 |
|
|
What ails India On Record Save the living
and unborn daughters |
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Plight of human rights panels Profile Diversities — Delhi Letter
|
What ails India
H K DUA’s front-page editorial aptly raised this question, “Freedom for whom?” (August 15). Clearly, the answer is: “Freedom for India and not for Bharat”.
According to a reliable estimate, three-fourth of the Indian Republic’s citizens represent Bharat. The privileged sections of the population are: politicians, bureaucrats (civil and police), industrialists and businessmen, the underworld and, of course, the entire middle and upper class population. The nexus between politicians, underworld and bureaucracy has been going stronger ever since Independence. India is a wonderful country. If you have the right connections, you can go scot-free after committing any crime and scam. This has eroded the credibility of the state and the government. Such is the extent of the loss of credibility that a common man has almost lost faith in the system and justice. Some people often blame democracy for this. But why blame democracy? The fault lies with those running the democracy. Democracy is the best form of governance the human civilisation has ever been able to evolve. Under the Constitution, every citizen enjoys equal rights. However, even the much-hyped fundamental right to speech is often not allowed in practice. The elected leadership conveniently forgets the common people after elections and the citizen becomes a captive voter. The voters must have the right to reject the candidate(s). If the percentage of such votes is higher than those who have voted for one or another candidate, the election must be held null and void. Sadly, most educated people are indifferent to elections: while they abstain from exercising their democratic right to vote, those who vote are not fully aware of the candidates. India has made a formidable progress since Independence. Its per capita net national product (at constant prices) has increased from Rs 3,687 in 1950-51 to Rs 19,649 in 2004-05. The indices of industrial and agricultural production have increased from 8 to 46 to 205 and 179, respectively, during the same period. The gross domestic capital formation (as per cent of GDP) has increased from 8.7 per cent in 1950-51 to 30 per cent in 2004-05. The life expectancy has increased from 32 years to 63 years during the same period. During the last four years, the GDP growth rate has been near 8 per cent per annum. These achievements could have been much higher had the leadership governed the country with a people-oriented agenda. It has been mostly personalised agenda after the Nehru regime. The political leadership thereafter was largely constituted of politicians and not of statesmen. Their agenda was not service before self but the other way round. No political party feels shy of using religion, caste, region and language as instruments of elections. Money power is openly used to buy the votes. Their development agenda synchronises with the vote bank agenda. The very kind of governance has given rise to widespread corruption and huge black economy. India is one of the highly corrupt countries in the world. The size of black economy is estimated to be in the tune of 45 per cent of GDP. In absolute terms, it was Rs 12,79,754 crore during 2004-05. This is mainly the result of politician-mafia- bureaucrat- businessman nexus. This black economy is lining the pockets of the above mentioned nexus which could otherwise have gone to the state exchequer. In that case, poverty and unemployment would have vanished. And the quality of human life would have been much better. For a highly populated country like India, there is an urgent need to improve the quality of human capital. The UNDP’s Human Development Report (1990) says, “the real wealth of a nation is its people. And the purpose of development is to create an enabling environment for people to enjoy long, healthy and creative lives. This simple but powerful truth is too often forgotten in the pursuit of material and financial wealth”. It is imperative to act upon this advice if India wants to reap the demographic dividend in the changing global scenario. Mr Jagmohan, former Union Minister, has tried to identify the rot, and give a solution in his article, “Rediscovery of India” (The Tribune, Oped Page, Aug 15). He has identified that “of all the maladies from which India at the moment is suffering, it is one of inner decay that is most serious.” Certainly, the solution would be getting rid of this “inner decay” by rediscovering India. Perhaps very few people know that India’s share in world GDP around 1700 AD was about 22 per cent as against China’s 23 per cent. At present, their respective share in real world GDP is 6.4 per cent and 11.1 per cent respectively. Clearly, over the period of 300 years the decline in their global position is unbelievable. The poverty incidence in China is less than 5 per cent, whereas it is 26 per cent in India! The problem with the Indian growth strategy is that it is exclusive and not inclusive in nature. Majority of the workforce is either excluded from the growth process or working in a very low productivity unorganised/ informal sector. This sector is contributing nearly 30 per cent industrial production with 91 per cent workforce. As a result, the benefit of growth is not percolating down and inequality, unemployment and poverty are persisting in a big way. Moreover, the institutional framework is weak. The exclusive growth strategy and weak institutional system may render the growth rate unsustainable. More so, India’s growth has largely been urban biased. Even the World Bank has recognised this. Such a growth strategy may not sustain and address the pressing problems of poverty, inequality and unemployment. In the process, the “India-Bharat” divide may increase and the freedom ultimately would be for India and not for Bharat. The natural outcome of that would be Bharat’s struggle for Independence. At present, Bharat is struggling to attain freedom from absolute poverty, unemployment, malnutrition, under-nourishment, etc. There is a serious sense of deprivation and exclusion on the part of Bharat. Such a scenario is not in the interest of the country. The World Bank’s latest report (2006) recognises the need to narrow down the degree of inequality. The political leadership, the bureaucracy and the policy makers would have to give a new thrust and orientation to their character and intentions. The Bharat too would have to be more aware to fight for its own rights. It is often said that where the people are aware, the governments are responsive; and where the people are unaware, the governments are irresponsive. The latter scenario leads to a pathetic situation. The writer is Professor, Department of Economics, Punjabi University, Patiala |
|
On Record
University Grants Commission Chairman Professor Sukhadeo Thorat has worked
extensively on social exclusion, economic discrimination and economic problems
of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. While caste-based discrimination
in urban society is on the decline, market discrimination is still a reality,
he says. Prof Thorat, who is a member of the Oversight Committee on
Reservations, says education must be made more inclusive by increasing the
intake of students and incorporating courses dealing with marginalised sections
of society. Head of the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, Prof Thorat, he
maintains that unless it is recognised that caste discrimination works in
multiple ways and in diverse markets, including the private sector, capital
markets and land markets, any form of affirmative action will remain an
incomplete strategy. In an interview to The Sunday Tribune, Prof Thorat
outlines the UGC’s initiative to improve higher education and the quality of
research. Excerpts: Q: Most universities and colleges have expressed
concern that they may not be able to implement the 27 per cent reservation for
the socially and educationally backward classes owing to limited infrastructure
and finances. How do you address their concerns? A: While institutions
will be given additional support to implement the expansion, the universities
and colleges must also learn to make optimum use of the given infrastructure
and facilities. The Oversight Committee will have detailed discussions with the
people concerned and programmes will be developed to help them. Q: Should
the creamy layer be kept out of the quota ambit? A: (Smiles!) I
would not like to comment on the issue. The Moily Committee’s final report is
yet to come out. Q: What is the UGC doing to ensure quality in higher
education? A: The UGC has developed an administrative mechanism to control
the quality of education at three to four levels. The first is the National
Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) that gives accreditation to
colleges and universities and grades them. This is one way of maintaining
quality. There are 17,568 colleges of which 2000 are not under the UGC’s
purview. We try to have a quality assessment of these colleges through NAAC
before that if any college wants grants from the UGC they have to be recognised
under 2f and 12B, conditions for which have been laid down and have to be
met. Then, we have recently announced new initiatives like increase in the
number of scholarships for Ph. D and post-doctoral students and research
associates in social sciences and reforms in the National Eligibility Test
(NET). New programmes and centres have also been started. We will give special
support for opening women’s hostels and help academic associations of
university and college teachers for organising academic conferences. Q:
What incentives are being given to colleges and universities that excel? A:
Incentives are given only to institutions recognised under 2f and 12B. We
promote excellence for which we already have the potential for the excellence
scheme. This is extended to universities, colleges and some special centres
with potential for excellence. As of now, special grants under this scheme have
been provided to nine universities, 97 colleges and 10 centres in 12
universities. These institutions are given a special grant of about Rs 30 lakh
or so. Then, there are special assistance programmes for departments. We now
support 477 departments for research. Q: What about the concerns over your
decision on the NET exam? Will it have an adverse impact on the quality of
teachers? A: In a letter, the Union HRD Secretary has asked all the
universities to fill in the teaching vacancies. The letter laid out how the
education system is suffering due to these vacancies. The quality of teachers
will be better if we have a good supply of candidates who have M. Phil and Ph.
D degrees. We have allowed such candidates to apply for teaching posts even if
they have not qualified the NET so that we can have more candidates. We have
increased the number of research fellowships so that we have better quality of
teachers. I do not understand why NET is being considered the main thing.
Doing a Ph. D is just as important. Ultimately, a candidate should be judged on
the basis of his academic excellence and interview. An interviewer should be
able to assess the quality of a teacher. Selection committees should have the
final say. Q: There is a spurt in the number of Deemed Universities. Is the
UGC encouraging private players to participate in higher education? A: The
concept of a Deemed University was introduced by the first Education Commission
to encourage voluntary initiative in education. Many institutions provide
special and innovative education. The civil society must recognise such
institutions and, if they prescribe to the guidelines, allow them as Deemed
Universities. There are guidelines laid down for institutions to become a
Deemed University. The criterion is strict and the procedure is followed
meticulously. The whole process of granting Deemed University status is
monitored very closely by the agencies like the All India Council for Technical
Education (AICTE), Medical Council of India and the UGC.
|
|
Save
the living and unborn daughters FEmale
foeticide has become a big problem today. However, if we sincerely
want to end the menace of killing our unborn daughters, society must
first take strong measures to safeguard the interests of innocent
girls. A typical woman in the countryside faces cruelty at the hands of her husband and in-laws. It won’t be that easy for her to take an independent decision against foeticide. The ugly part is that the husbands and the in-laws who are ruining the life of the brides are the ones who don’t want a baby girl in their families. Foeticide is a blot on our society. But what about those living girls who are being tortured and killed mercilessly every day by their husbands and in-laws. Some are also forced to commit suicide or are deserted by their husbands at the prime age of their life. True, the in-laws squeeze the girl’s parents for dowry and the girls are victims of cruelty and domestic violence. The in-laws never think of the money the girl earns for the family throughout her life. The condition of the girls married to NRI grooms is more serious. For them, NRI means ‘Non-Reliable Indians’. They marry them and ditch them after some time to grab more and more dowry form other girls’ families. Most NRI boys are under heavy debt and marriage in India is the easiest way to raise money to pay their debts because there is no law in the country to tame these greedy people. No one will shed a tear except for the girl and her family. There is no hue and cry for these girls who are virtually ‘living corpses. Why are those who desert their wives not booked for rape? The girls must get a heavy compensation so that the boy or his family think twice before doing such inhuman acts. We read in newspapers and watch on television the plight of innocent girls, the way they are harassed and tortured by their cruel husbands and in-laws. They are paying a very high price for being women. Just visit any women’s police station or women’s commission and enquire the situation from any girl-complainant. Everyone will be shocked to see their plight. If we really want to save our unborn daughters and end the menace of female foeticide, there should be a strong movement by the National Commission for Women, all religious bodies, NGOs, students and the media — print and electronic. They should come to the rescue of these innocent girls in distress. The problem can be tackled effectively if we can spread awareness on the twin problems of women’s torture and killing unborn daughters. We should come forward to tame these greedy husbands and in-laws. We must boycott those who are ruining the life of innocent girls. |
Plight of human rights panels
The resignation of Justice Mohammad Mir as the Chairperson of the Jammu and Kashmir State Human Rights Commission once again brings to the fore the unfulfilled potential of these bodies. He cited increasing rights violations coupled with governmental indifference towards the commission’s recommendations as his reasons for leaving office. Though Justice Mir spoke in the context of his state, his experience is symptomatic of how these vital institutions have been consistently undermined across the country. The National Human Rights Commission and 15 State Human Rights Commissions have been established under the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993 for the better protection of “human rights”. The government often touts its commitment to the international human rights regime and constitutional protections by pointing to the existence and credibility of human rights commissions. However, the proof of the pudding, lies in the eating. The biggest impediment to the working of these commissions is that the governments — at the Centre and in the states — treat them with scant regard. When a human rights violation occurs, the commissions recommend registration of a criminal case and/or institution of disciplinary proceedings against the public servants responsible. They can also order payment of immediate interim relief or compensation to the victims, with or without a caveat that the amount shall be recovered from the salaries and other dues of the officials concerned. The commissions issue general guidelines to protect human rights on issues as varied as eliminating manual scavenging or the procedure to be followed by the police to investigate deaths in encounters. In practice, however, these recommendations are often ignored. Many times action is deferred or partial action is taken, much to the detriment of victims. By law, governments should prepare an action taken memorandum on the commissions’ recommendations, which is tabled in the legislature along with the commission’s Annual Report. Leave alone the memorandum, the governments sit on the annual reports for months citing “administrative reasons”. On their part, legislators have undermined the work of human rights commissions. They do not discuss the reports and question the government about its human rights record. Additionally, the functioning of the commissions is impeded by inadequate funds. This prevents them from actively carrying out on-the-spot investigations; running rights affirming projects and programmes; supporting the work of non-governmental organisations; hiring specialists; and developing and maintaining infrastructure. Many times, the requisite number of members (commissioners) are not appointed. These posts are also treated as post- retirement destinations for politically savvy judges or bureaucrats. A constant lament of human rights defenders has been that commissioners are unwilling to play a proactive role in the protection and promotion of human rights. Rather than seeing NGOs and civil society as valuable partners, they often treat them as a nuisance. The Protection of Human Rights, 1993, impedes the commissions’ potential in many ways. The state human rights commissions cannot take up complaints involving human rights violations by the security forces. Even the NHRC can only seek a report from the Centre and make suitable recommendations, but it cannot summon witnesses and the necessary documents to get to the bottom of a case. These are serious omissions as a large number of abuses take place in situations of insurgency and internal disturbances where armed and paramilitary forces are deployed. People living in these areas require enhanced, not reduced, protection of their rights. The NHRC has consistently highlighted deficiencies in the Protection of Human Rights Act. In 1998, it constituted a high-power committee headed by former Chief Justice of India A.M. Ahmadi to suggest changes in the law. The committee made useful suggestions including the need to grant greater financial independence to the commissions. Most of these recommendations have been ignored in the Protection of Human Rights (Amendment) Bill 2006 passed in Parliament’s monsoon session. Instead of strengthening the commissions, the Bill undermines them by reducing the number of members in the state commissions to three and by seeking to enable the courts — including the lowest ones — to give a “direction or order” to the commissions (which are headed by retired chief justices of the higher courts), to inquire into complaints. Of course, the Bill also contains some good points, such as allowing unhindered access to prisons and other detention facilities; and a provision that enables the NHRC to transfer a complaint to the state commission concerned. But most of the positive changes are cosmetic in nature. The Bill should have focused on incorporating sound provisions from the human rights laws of other countries to enhance the commissions’ effectiveness. Examples include, providing punishments for those who impede the work of the commissions; making it the legal duty of the state to provide adequate funds to the commissions and fill vacancies within a specified period; obliging the commissions to draw up a state or national action plan on human rights; and requiring the commissions’ annual reports to be tabled in the legislature within three months of the ending of each financial year. However, lasting reform cannot come through changes in the law alone, but by developing and sustaining good precedents. For instance, appointments should be made on the basis of the candidates’ demonstrable commitment and track record of human rights protection rather than on mere fulfilment of the criteria as laid down in law. It is a sad commentary on the Government of India’s commitment to human rights if people truly vested in human rights protection whether as judges, civil society activists or administrators are not appointed as members. While the judiciary has to see the commissions as partners in safeguarding core constitutional values, the political executive and the bureaucracy have to recognise their worth. The way policy-makers treat these bodies reflects the value they accord to people’s aspirations. Human rights commissions must more than just decorate the state administration. It is up to public opinion to ensure this. n The writer is with the Access to Justice Programme, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi. He is the co-author of the book, Human Rights Commissions: A Citizen’s Handbook
(CHRI 2004) |
|
Profile Dr Harinarayana was the alumnus of this school and the driving force behind success of India’s first supersonic fighter aircraft — the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA). He was responsible for the design, development and production of this aircraft, known for its cost-effectiveness and high performance, having acquired the reputation of world-class fighter. “It was one of the most difficult missions”, Dr Kalam told the students entering their teens. There was time when Dr Kalam, who later became the President of India, and Dr Kota worked together on the LCA project. While Dr Kalam came to be known as the “missile man”, Harinarayana was nick-named “LAC man”. Dr Kota has now been honoured with the prestigious G.M. Modi Award for Innovative Science and Technology and lauded “for his outstanding contribution to Indian aviation engineering and technology”. The citation for the Award noted that his professional career spanning more than three decades has been dedicated to the advancement of science and technology capabilities of India in the field of aviation. Other recipients of the award included such eminent men of science as Dr Kalam himself and Dr K. Kasturirangan. The LAC project is indeed the biggest R&D programme undertaken so far in the country. Dr Harinarayana’s “dynamism, charisma and single-minded devotion” to the success of the project, inspired and brought together a large section of the aeronautical community and made this project notch up several important landmarks resulting in the LCA’s first flight in January 2001. Based on new self-confidence and capability India is working on indigenous development of several programmes like Intermediate Jet Trainer, 14-seater passenger aircraft SARAS and 100-seater transport aircraft. In his lecture tours, Dr Kota often asks the question: What do we now have in Indian aeronautics? And he himself replies, “The HANSA is technically well done. The SARAS is now flying; we will now make it viable and I see no problem there”. India, he says, must move forward and push for the development of a 100-seater transport aircraft and bigger combat planes. His next question, “what must we do now in Indian aeronautics”, makes him pensive. He says, “I fear that we are only thinking of core technologies; we must not neglect enabling technologies. Organisational innovation must match technological innovation”. Only scientists and technocrats and, not the common people, are aware of what Dr Kota has done for aircraft design and technology in India during his long years of dedicated and hard work. For the benefit of the man on the street, the LAC programme is not just a development of a new modern combat aircraft, though there is no doubt that it is a very important mission by itself. What Dr Kota led was an inspiring resurgence in indigenous capability of modern aircraft development, an extremely complex technological and engineering system by any standard. He did this with his own unique style, bringing in an unmatched appreciation of system engineering and also injected tremendous zeal, intensity and enthusiasm in the whole process. He was very passionate about the capability of the country in achieving new technological feats – be it in composites or avionics or fly-by-wire flight control. In addition to managing the complex project, which in itself was a whole time job, he found time to spearhead the development of so many modern aeronautical technologies in the country. There are some little known traits of Dr Kota’s personality. Besides being a gentleman and a charming person, he often bursts into hilarious laughter. One of his colleagues once asked him, “why do you laugh so much?” Pat came the reply: “That’s the way of relaxing”. Evidently, laughter wards off the enormous amount of pressure, he faces. Says the colleague: “None of us can recall even a minute in Dr Kota’s company without those wonderful peals of laughter”.
|
|
Diversities — Delhi Letter Just how very difficult it can get to hold a meet in Srinagar! Last week, New Delhi-based Institute of Social Sciences (ISS) held a three-day conference in Srinagar (Aug 25-27) on Indian federalism. Unlike the ‘safe’ trend of hosting and holding meets in Delhi, the ISS chose to reach out with Srinagar as the venue for this international meet against heavy odds. Though the ISS men had been in touch with the top brass at the Centre and in the state for quite some time, the going was tough. Various sections in the establishment hinted that they better change the venue from Srinagar to Jammu so that the Jammu and Kashmir government could provide logistic support to them for holding the meet. However, when the ISS did not give in and organised it Srinagar as scheduled, it had to do so primarily on its own in collaboration with the universities of Kashmir, Jammu and Hamdard. With a handful of government sponsors — the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, and the J&K Government’s Housing, Urban Development, Forests and Rural Development departments. In general, the government just backed out. The ISS was determined to hold the meet in the Valley. It did not give in to the pressure tactics of the government. It could be termed an exceptional case. Many a time when I ask NGOs or even big forums whether they are reaching out to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, they come up with a rather confident ‘yes’. And the venue of the meet is invariably Jammu, not Srinagar. With this sort of attitude, it’s rather too obvious that those residing in Srinagar and the rest of the country sit unconnected with the ground realities of Srinagar. Consequently, there is bound to be a widening of the gap. How little is the interaction between those living in Srinagar and the rest of us can be gauged by the fact that most delegates to the ISS conference came from different parts of the country and some from abroad for the first time. Such meets help build up people-to-people contact and also provide a forum for citizens to speak out. It’s part of a healthy democracy. It’s good to hear and respond to views and counter views, especially when known academics, politicians and planners had flown down to Srinagar to speak and interact. Some known activists of the Valley did not attend this meet. Asked about the reason for this boycott, they said that they were fed up with speeches. “Ground realities are worsening here. What’s the point of hearing promises which are rarely kept?”, they said. Khushwant regales audience with jokes From the day I got back from Srinagar, I have been on the move as the Capital City was laced with events. On August 31, Khushwant Singh received the Punjab Rattan award from Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh. Expectedly, the hall of the Imperial Hotel was packed. There was no place to stand. Khushwant spoke on a range of issues, inter-webbing jokes and more. After setting the audience into an introspective mood amidst a tickle or two, he moved on. He left early as the crowds stood around impatiently to exchange a word or two. What I found particularly interesting was the accompanying photo exhibition, Khushwant through these years. Do’s and don’ts for women Sunil Duggal’s well detailed book, Women 24 Secure was released last week. As the very title holds out, it’s a book which is laced with do’s and don’ts for women on how they should go about protecting themselves. It could be termed an important book in the backdrop of the rising crime graph. I think educational institutions should equip their students with this book. Two books are all set to hit the stands. Edward Luce’s In spite of the Gods (Penguin Books and Little, Brown Book Group) will be released the coming week with a panel discussion. The other book to be released is Poile Sengupta’s Good Heavens (Penguin). It’s all about one act plays for
children.
|
You will not find me in stupas, nor in temples, nor in the synagogues, nor in cathedrals, not in masses, nor kirtans, not in legs winding around your own neck, nor in eating nothing but vegetables. When you really look for me, you will me in the tiniest house of time. An insulted person may be quiet during the day, busy with the numerous chores of life. It is at night, in the lonesome quite, that the emotions torture him and insult rankles as new in him bosom. We must love those who are nearest to us, in our own family. From there, love spreads toward whoever may need us. You have to think anyway, so why not think big?
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Mailbag | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
Sometime back President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam paid a visit to little known City High School of Berhampur in Orissa. As is well known, the President is very fond of interacting with the young students. In his address to them, he proudly mentioned the name Dr Kota Harinarayana and asked the youngsters to emulate this aero-engineering genius’ disciplined and dedicated way of life.