity reigns. Beware. It could be later than we think. Are we heading towards a “higher” stage of coalition-building, where all manner of dons, mafias, insurgent and subversive groups join hands in a united front to confront a hollowed-out state and civil
society?
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Who moved my idli? THIS is really hard to stomach — Indian Railways doing away with idli and dosa. Woe betide the man who came up with the idea of eliminating these southern favourites from the Railways menu. The Indian Railways Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC), which handles catering contracts and services, says that idli-dosa have been taken off on a “trial basis”. This trial is an error, and fraught with unimaginably serious consequences. Lalu Prasad has added many feathers to his cap as Railway Minister. The idli, or rather its absence, may prove to be his undoing. Ministerships have been lost for a lot less than the humble idli. The sooner he realises this, and restores the fluffy, steamed patty to its rightful place, the better it would be for his political future. The idli came to the Railways before Lalu. In fact, the idli is much older than the railways - it is mentioned in writings as early as the 10th century. The idli is inseparable from the Madrasi; where he goes, the idli follows. From Kumbakonam to Kansas, Udipi to Ulanbaatar, Madurai to Manhattan, the idli has travelled far and wide. Never mind that it takes days for the idli batter to rise in ferment in cold Canada or that it foams within hours in Fiji, the Madrasi - be he from Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka or Andhra Pradesh - survives on it. Take away his idli, and he is a goner. Time was when the Madrasi would have taken it lying down. Not any longer, in this day and age where consumer is king. If the railways decide to do away with idli, then the idli-eater may decide to do away with rail travel. Why not, when air travel is cheaper and airlines serve idlis, and filter coffee to boot. The fast trains may be made to run faster, but to what avail if the fastest of fast foods — the once-humble idli — is not served on a platter. In recent decades, the idli is no more the humble and ignored item it was. Enormous research and development has gone into finding newer, easier and hi-tech ways to grind the batter, maintain the temperature for its fermentation, steam it just right and retain its taste and fluffiness. Microbiology labs have spent billions of dollars to figure out how the fermentation process can be controlled and multinationals are making a beeline to buy idli-serving restaurants in India. That’s the big picture. Politically, more idli-eaters have occupied Rashtrapati Bhavan than non-idli-eaters. If Lalu has any political ambition at all, beyond becoming Prime Minister, he better get it right about the idli batter instead of becoming an idli-baiter. The idli-eaters of the world are a formidable force, and hell hath no fury like an idli-eater
scorned. |
Immunity no longer the journalist’s defence WHEN did the sands run out for us journalists? When did the moment of immunity pass away? When we took to wearing flak jackets or donned military costumes in the 1990 Gulf War? In Bosnia? In the cancerous, repetitive use of “terrorism, terrorism, terrorism” in our news reports? In Iraq, as we stood in our gated hotels, behind our watchtowers and bodyguards? When we grew used to what Martin Bell calls the “two palm trees”, the Monty Python-like shrubbery that stands as a back-lot to almost every BBC report from the roof of its Baghdad office? How come Alan Johnston [of the BBC] can be held for more than six weeks – a first-class reporter, an innocent, honest, decent journalist – with so little result from the demonstrations by journalists demanding his freedom? For me, it began in September 1983 – September 6, to be precise – when Terry Anderson, the Associated Press bureau chief in Beirut and I were in the smashed town of Bhamdoun in the central Lebanese mountains. US ships were bombarding Druze and Palestinian militiamen as the Americans - yes, here we go again - were supporting the “democratically elected” Lebanese government of Amin Gemayel. Terry and I had clambered over uprooted trees, across streets carpeted with spent ammunition, when a Palestinian gunman approached us. He was unkempt, unshaved. He smelled bad. “From where you come?” he asked. “Press,” we chorused. “Why are you here?” Terry produced his Lebanese press card. So did I. “America”. “America kills Palestinians.” I still remember the look on Terry’s face. “Journalists,” we chanted again. “Sahafa”. Reporters. There were more armed men now, one of them, dressed in black, looking at Terry. “America kills Muslims. Why you want to kill Muslims? Are you a spy?” I had never been treated like this before. Something had gone wrong. For decades, we had travelled around the Middle East with our little press cards, shouting sahafa at every checkpoint and been waved through, grudgingly, perhaps, but always on the basis that we had a job to do, that we didn’t work for governments, that we were fair, outside the fight, immune. That vital connection had now dried up. We were no longer journalists. We were foreigners, ajnabi in Arabic. Eventually we were saved by a young man, a Palestinian, who said that we were journalists doing our dangerous job, that we should be protected. The other gunmen were unmoved and they stared at us distrustfully as we walked away. Within six weeks, suicide bombers had killed 241 US servicemen in the marine barracks in Beirut and in less than 18 months Terry himself would be kidnapped and held – and remember this as we patiently enter the seventh week of Alan Johnston’s kidnapping – for almost seven years. It is easy to blame ourselves. Our cosy relations with foreign embassies led the enemies of our countries to think we were secret agents. Our donning military costume in 1991 was an act of folly. The infamous “pools” – now replaced by the equally infamous “inbeds” (how did we ever come to accept such outrageous words?) – can have done us no good. But we reporters are clearly now in the firing line. We were targets – deliberately so – in Sarajevo. The US military has shot us down. The shameful American response to the death of British reporters outside Basra in 2003 shows how promiscuously “our” side now treats our lives. When a Reuters cameraman was killed by American troops at Abu Ghraib, the soldiers involved simply lied about it. The cameraman was a Palestinian. Yet our job is now ever more cabin’d, cribbed, confined. And “our” side likes it that way. Neither the Americans nor the British want us scurrying around unsupervised in Iraq, nosing out the lies of our governments, uncovering the dirty deeds of the US air force in Iraq or, for that matter, in Afghanistan. And so it has come to pass. We cannot move in most of Iraq for fear of being butchered by our countries’ enemies. We cannot move in southern Afghanistan. Italian journalists might be ransomed by their governments. Afghan journalists – I am thinking of the reporter/translator of the Italian who was kidnapped – simply have their heads chopped off. Never has reporting been so circumscribed by these terrors. Never have we been so poorly informed. Now I suppose it could be said that the Second World War wasn’t much different. Why should we expect different today? Well, one reason is because this is not the Second World War. Nor is it World War Three. We are illegally fighting wars across the Middle East, supporting occupation and – by our frivolous support for the most objectionable governments – killing tens of thousands of innocents. As journalists we can oppose this. We can raise our voices against these great injustices. But only if we are free. Yes, of course, I add my voice to those demanding the release of Alan Johnston. His imprisonment is a disaster for the Palestinians and for all the Arabs of the Middle East. And as long as he is held, how can we cover the atrocities of Iraq and Afghanistan as well as Gaza? By arrangement with
The Independent |
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Inside Pakistan THE Musharraf regime’s drive to make the media fall in line remains unabated. The latest sufferer is Aaj Television, owned by the prestigious Business Recorder group. Its crime: extensive and critical coverage of the controversy surrounding the removal of Pakistan Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) has threatened to take it off the air if it failed to explain “why it violated an order of the Supreme Judicial Council, which is hearing the case against Justice Chaudhry, by telecasting news and talk-shows on the sub judice case”, according to The Daily Times. But the media has not taken it lying down. Aaj TV challenged the PEMRA “show cause” notice in the Sindh High Court, which suspended its operation and fixed May 16 as the next date of hearing, as a Business Recorder report says. “This blatant attempt by the government to curtail media freedom” has been condemned by the All-Pakistan Newspapers Society, the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission and many other such organisations. A Dawn editorial (April 25) says: “PEMRA’S notice to Aaj Television belies President Musharraf’s claims about Press freedom. At least that is how the issue will now be seen after PEMRA has served a show-cause notice on Aaj TV for, among other things, airing shows on the current judicial crisis and threatened it with closure. This move also reinforces the sad truth that the government has learnt nothing from its mistakes, specifically last month’s attacks on the Jang group’s offices in Islamabad.” After the two most popular politicians – former Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif – let them down by keeping themselves away from their country when they were needed the most, Pakistanis seem to have found a new “leader” in Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. The sacked Chief Justice of Pakistan has become the symbol of defiance of General Pervez Musharraf’s rule, which has been trying to destroy one by one all the institutions necessary for a truly democratic set-up. That is the main reason why Justice Chaudhry is getting a hero’s welcome wherever he goes, and he has been travelling extensively after his victimisation by the military-backed regime. No one ever expected a judge to provide the people an opportunity to express their dislike for the indirect army rule. In this regard, The News Executive Editor Rahimullah Yusufzai says: “After being welcomed by huge crowds of lawyers, political workers and commoners in Sukkur, Hyderabad and Peshawar, Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry of the Supreme Court of Pakistan has not only become a trendsetter but has also introduced a new and largely unpredictable element in the country’s politics. “One had to be at the Peshawar High Court premises to feel the kind of raw emotion that was on display the day Justice Chaudhry came on a visit. Those present were all fired up and ready to applaud anyone critical of the present set of rulers. The mood was rebellious….” All eyes are now fixed on a programme to be organised by the Lahore Bar Association. Threats from Lashkar-e-Islam While the crisis caused by the clerics controlling Islamabad’s Lal Masjid and its madarsas remains yet to be fully resolved, the threat to the rule of law has been posed by another influential cleric in a similar manner in the Bara area in the NWFP. Exploiting the sentiments of youngsters in the wake of the recent sectarian clashes in tribal areas, Maulana Mangal Bagh of the Lashkar-e-Islam last Monday asked the students of the schools in the Bara area to come together to face “the onslaught” of the Frontier Constabulary. Three students lost their lives in the avoidable clash. The Lashkar chief, who has been fanning sectarianism among the tribals, wanted to constitute a student wing of his outfit and he has succeeded in it. Perhaps, the Lal Masjid episode emboldened him to work on this otherwise dangerous idea. He may now use his student followers to resort to violence for getting his pointless demands accepted. As The News commented on Wednesday, “Mangal Bagh’s mostly youthful followers went on the rampage on Sunday as well, attacking music shops selling audio-cassettes and video-cassettes... Such vigilante actions have to be effectively dealt with by the government lest such elements get further emboldened.” But does Islamabad has the courage to do so? The answer is “No” if one goes by what happened in the case of Lal
Masjid. |
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Chatterati THERE is a new political party fighting elections in Uttar Pradesh. The Association of the Dead (Mritak Sangh) has been founded by Lal Bihari, 48 years old. This is to highlight the plight of thousands of people who have had their lives taken away from them by relatives in cahoots with corrupt government officials. Of course, they know that they will never win this election but somehow they want to highlight how unscrupulous relatives try to steal their assets by declaring them dead. Bihari Lal, dressed in a crisp white kurta pyjama, addresses small crowds who listen to his election speeches carefully. He was declared dead in 1976 by his uncle who then took over all his property. Uttar Pradesh marks the beginning of Assembly elections in 11 states that could change the scenario of political India before the general elections in 2009. Congress leaders are worried about the U.P. results even though their “ace card” Rahul Gandhi has worked there. They are preparing to lose in Goa, Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. The Congress party is desperate to retain Goa and is apprehensive about the anti-incumbency factor in Himachal Pradesh. It has gained no ground in Gujarat, as it is absent from the field. The Congress party is expecting to climb to the third position given a positive response to Rahul Gandhi. He does seem to have awakened the youth. Well, as of now the BJP retains the third position with indications of further improving its tally in the polls. A poor performance by the Congress, or even the status quo, will be a “major disappointment” as the campaign in UP was being led personally by Rahul Gandhi whom the party wants to project in the general elections. His mother Sonia Gandhi and sister also have pitched in, lambasting the Mulayam Government. Divine grace Elections in UP are no longer the Eastman colour thriller of yesteryears. The silence of the voters is deafening and exit polls are only adding to the sense of unease among parties and candidates. Hence, leaders and candidates are turning to religion and pundits are having a field day organising yagnas and pujas. At least five anushthans (elaborate ritual) are presently being conducted in Varanasi, seven in Mathura and four in Allahabad, to ensure a favourable outcome in the elections. Surprisingly, more than the BJP, it is now the Samajwadi Party candidates who are turning to religion for solace. In Varanasi, a three-day anushthan is being carried out in Varanasi for the well being of chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav as he is facing the toughest election of his career. There is also a Nav Graha puja and a shatru-hanta yagna – the latter for the defeat of his enemies. A senior Samajwadi Party minister and a BJP legislator, who are locked in a fierce battle with their respective constituencies, are also organising pujas in Varanasi to ease the situation. Wifes and brothers of the Samajwadi and BJP members are personally participating in the puja. |
A truly religious man should think that other religions also are paths leading to truth. We should always maintain an attitude of respect towards other religions. Your Nature works everywhere. You are the Master of Nature, its Creator-Lord. Where God is, there is love. And where there is love, there is always service. |
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