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Intolerance
in Modiland A ridge
too cold Across the
Palk Straits |
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The
dynasty theory
To be or
not to be (rich)
Together
in arms A
Rowling may be sitting in a Kolkata café: Potter publisher Delhi
Durbar
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Intolerance in Modiland
The message that is sought to be given is chilling and sinister: don’t oppose the Gujarat stand on the Narmada dam or else…! Aamir Khan begged to differ and is being made to pay for it by placing a ban on his latest release, “Fanaa”. This takes intolerance to a new high and breaks fresh ground as far as dictatorial tendencies are concerned in Narendra Modi’s state. From now on, any dissenting view can be banished by taking recourse to gagging. In the shrill campaign against the actor, nobody is willing to accept that all that he had said was that the dam oustees should be properly rehabilitated. And even if, for argument’s sake, he had opposed the raising of the height of the dam, so what? In an independent country, everyone has a right to express his or her opinion. Supposing another actor says that the height of the dam must be increased. Should his films be similarly banned in Madhya Pradesh or some other state? Mr Modi’s friends in the BJP have no respect for reason. Ostensibly, it is the theatre owners from Gujarat who are spearheading the tirade against “Fanaa”. But the hand behind this glove is that of the youth wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is the threat of mayhem held out by them which has made the owners fall in place. What a pity that certain Congress leaders in Gujarat too have joined in this naked display of chauvinism. It is the job of the state government to ensure that the men from the ruling party are not able to disturb law and order. The Chief Minister is duty-bound to rein in the lawless elements. How he discharges his duty will be keenly watched. Will he rise above parochial considerations or will he repeat the sordid history established during the Gujarat riots? The onus lies not only on him but also the central leadership of the BJP. The party suffered loss of power mainly because of the Gujarat events. It is in no position to withstand a similar stigma. |
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A ridge too cold
Nine earlier rounds of defence-secretary level talks between India and Pakistan on de-militarising the Siachen sector have failed to make headway, and there should be no surprise that the tenth round, which concluded on Thursday, ended on a similar note. During the past three weeks, there was some speculation that an agreement was imminent. Some defence analysts, including many former Army officers, think that the strategic importance of holding on to our positions has been exaggerated, and that the costs outweigh the benefits; there was also the worry that the PMO and the MOD, in their eagerness to give a push to the peace process, might be tilting around to this view. That the army’s concerns have been taken on board, and there has been no dilution of the Indian stand, has come as a relief to it. The prevailing view is that there can be no withdrawal without authentication of current troop positions, on the height and on signed maps. The army has also stressed that an agreement must take into account the time taken to redeploy forces. Pakistan reportedly has built roads leading up to the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) held by the Indian Army, along the Saltoro Ridge, which is west of the Siachen Glacier. Given that the glacier itself is a huge barrier, the access and logistics are more challenging for India It is also a fact that withdrawing from the Saltoro Ridge would leave the Nubra Valley open for a Pakistani ingress. Just what kind of attack might be launched along Nubra Valley into Ladakh is beside the point. Kargil has taught India that even a limited, localised offensive, can cause enormous damage. Pakistan, when the Kargil war was on, repeatedly tried to rake up the Siachen issue, and link it to the Kargil incursions. A thaw would require a leap of imagination on the part of General Pervez Musharaf. Whether he can, or whether he wants to accept the Indian position remains doubtful. The continuation of the ceasefire should, meanwhile, satisfy all those who want peace to prevail in the icy region. |
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Across the Palk Straits
The spurt in the flow of refugees from north-eastern Sri Lanka into Tamil Nadu may not be cause for alarm, but it is a clear sign that the low-intensity war in the island republic is escalating. Last week saw over 1600 arrivals of Sri Lankan Tamils fleeing their country amidst spreading fears of an imminent war. The arrivals are increasing and even daily figures for last week are higher than the first batch of refugees who came in January — after a gap of nearly three years. They had fled as the truce between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Government of Sri Lanka broke down in December last when killings and bomb blasts exploded on the scene. The attempt on the life of the Sri Lankan Army chief, Lt-Gen Sarath Fonseka, on April 25, and Colombo’s retaliatory action, served as a trigger for a fresh round of bloodletting. As if to justify fears of the worst, the LTTE lost no time in beating the war drums. In fact, they exploit every incident and development to reinforce the view that the terrorist organisation is raring to revive the armed conflict. After the attempt on Lt Gen Fonseka, more voices went up to demand that the European Union, perceived as being soft on the Tamil Tigers, should list the LTTE as a terrorist organisation. Rather than tone down its war cries, the LTTE upped the ante saying that if the EU blacklisted it, this would only drive them more towards a war. Again, when their intelligence operative in the eastern province was gunned down, the Tigers pointed a finger at Sri Lankan security forces and warned of a “major war”. The LTTE may be trying to leverage its position if there is progress towards talks even as intensification of the violence suggests that the prospects are receding. It is against this background that Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse has reached out to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. The refugee influx is fraught with particular implications for the state, including Tamil Tigers creeping in with the tide. Even while addressing the immediate problem of refugees, New Delhi should prevail on Colombo to keep the focus on a negotiated settlement and keep up the pressure on the LTTE. May be Colombo cannot handle the situation without New Delhi lending the helping hand. |
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Try not to become a man of success, but rather try to become a man of value.
— Albert Einstein |
The dynasty theory
An abiding belief about the politics of independent India has been that being born into the “Nehru-Gandhi dynasty” is both an essential and a sufficient qualification for becoming prime minister of the country. If you have the qualification then nothing can stop you, if you do not have it you need not try. Some notable persons have even described this theory as the principle of succession in India. Is the theory a myth or a fact of history? The most outstanding fact about successions in free India has been that all of them have had to comply with its Constitution and its the laws, and these are not supportive of dynastic rule. The “Nehru-Gandhi” family has played a part, and that too a small one, only on two of the dozen and a half occasions that one prime minister has succeeded another. Other factors have played a bigger part on all other occasions, and the biggest part has been played by the democratic principle of popular preference. But the contrary belief persists, and has been much in evidence of late. In releasing a book on Indira Gandhi by Inder Malhotra just a month ago, so perceptive a student of Indian society and politics as Andre Beteille deeply regretted that this “dynastic principle” had still not been abolished in India. The recent byelection to the Lok Sabha from Rae Bareli became the most important media story of the day only because it was seen as proof that the dynasty is back. That perception defies the most important episode in the history of successions in India, which is that when the time came the Congress did not choose a Nehru but a Shastri, a man as different from Nehru as he could be without being opposed to Nehru, and in the first debate in Parliament on his performance as PM he demanded, rather testily I thought as I heard him, that he be judged on his own actions and merits, not someone else’s. If tragedy had not taken Mr Shastri’s life so soon, after he had spent less than two years in office, anyone by another name might have had as much of a chance to be the next prime minister as a Gandhi or a Nehru. The balance of personality politics within the Congress was changing, and in national politics at large the pendulum was slowly shifting towards new inter-regional and inter-party factors which would have determined the succession more than the names of the candidates. Of the dozen or so successions which followed, only two, from Shastri to Indira Gandhi and from her to Rajiv Gandhi, can be credited to the dynasty factor, and even in these two other factors played a bigger part than the legacy of Nehru. Most members of the Congress party caucus which manoeuvred Indira Gandhi to the chair were less worried about the future of the Nehru “line” than about their own future. They were drawn to Indira Gandhi less because of her name than because of their hope that, since she was a person of little experience, they would be able to manipulate her. Of course time was to prove them to be the original six blind men. But in the immediate context even the blind could see that they would be more comfortable with her than with the only other rival on the horizon, the redoubtable Morarji Desai, every bit as much a Congress man to the core as anyone else, but also every bit his own man, and resolutely not a member of the dynasty. It took them time to discover that Indira Gandhi too was every bit her own man. She took the bit between her teeth during the Emergency to build her own castle. But that only undid her. The principle of democratic preference demolished her claim to succession despite her being the only true Nehru in the field in 1977. On this point a confused message has been left us by what is so far the last succession to take place within the dynasty, from Indira to Rajiv Gandhi, in 1984, and it took place in ominous and bewildering circumstances. Sanjay Gandhi, long seen as destined to succeed his mother, had died in a way which has yet to be explained in full. More alarming by far, she herself was shot by her own bodyguard. That event left India worried and anxious over what might be afoot in the country. Then, for hours and hours and for three days running the people saw nothing on their television screens except images of burning and looting in the streets of the capital and the dead face of Indira. And the only reassuring sight they saw was the calm face and steady hand of Rajiv Gandhi. That alone would have underscored his future role, even without any aid from any dynasty theory. That means the answer to the future of the dynasty theory still lies hidden in the dusty fields of Rae Bareily and Amethi. But current indications are that the level of popular enthusiasm for either of the two dynasts would not be strong enough to carry either to the throne if there were a united opposition. That might underscore the message from the past, that the way inter-regional and inter-party relations develop may matter even more now than in the past compared with any theory of succession. The principle of popular preference will continue to sway the outcome, and to that no one can object except those who prefer the safety of dictatorship of merit over the democratic right to make
blunders.
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To be or not to be (rich)
I enjoy telling a story about Maharashtrians and Gujaratis with a little garnishing from Punjab. Brought up in a disciplined Maharashtrian family in Mumbai I grew up hearing disparaging comments about Gujaratis. Their business-mindedness, their superficial sweet talk and above all their success were anathema to the simple-living, risk-averse, painstaking Maharashtrians. But I soon forgot the differences as I was admitted into a boarding school up north in Simla in the hope that the “good investment” would lead to “a good education.” The school was a unique institution where the progeny of Punjabi royalty, North Indian industrialists and big-time contractors were sent to imbibe what learning they could until they were united in holy matrimony. I spent holidays and outings visiting my new friends’ princely palaces, summer villas and exquisite bungalows in Lutyen’s Delhi. In my growing years I got an insight into how the really rich live and more importantly how real wealth is taken for granted, enjoyed and shared, but never compared or contrasted. Also, how friendships and early bonding are worth their weight in gold. Who taught me that? Some of the wealthiest Punjabis in my school. College at Miranda House was a different kind of experience. Girls from different communities mixed freely. Issues of community, language and religion were unknown. One was only known by the “set” to which one belonged — the smart or “hep” set, the “rattofying” set, the “pap” set or the fast set. One shone as an outstanding student, as an actress, a singer or a sportswoman. One’s parentage just did not matter and caste was an unheard word. Appearing for the UPSC Competitives straight after “MH’, I was selected for the IAS and found myself posted to one of the districts of Maharashtra as a “Supey” — short for Supernumerary Assistant Collector. During my first call on the District Collector I asked for a house. He leaned conspiratorially across his semi-circular desk and whispered in Marathi: “I am giving you half the house which is with the Resident Deputy Collector. Actually that Gujarati Assistant Collector Mehta has been pestering me for it. But I’m giving it to you. And you beware of that Gujarati.” Uncomfortable with keeping secrets from the one friend I had made in that stuffy district office, I promptly blurted out the whole story to the “enemy” Mehta who responded with glee. He threw his head back and laughed, not a moment removing his long legs from the magisterial table where they lay most of the day. “What wonderful news” he exclaimed. “Now I can freely commute from Bombay and tell the Collector, the Commissioner and even the Chief Secretary that I have not been given a house, so how can I stay in the district? That will cook the Collector’s goose alright.” It dawned on me only then that he had craftily laid a trap into which the unsuspecting but parochial Maharashtrian Collector had walked. Years later I listened to one of Mehta’s descriptions of Gujaratis and Maharashtrians. “Look at the way the two communities think. Give a Gujarati a lakh of rupees. First and foremost he’ll give his wife Rs 10,000 to keep her happy and quiet. He will hide Rs 20,000 under his bed for a rainy day. He will play around with the remaining Rs 70,000 and not rest until he has doubled it. That is the hallmark of the Gujarati way of thinking. “And see what the Maharashtrian does. He opens a Post Office Savings Account and puts all the money there at 5% and that too for five years! No wonder the Gujjus have reached where they
have!” |
Together in arms
The release of India’s joint military doctrine last week is a step in the right direction towards integration of operations of the three arms of the Indian Armed Forces. Even though it has come later than one would have expected, it would hopefully would go a long way in showing the Indian Armed Forces what major powers around the world have been practicing for a long time now. For the forces in the US or the UK, the joint military doctrine lays down the basis of providing a common framework of understanding, to aid the effective delivery of military capability. Fusing experience in the planning and conduct of joint operations with detailed knowledge of subject matter, it aims to provide effective guidance for commanders and staff. A military doctrine is a level of military planning between national strategy and unit-level tactics, techniques, and procedures. It provides a shared way of thinking about military problems, but does not direct how military problems will be solved. It does not provide specific steps to solve a problem, nor does it direct a commander to take any action. Commanders are always expected to exercise their own judgment in carrying out their missions. A doctrine may be shared among the armed services of a nation as well as be specific to a branch. In addition, a doctrine may be shared between several nations. In general, doctrinal documents state a nation’s national military objectives, the general mission of the armed service or branch (“who we are”), general concepts of how this service or branch shall perform its mission (“what we
do"), concerns and cautions in carrying out this mission (“how we should do it”), and historical examples (“how we did it in the past”). Military doctrines change, or should change, as the nature of warfare and the specific threats to a nation change. The relationship between the military doctrine and national security strategy is highly complex. In principle, military doctrines should complement national security. However, in practice, changing or implementing a military doctrine is a highly complex and time consuming activity that can take years or decades, and hence the same military doctrine is often used to attempt to support radically different security strategies. The United States Department of Defense, which endorses joint warfare as an overriding doctrine for its forces, describes it as “team warfare”, which “requires the integrated and synchronized application of all appropriate capabilities. The synergy that results maximizes combat capability in unified action.” This priority on national unity of effort means practitioners of joint warfare must acknowledge the importance of the interagency process, including the priorities, capabilities, and resources of other non-uniformed agencies (such as intelligence services) in military planning. The UK’s joint doctrine is organised at three levels. First is the Strategic Level. This exists in one document — British Defence Doctrine (BDD). BDD is a clear exposition of the thinking underpinning the British approach to military operations. It sits at the heart of our doctrinal and training framework and is intended for a wide audience, both civilian and military. Then comes the Operational Level. The focus here is on the Joint Task Force Commander and his or her staff. Guidance is contained in the UK publication Joint Operations and a hierarchy of capstone publications dealing with each of the J1 to J9 military functions. Finally comes the Joint Tactical Level. Below these sits a series of more detailed publications covering a wide range of specific military activities. Examples include Media Operations, NBC Defence, and Multinational Logistic Planning. Hopefully, the Indian Armed forces would also be able to effectively implement this Joint Doctrine which has been prepared by the Headquarters, Integrated Defence Staff. The promulgation of a Joint Doctrine actually marks a landmark for the Indian Armed Forces to tread on the path to developing a truly ‘joint’ capability. As is the case worldwide, this doctrine also contains the fundamental principles by which to conduct future joint operations with the aim of enhancing the joint war fighting capability of the Armed Forces. The promulgation of the joint military doctrine would not mean that the single service doctrine would cease to exist. On the contrary this joint military doctrine would complement the single Service doctrines, which are already in existence. It would lead to a better understanding of the application of military power in a variety of situations. The document is intended to be dynamic in nature and subject to regular review, to keep pace with the evolving concepts and technology and ensure its contemporary relevance. The inadequacies experienced in the wake of the Kargil War were the spur towards greater “jointness” in the Indian Armed Forces. The review of the higher management of defence by the Kargil Review Committee and the consequent establishment of the joint structures that exist today, were major necessary steps to align the Indian Armed Forces to the realities of 21st century warfare. However, the challenges inherent in coordinating different military forces towards a common objective required a clear set of principles and guidelines, which will facilitate this jointness. In the history of contemporary military operations the world over, it is a truism that no single Service has been able to achieve military objectives individually. In today’s world, lethality of weapons and advances in communication necessitate effective and rapid decision making. Synergy and interoperability of forces is inescapable, if we have to respond effectively to a wide spectrum of conflict situations and operations other than war. Indeed, it has been practically seen and empirically proved worldwide that the integration of the three Armed Forces is an index of not just operational effectiveness, but is also a force multiplier, and above all, a measure of economy and efficiency. The doctrine is also a signal to potential adversaries that India is militarily well prepared, and by doing so, contributes to deterrence in the broadest sense. |
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A Rowling may be sitting in a Kolkata café: Potter publisher
She picked up J.K. Rowling when the first Harry Potter manuscript landed on her table, after having met with rejection at other places. And now, publishing wizard Liz Calder, thinks the next literary genius to equal Rowling’s success could well be sitting in some cafe in north Kolkata’s congested old book bazaar at College Street. “We can publish any writer irrespective of the place they come from. Indian writing is extremely good. People do send their work to us from India.” Calder is in Kolkata as part of the British Council’s “Creative Future” talent hunt programme. With Liz confirming to IANS that the last Harry Potter book from Rowling
would hit the bookstores in 2007, the 67-year-old publishing director of Bloomsbury and the force behind Potter-mania, expects new writers to cast a spell on readers and does not rule out an Indian emerging successfully on the international scene. “We have published a few Indian writers recently. They are all original
manuscripts,” said Calder, whose company Bloomsbury first published Salman Rushdie’s 1981 Booker prize winner Midnight’s Children. “Some 20 years ago there might have been a little bit of insularity in England. But with the success of Midnight’s Children that changed. People are keen to find talent here” “I like Vikram Seth, Manil Suri, Amitav Ghosh. I like Arundhati Roy who I
think wrote a wonderful book (The God of Small Things), said Calder, who spends three months a year in Brazil where she once had a successful career
as a fashion model. While Bloomsbury struck gold with the publication of Harry Potter, Calder
said her association with Rowling began rather routinely. “Just the usual way, an agent sent the manuscript. The children’s editors, they loved it and we published it. No, nobody imagined that it would be such a big success,” she said. “Rowling had said from the beginning that she would write only seven Harry Potter books. But she will write other books for us,” said Liz. “The success of Harry Potter was through word of mouth. I think it was also the time when children perhaps realised that reading a book can be exciting or more exciting than watching television,” said Calder, who believes that the job of a publisher is a tough one as it calls for balancing between aesthetics and balance sheets. “Well, we consult. The editors consult with the marketing and sales people and everybody contributes in the evaluation of the book. We depend on the instincts of the editors,” she said. “We have always published writers who we thought were original writers. The books that have been successful are ones which people got excited about,” said Calder. “To publish something just because something is successful, like may be Bridget Jones’s Diary is not wise. The only way to publish successfully is to go ahead with what you believe in,” she
said. — By arrangement with Indo-Asian News Service |
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Delhi Durbar NDA Convenor and Lok Sabha MP George Fernandes’ hearing problem worked to his advantage at a press conference where media persons asked him nasty questions about his relevance in the Janata Dal (United). While one journalist asked the former Janata Dal (United) President whether his stature in the party had diminished after he had ceased to be President, another asked whether he thought that the party was ignoring him. Yet another scribe tried to convince the former Defence Minister that his party had sidelined him as he was not getting a chance to speak in Parliament. All these remarks were sparked off by a simple and rather innocuous statement by Fernandes that he did not get a chance to speak in Parliament during the debate on the Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Amendment Bill, 2006, as his party members had used up the time allotted to the Janata Dal (United).
Against quota and caste Politicians, who never fail to let a good photo-op pass, were in for a rude shock when students and resident doctors on hunger strike at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences in the capital refused to bite their bait. After some little known leaders began inciting the students with their speeches, liberally sprinkled with casteist remarks, the students made their displeasure obvious. Instead of a resounding round of claps, which these self-styled leaders were hoping for, the students asked them to leave the premises. A senior BJP leader who tried to show concern by offering to check their blood glucose levels was also snubbed. The protesting doctors reminded him that they might be on strike but have not forgotten the basics of medicine.
Congress’ bitter pill The Congress-led UPA coalition government has been forced to bite the bitter “quota pill” much to its discomfort, lamented some MPs of the ruling party in the corridors of Parliament. They said the Congress cannot politically gain the ‘Other Backward Classes’ vote bank by implementing the new quota proposals. On the other hand, it would lose its little pockets of influence amongst the ‘Other Backward Classes’ in some parts of the country if it does not implement it. Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan, along with DMK allies, have been having a hearty laugh at the plight of the Congress, as it is a win-win situation for them in either case.
Arif Khan back at HQ Career diplomat Arif Mohammad Khan, who had served as ambassador to Damascus, has been appointed head of the newly created Department of Public Diplomacy in the high profile Ministry of External Affairs. The brief is to provide a proper perspective of India’s policies to the people in general, in the country and abroad, coupled with having an interface with state governments and think tanks. Khan had earlier headed the External Publicity (XP) division of the MEA. A bird tells us that the Department of Public Diplomacy (DPD) as distinct from External Publicity is akin to the US State Department’s Public Affairs department. Contributed by Smriti Kak Ramachandran, Prashant Sood, Tripti Nath and R Suryamurthy |
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From the pages of HIMACHAL PRADESH BORN
Simla, April 15 — The new province of the Indian Domination, Himachal Pradesh, came into being from today. It has an area of about 11,000 square miles, a population of 10.4 millions and revenue of about one crore of rupees. The rulers of the 24 hill States comprising the new province, who have ceded to the Dominion Government full and exclusive authority, jurisdiction and powers in relation to the governance of their States, it is understood, have been asked by the Ministry of States to hand over their administrations to the chief executive officers of their respective States under Article I of the agreement. |
There are others who realize the supreme purpose of life by deep contemplation. This is the way of “gyan” (knowledge) and needs critical, unemotional self-analysis. Generally a person needs quite and peaceful environs for such self-introspection. — The Bhagvad Gita When the vine of good deeds thrives it bears the fruit of God’s name. — Guru Nanak The sword lies unassuming in its sheath. So does the spirit slumber in the mind. — The Upanishads When a young warrior sets out to do what other old and renowned warriors could not, there are some who encourage him. They recount to him similar tales of valour. And thus they stroke the fire of his courage.
— The Mahabharata |
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