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Scrap it Lessons of Mumbai |
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Regulate loans
Rise and
fall of Agni-III
Age no bar
Human Rights Diary How much will India endure? Delhi Durbar
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Scrap it The Supreme Court on Wednesday referred the MPs’ Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to a five-judge Constitution Bench. However, it would be better if Parliament on its own scrapped the scheme altogether. By doing so, it would be saving the taxpayers’ money as also the precious time of the apex court. The manner in which the scheme has been implemented so far suggests that there is a strong case for winding it up. It has proved to be a complete failure. One can hardly see any merit in its continuance. According to the Union Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, the Central Government has sanctioned a whopping Rs 14,000 crore since its inception in late 1993. Has this money in any way served the intended purpose? The sting operation shown on the television screen exposing some MPs discussing kickbacks for handing out contracts under this scheme in December last was only a tip of the iceberg. Over the years, studies have been pointing out that there is no need to continue the scheme since it is a criminal waste of money. The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution has also recommended its abolition since it is inconsistent with the spirit of federalism and it treads the areas of local government institutions. Ostensibly, most political leaders want the scheme to be abolished but are unable to face the resistance of their MPs. Following the sting operation, parties like the BJP, the CPM and some sections of the United Progressive Alliance joined the chorus for its scrapping. Unfortunately, however, the scheme continues. Since a wide section of the political spectrum is opposed to the scheme, Parliament and the government should understand the seriousness of the problem and take steps to abolish it. The National Advisory Council has gone a step further. While calling for its abolition, it says that the funds earmarked for this scheme should be transferred to local governments. Most civic bodies are cash-strapped and they find it difficult to improve basic civic services. The government should be realistic enough to scrap it so that the civic bodies can make the best use of the available funds for development. Let the funds be spent judiciously. |
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Lessons of Mumbai In the immediate aftermath of the serial bomb blasts in Mumbai and in Srinagar, on July 11, many points such as airports and railway terminals have been placed under high alert. Mumbai’s suburban train services are not just a metaphor but also a means of livelihood, mobility and economic activity. That terrorists should target this lifeline precisely at a stage when there is rapid expansion of mass transportation systems and development of metros in several cities is a terrible reminder of the threats that come with such public systems. These systems are critical infrastructure and, at the same time, densely peopled. Ensuring their safety and security is a challenge that should be treated as the highest national priority in terms of crisis management. With terrorists striking at will and often where they are least anticipated – as borne out by the attack in Bangalore during the Indian Science Congress – it is evident that crisis is becoming a norm. Hence a state of high alert and heightened security, with minimum transgression of citizens’ rights and movements, is a prerequisite for sustaining public confidence and support in the fight against terrorism. And these should not be event-based responses but a routine drill. It was only to be expected after the attack on Mumbai’s suburban services that security would be beefed up in the Delhi and Kolkata Metros and all airports. But what happened in Bangalore is a warning that scientific institutions, too, should be extended higher security than has been the case so far. Important as institutions, infrastructure and public property are, the country’s biggest asset is its people; and no expense, technology or effort should be spared to protect the population at large. Markets, mandis, inner cities and all places that are congested with people should be extended adequate security. |
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Regulate loans The Punjab government plans to regulate private money lending to farmers through a law, though the Assembly is slated to meet only for two days in September before it is dissolved to hold elections early next year. While there is limited time for enacting any legislation, the government’s decision to set up a committee under Rural Development Minister Lal Singh to garner support for the proposed Rural Indebtedness Regulation Bill will further delay the process. Indications are the committee wants the expected Central package to provide relief on not only farm loans, but also loans given to members of the Schedules Castes and the backward classes. Even if one concedes that the government’s concern for farmers and the poor is not election-oriented, it has very limited time at its disposal to deal with a complex issue like regulating private loans to farmers. Besides, the ruling party is trying to work out a compromise that does not upset its vote bank among farmers and arhtiyas. Any legislation passed hurriedly with electoral motives may prove to be a liability. Farmers and arhtiyas share a delicate relationship of trust. Barring some aberrations, financial deals between them have stood the test of time. Any law hurting this relationship may not work. Rural indebtedness cannot be tackled through packages from the Centre or by waiving loans or interest on loans. A sound financial system has to be put in place. A loan/interest waiver fuels the growing tendency to default on loans. The best way to deal with exploitative moneylenders is to give farmers a choice by making institutional credit within their reach. This can be done by simplifying procedures, encouraging Self Help Groups and controlling corrupt babus The government can help farmers better by providing reliable power supply, road connectivity, education and healthcare than by indulging in competitive populism on the eve of elections. |
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I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. — Abraham Lincoln
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Rise and fall of Agni-III
ON
Sunday when the first word about the successful launch of Agni-III,
the latest version of this country’s intermediate-range,
nuclear-capable ballistic missile, came in there was an understandable
wave of joy across the country. It soon developed into euphoria, and then came the anti-climax. Instead of hitting the target, the sophisticated missile simply sank into the sea. The gloom in the national Capital was palpable. The pessimistic statements that followed were aggravated by the failure the next day of the GLV launch though there is absolutely no link between the two events. Neither the earlier exultation nor the subsequent grief was called for. Agitated TV anchors and other commentators who kept screaming about “strategic setback to India” were being hysterical. Malicious glee in countries that dislike us should be ignored with the contempt it deserves. What has happened off the Orissa coast is nothing unusual; all countries that have a missile programme have had exactly the same experience. In the most advanced country, the United States, the Space Shuttle perished not long ago, killing, among others, the legendary Kalpana Chawla. North Korea’s defiant multi-missile firing only the other day underscores the point. That country is much ahead of India in the development and production of missiles, for the simple reason that China found it expedient to gift it a whole range of missile technology on a plutonium platter. Making full use of the opportunity, North Korea has been brazenly exporting its missiles to countries such as Pakistan and Iran. The missiles, bearing Islamic names, that President General Musharraf of Pakistan fires almost routinely are nothing but the North Korean Nodongs and Taepodongs. Yet, when Pyongyang tried to build a missile more advanced than what the Chinese had given it, the very first test failed. India is no copycat and its missiles are entirely indigenous. All this having been said, one must hasten to add that the latest Agni-III test at Wheeler Island has lessons that we cannot afford to overlook. The first is that hitherto there has been too long a gap between two tests. If we want to be taken seriously as a major power with a credible minimum deterrent, we have to carry out many more tests of Agni-III within a reasonably short period. Mere technology demonstration will not do; there has to be a fully operational delivery system in place. Defence Minister Pranab Mukherji has announced that the causes of the mishap to Agni-III are being investigated thoroughly. This should not take more than a few weeks. The key question, therefore, is whether we have enough prototypes of this missile to conduct a few more tests in the next couple of years, with the first of the series being held in about three months. According to authoritative information available, the proposed testing schedule is entirely feasible. And this brings me to the painful fact that the failed test itself had been delayed unconscionably. For this the political leadership of the government and its bureaucratic henchmen are squarely responsible. They had somehow convinced themselves that the US would object to the test-firing, and they apparently did not want to risk doing anything that might impede the US Congressional endorsement of the Indo-US deal on civilian nuclear cooperation! It did not occur to the wise guys that America was uttering not one critical word about Pakistan’s frequent missile tests. They also overlooked US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s declaration that missile testing was a function of the “regional situation”. Could there have been a clearer hint that the US, vocally worried about China’s “excessively rising” military power, would welcome augmentation of the Indian missile power? The subsequent White House statement has made a pointed distinction between the “transparent and non-threatening” Agni test and Pyongyang’s “provocative action”. Only when the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the US, General Pace, visited this country and announced publicly that America had absolutely no problem with an Indian missile test that a date for test-firing Agni-III was fixed! Sadly, this crass behaviour is entirely in keeping with the pusillanimity this country had displayed towards the end of the 1980s when the Americans were definitely opposed to the testing of Agni-I, with a range of 700 km only, and were pressurising New Delhi on this score. The defence scientists working on the Integrated Missile Development Programme — initiated by Indira Gandhi and R. Venkataraman, then Defence Minister and later the republic’s President — were most frustrated. The first two Agni tests had failed. The bureaucrats, even more than the politicians, then started riding a high horse and obstructing the very idea of conducting a fresh test. It was Rajiv Gandhi who eventually reversed the policy and allowed a fresh test. Political and bureaucratic negativism must end once and for all. As for the defence scientists and technologists, there can only be appreciation for their abilities in research and their dedication to the task assigned to them. To say this is not to deny the tragic delays and other shortcomings in executing several major DRDO projects such as the Main Battle Tank and the Light Combat Aircraft. Armed forces have found the DRDO products unacceptable. But the reason for this is not the lack of professional skill or application of those manning the defence R & D for which there has seldom been adequate allocation of resources. The cardinal sin of the defence science establishment is its appalling handling of the R & D management. The archaic and dysfunctional politico-bureaucratic structure messes up the situation enormously. For instance, it is no secret that in order to get their projects sanctioned by the babus and the netas whose understanding of matters military and scientific is strictly limited, the DRDO deliberately understates the project costs, often greatly. The Ministry of Defence, manned by generalists with no specialisation in security problems, usually sanctions these projects. Only later it is discovered that actual costs are much, much higher. The choice before the government then is to either cough up more cash or cancel the project, writing off the investment already made. Usually the former course is adopted. But too much time is wasted on haggling and blame game. The end result is what, in deathless officialese, is called “cost and time overruns”. No one has so far moved a little finger to bring about the desperately needed reform in this perverted
system.
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Age no bar
Baa must be the oldest Indian woman alive… and merrily kicking also at her grand old age.
Those of you who think I am talking through my hat, let me begin from the very beginning. First and foremost let me introduce “Baa” to the poor miserable who have not had the fortune of watching the national event, night after night, year after year, from Monday to Friday on the TV called “Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi”, in the past six or seven years (I am really not sure how long the blessed serial has been running). Let me confess. I used to be an ardent admirer of the daily soap and watched it religiously, with fervent joy and happiness, for several years. Then one fine day, I somehow lost interest in my daily addiction and lost its track, much to the relief of my husband. His happiness did not last long as I had got hooked to other, equally regressive, TV serials. But then, about a fortnight back, I managed to bump into “Baa”, the matriarch of the Virani parivaar. The serial had taken a jump of another 20 years. But the grand old dame, who despite having aged 20 more years, appeared to be in perfect health and senses and in complete control of the Viranis. Members of the family have come into the world and departed, but “Baa” was still holding the torch high. Even if her age is calculated conservatively, the matriarch must be at least 115 to 120 years old and this is how. “Baa” must have been 20, or slightly less, when she got married. Then she had her three sons, Hasmukh et al, each of who must have been at least 25 years old when they got married. So “Baa”, at the time of marriage of her first son, must have been 45 years old. Then her sons had children, Mihir, Sahil etc. Now Mihir, when he married Tulsi, must have seen 25 summers at least. That makes “Baa” 70 when the perfect epitome of Indian womanhood Tulsi entered the Virani family. Does make one breathless. But moving further on, Mihir and Tulsi had Gautam and others, who too must have got married around the same age, 25 years i.e. So when her first great-grandson decided to enter the holy matrimony, “Baa” would have been 95 years old. Now the serial has moved 20 years ahead and the daughter of Mihir’s son-Bhoomi-who was around three or four years old when the serial leapfrogged into future must be around 25 now, thereby making the “Baa” 120 years old. Q.E.D. Perhaps it’s time to contact the Limca Book of
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Human Rights Diary WHEN I was coming out of the court of the Chief Justice of India, one top lawyer appearing for Gujarat remarked: “You lost the case because you simply went after big dams while your emphasis should have been on the relief and rehabilitation of the ousted.” But this is not true. The debate over big or small dams may be going on all over the world, but not in India. Those opposing the Sardar Sarovar dam on the Narmada have been concentrating on the rehabilitation of the uprooted whose number rose in proportion to the dam’s height. The objection is not because of any ideological reasons but for the simple fact that the height and rehabilitation have been separated. Now, there is no land for land, as the 16-year-old Narmada Tribunal Award says. Nor is there any compliance of the statutory obligation to prepare the rehabilitation site one year before the ousting is planned. It is a pity that the Supreme Court did not enforce the tribunal award and instead accepted that cash could be given in place of land. The court has given a shoddy judgment based on a shoddy report, endorsed by a shoddy government. The Manmohan Singh government seems to have got scared because of the BJP which controls the state of Gujarat, the main beneficiary of the dam. It is rather unfortunate that the Prime Minister’s letter to the Supreme Court endorsed the report by the Shunglu Committee which was appointed to assess the rehabilitation work in Madhya Pradesh. The report says that the striking fact is that the land bank of Madhya Pradesh “has land which is neither irrigable nor cultivable.” How can the Prime Minister say that the committee’s report – it is manned by pro-establishment experts – “seems to have given a fairly accurate picture of the facts and circumstances as obtained on the ground?” Only a few weeks ago he had sent a three-member ministerial group, headed by Water Resources Minister Saifuddin Soz, which said that no infrastructural work had been done and amenities like sanitation, drinking water and others were not provided at the rehabilitation sites. Even if the MP government had put in day and night work, it could not have created facilities that were absent when the ministerial group visited. The group also roundly criticised the Narmada Control Authority that gave permission to raise the height of the dam on the basis of information which “has largely been based on paper work and it has no relevance to the situation on the ground.” Suddenly, the Prime Minister now considers the Shunglu Committee report as gospel truth. It is not difficult to know why he has said so. The record of the Supreme Court is also not praiseworthy. It said at the last hearing that “submergence would not be allowed to take place until complete settlement and rehabilitation of oustees is done.” But it accepted the findings of the Shunglu Committee. When the tribunal has laid down “land for land” how could the Supreme Court accept the Shunglu Committee’s conclusion that “a large number of families have taken cash willingly, not because they opted for purchasing of own choice.” The Supreme Court should have pointed out that the government had to offer the oustees land for the land they had lost. True, Medha Padkar and her supporters in the Narmada Bachao Andolan were dead against the building of the dam at one time. They even approached the World Bank and Japan to stop the loan for the dam. Both did so. But this did not make either the Centre or Ahmedabad consider other options, of making small dams or getting irrigation facilities from the run of water. It required a huge investment. I recall that in 1990 when I was India’s High Commissioner in London, the then Gujarat chief minister Chimanbhai Patel toured the UK to appeal to the Gujaratis to lend money for building the dam. Public bonds were also issued for this purpose. A large amount was collected because the Narmada dam had by this time become an emotional issue for the Gujaratis. They would even say that this was their Kashmir. However, a settlement of sorts was reached when an undertaking was given that before raising the height of the dam it would be ensured that the uprooted had proper sites to go to with necessary infrastructure, including schools. The government did not live up to the assurance. What blew up the entire understanding was when the Narmadha Control Authority gave permission to raise the height by nearly 13 metres, from 110 metres to 122.9 metres, without consulting the Narmadha Bachao Andholan (NBA) or any other group. Medha Padkar went on an indefinite hunger strike. That was when the Prime Minister sent a three-member ministerial committee to Madhya Pradesh. The team returned disappointed and in its report said that practically no work worth the name had been done. This was the time when the Prime Minister should have acted and stopped the work at the dam. He has the authority to do so. But a threatened agitation by the BJP probably daunted him. The last resort was the Supreme Court where a petition had been filed. In all fairness, the raising of the dam’s height should have been stopped because that was the raison d’tre of the complaint. Now because of the monsoon the work has stopped automatically. But where is the justice when the dam has already been raised by eight metres – up to 119 metres? It is only three metres short of the targeted height. Both the Supreme Court and the Prime Minister have preferred convenience. The matter stays at that. This raises the larger question: how far is the government’s claim that development would be with human face worth trusting? The treatment meted out to the ousted, primarily adivasis and tribals who are least able to defend their rights, reveals an ugly face of development.
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How much will India endure? Tuesday’s awful rush-hour bombings of trains in Bombay raise an important and ominous question: How far can India be pushed? In December 2001 India and Pakistan almost went to war when a group of militants, based on Pakistani-controlled territory, attacked the Indian Parliament, killing nine people. India’s response was to mobilise forces along its border with Pakistan. Predictably and understandably, Pakistan followed suit. But due largely to extensive, active and exhaustive mediation by central figures from the West, tensions were ratcheted down, and in time forces were demobilised. This time, it is not the West that needs to show leadership but the two countries themselves. They need to back up their words with actions. The leaders of India and Pakistan stated in April 2005 that “the peace process was now irreversible”; unless they both take action, this is now in question. Three years ago, at first very quietly and with great sensitivity, India and Pakistan launched what was called the “composite dialogue.” The subjects ranged from economics to land to water to drugs to security. While many have suggested that these talks are going nowhere, they have led to some small but tangible progress. For the first time in more than 50 years buses are traveling between India and Pakistan, including across the Line of Control splitting the old state of Kashmir. This is all good. What hasn’t happened is arguably even more impressive. Despite an attack on a religious complex in Ayodhya last July, again by militants based in Pakistan, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced that the dialogue would continue. But – and here’s the crux of the matter – how long can India, Indians and the Singh government withstand the constant pressure from militant groups before they have to react? By any measure of international diplomacy, they’ve already been extraordinarily patient; compare their restraint with Israel’s response to the kidnapping of its soldier or to the U.S. and Japanese responses to North Korea’s missile tests. Now is a moment when Pakistan really needs to respond. It wants to be taken seriously as an important player on the international scene. It has repeatedly asked the United States for a nuclear energy deal similar to the one we are working on with India. But until Pakistan – and this means not only President Pervez Musharraf but also the military, the people and the political parties, including the religious party, the MMA –gets serious about shutting down, arresting and otherwise dismantling the militant groups that operate from its territory, it cannot expect to be treated as a responsible player in the region. Pakistan is working on it, but it could do so much more. A good – or at least stable – India-Pakistan relationship is one of the most important elements for long-term global stability. Given that both are nuclear powers, their region is one of the most dangerous in the world. And with attacks such as this, it is also one of the most volatile. India has taken great strides to tamp down this volatility. Pakistan needs to do more. In return, India would need to step up in a real, substantive way on bilateral issues such as Kashmir. The third round of the high-level composite dialogue taking place next week, assuming it is still on, is the place to do it. The writer, former director for South Asia at the US National Security Council is currently with the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. — By arrangement with
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Delhi Durbar The French Embassy, known for its hospitality, made elaborate arrangements for the screening of the World Cup football final between France and Italy. As many as 500 soccer fans, mostly expatriates and Francophiles, turned up at the Embassy in Shantipath at 11 PM on Sunday. There was no dearth of beer and fruit juices, snacks and sweet dishes but the world famous French wine was nowhere in sight. There was, however, champagne at the end. The French Ambassador Dominique Girard sat on the edge of his seat as the game progressed. The ceiling had been dressed up in the tricolour of the French national flag. The embassy staff added to the colour by dressing up in football gear. There were some trainees from the French Ministry of External Affairs who were wearing wigs that matched the colour of the French national flag (Red, Blue and White). Optimistic that the legendary Zinedine Zidane would steer his team to victory, the guests came with whistles and trumpets. Disappointment was writ large when the French lost the match. As a French national said, “c’est la vie” (That is life).
Wide connections Talking of cross-party connections, NCP leader D P Tripathi is among those having a comfortable relationship with key persons in various political parties. At a dinner hosted last week in honour of former Nepal Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, Tripathi’s guests included leaders from the Congress, BJP, JD(U), RLD and Left parties. The NCP leader, who has strong contacts with political parties in Nepal too, is perhaps the only leader whom Maoist leader Prachanda met at a destination near the national Capital some months back.
Ministry of Cricket Farmer organisations are annoyed with the union Agriculture minister Sharad Pawar. They allege he is so busy with cricket and the politics of his state that his charge has virtually turned into the ministry of Cricket Affairs. Agitated over farmers’ suicides and the decision of the minister to allow wheat imports – while not recommending bonus to the farmers on wheat sale to government agencies in time, leading to shortfall in government procurement – the Confederation of Indian Farmers’ Associations has urged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to set up a separate Ministry of Cricket Affairs and give Pawar life-time charge of this portfolio. The Confederation suggested that the Agriculture portfolio be given to a professional like Prof M S
Swaminathan.
Beaten to Dr B The University of Delhi never fails to claim superstar Amitabh Bachchan as its own. The university went all out last year to honour its celebrated alumnus by declaring that it will confer an honorary Ph D to the Big B. Even as the university’s intentions remain enmeshed in red tape, the actor will receive an honorary Doctorate of Arts next week from a British University for his contribution to Indian cinema. This doctorate from De Montfort University in Leicester, England, will be the second one for Bachchan, who has already been awarded a Ph D by Jhansi University in Uttar Pradesh. —
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From the pages of PAK INVASION OF KASHMIR
The type of trouble that Pakistan is stirring up in Kashmir has been named in various ways. It is said that Pakistan has taken it right out of the Chinese book, the Algerian book, the unfinished Vietnamese book or the American Bay of Pigs book. But, in 1947, when hordes of Afridis and Mahsuds from Tirah and Warziristan poured into Kashmir, none of these books existed. Giving a foreign label to the Pakistani attack may give some superficial impression of sophistication or deep insight. But it evades the real issue. Delhi and Srinagar have yet to find a common terminology even to describe what is happening. Mr Sadiq says “it is an invasion, though not of the conventional type.” The Government of India’s spokesman says it is not an invasion, but only infiltration. The Government of India claims not to have been taken by surprise But the people definitely are. Every time there has been invasion, infiltration or intrusion, it has been one surprise after the other. This must cease. And for this, the cease-fire itself may have to cease. |
Look upon hardships with eagerness. They should not bring tears to eye. Look upon them as ordained to serve you, to chesten you through trials and tribulations and finally leave you stronger, healthier, wiser than before.
And give to the near of kin his due and (to) the needy, and the wayfarer, and squander not (thy) wealth wastefully.
Calls everyone high, as none seems low. For, God, the only potter, has fashioned all vessels alike; and his light alone is manifest in all three worlds.
Do not hesitate to protect yourself from evil.
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